Abstract
Genetic counselling, a term coined by Sheldon Reed in 1947, was originally defined as a kind of genetic social work. Both parties to counselling sessions are usually women. Yet the socially oriented definition of genetic counselling and its feminine nature did not prevent the discipline from attracting significant feminist criticism. Feminist critics of genetic counselling regard it, first, as being complementary to reproductive technology. Women’s reproductive rights groups argue that genetic counselling is defined as medical therapy aimed at alleviating human suffering whereas in fact it becomes a means of social control, especially over women. Another group of critics is disability rights advocates. They argue, in relation to the social model of disability, that genetic counsellors play an important role in the relationship between the disabled community and nondisabled society because their own moral perspectives and biases regarding disability affect decisions regarding prenatal diagnosis and pregnancy terminations. Thus, they contribute to the construction of the disabled community as people whose lives are not worth living. Thirdly, contemporary feminists focus on the genetic counselling session itself, questioning the assumptions of individual choice and shared decision making. Much of this criticism ignores the main conceptual framework of genetic counselling. The core values of genetic counselling have been designed to help women counselees make a personal decision in keeping with their moral principles and beliefs and thus truly empower them. Accordingly, this chapter concludes that genetic counselling should be encouraged rather than be criticised by feminists.
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Notes
- 1.
Patterson 2002, 120.
- 2.
Iredale 2000.
- 3.
Li 2000.
- 4.
- 5.
Iredale 2000.
- 6.
- 7.
Rotzoll 2006.
- 8.
Epstein 2003.
- 9.
Resta 1997.
- 10.
Reed 1974, 332.
- 11.
Cowan 2008.
- 12.
Rapp 1999.
- 13.
Stern 2009.
- 14.
- 15.
Cook 1978.
- 16.
Dresser 1996.
- 17.
Farrel Smith 1996.
- 18.
Stern 2009.
- 19.
Stern 2009.
- 20.
Stern 2009.
- 21.
See Barmpouti 2017.
- 22.
Motulsky 1973.
- 23.
Motulsky 1973, 318.
- 24.
Michie 1997.
- 25.
Kessler 1997.
- 26.
Michie 1997, 40.
- 27.
Wertz 1988.
- 28.
Kessler 1997.
- 29.
Kessler 1997: 169.
- 30.
Kessler 1997.
- 31.
Kessler 1997.
- 32.
NSGC 2016.
- 33.
- 34.
Rapp 1999.
- 35.
- 36.
NSGC 2016.
- 37.
- 38.
Bradish 1987.
- 39.
Bradish 1987.
- 40.
Shakespeare 2013.
- 41.
Patterson 2002.
- 42.
Asch 1999.
- 43.
Patterson 2002.
- 44.
Asch 1996.
- 45.
Patterson 2002.
- 46.
Asch 1996.
- 47.
Rapp 1999.
- 48.
Rapp 1999.
- 49.
Rapp 1999: 77.
- 50.
Rapp 1999.
- 51.
Rapp 1999.
- 52.
Rapp 1999.
- 53.
Hadley 1998.
- 54.
Hashilony-Dolev 2006.
- 55.
Thompson 2006.
- 56.
Shalev 2006.
- 57.
Haelyon 2006.
- 58.
Denny 1974.
- 59.
Shakespeare 2013, 219–220.
- 60.
Patterson 2002.
- 61.
Raz 2004.
- 62.
Boardmen 2014.
- 63.
Resta 2006, 79.
- 64.
Guimarães 2013.
- 65.
Kessler 2001.
- 66.
Kessler 2001.
- 67.
Dagan 2009.
- 68.
Lewis 2012.
- 69.
Pichini 2016.
- 70.
Asch 1996.
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Zuckerman, S. (2017). Feminist Criticism of Genetic Counselling in the Second Half of the Twentieth Century. In: Petermann, H., Harper, P., Doetz, S. (eds) History of Human Genetics. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51783-4_30
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