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Forging Ahead with Bread: Nationalism, Networks and Narratives of Progress and Modernity in Japan

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Abstract

This chapter discusses nationalism and the (re)production and transformation of national identity, as well as the implicated notion of modernity, through analysing discourses and narratives on bread in Japan. I argue that despite tenacious associations of bread with the West in Japan, not only do standardized notions of Japanese breads exist but also networks of bakers and bread enthusiastsstrive towards a novel understanding of bread reflecting Japanese aesthetics and sentiment beyond these standardized forms. What ‘Japanese bread’ may mean rests not solely with bakers but also becomes a project undertaken by farmers, millers, policy-makers, mass media personnel and the consuming public in their attendance and contribution to these festivals and seminar events. In this chapter, I address: (1) nationalism and national identity in terms of food and cuisine in Japan; (2) Wa (Japanese) and (Western), and Nihon no pan (Japanese bread), the traversing of constructed categories of Self and Other; (3) the decline of rice consumption and the ubiquity of bread in contemporary Japan; (4) the introduction of bread into Japan, its historical trajectory and implications for modernizing projects; (5) baking networks across Japan.

This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship Program under Grant No. DGE-1144153. Any opinions, findings and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science Foundation.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Happi coats are mainly worn during festivals, and often bear crests of shops and organizations.

  2. 2.

    Bakery World Cup or Coupe du Monde de la Boulangerie in French, translates to ‘Kūpu dyu mondo do ra būranjurī/ Bēkarī wārudo kappu’ in Japanese. The following two webpages are examples in which Coupe du Monde de la Boulangerie is referred to as the Olympics of Baking: Douglas J. Peckenpaugh, ‘An inside look at the 2016 Coupe du Monde de la Boulangerie’; Jeff Yankellow, ‘2016 Coupe Du Monde de la Boulangerie’.

  3. 3.

    One example of the media mentioning cultural eating habits in the framework of East and West: The Economist, ‘Culture and psychology: You are what you eat’.

  4. 4.

    On structural understandings of food absorbed into the body and the importance of its materiality, see: Douglas, Purity and Danger; Lévi-Strauss, The Raw and the Cooked. On bread, social meaning (as well as taking into the body), see also Sack, Whitebread Protestants; Bobrow-Strain, White Bread. On fermentation, see: Paxson, Life of Cheese. When I discuss bread culture in this chapter, I mostly refer to leavened, wheat-based buns, loaves and slices, though I leave the parameters of what bread may mean fairly open to see how my informants discuss what they consider to be bread.

  5. 5.

    Here I draw on Fajans’ argument of people’s manipulation of food in reinforcing changes in social life; thus food takes on a role as a transformative agent, in bestowing prestige and reinstilling notions of national identity. Fajans, ‘The transformative value of food’, 143–144.

  6. 6.

    On food and politics, especially in modernization and industrialization, see: Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and Class; Mintz, Sweetness and Power.

  7. 7.

    Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism; Anderson, Imagined Communities, 5–7.

  8. 8.

    Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism, 123–125.

  9. 9.

    Rath, ‘How Intangible?’; see also: Bestor, ‘Washoku on the World Stage’.

  10. 10.

    Kushner, Slurp!; Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, 33, 68–72.

  11. 11.

    The hinomaru flag only became formally chosen as the national flag in the 1870’s. Previously, groups for and against the bakufu used the flag. See Ohnuki-Tierney, ‘The Emperor of Japan’, 205.

  12. 12.

    Billig, Banal Nationalism, 40.

  13. 13.

    Ohnuki-Tierney, Rice as Self, 93.

  14. 14.

    Hinomaru Seipan Bakery’s signature item is not a rising sun bread, but bread called misogi pan, in which misogi refers to the Shinto purification rite of washing oneself in water. In this case, the bread is actually two red bean buns skewered on a stick. The concept of the bread derives from misogi mochi, or rice cakes of the same name famous in that area. Like the rice cakes, the bread is also lathered with miso paste. The bread is made of domestically grown wheat from Hokkaido Prefecture, as well as rice flour.

  15. 15.

    Billig, Banal Nationalism.

  16. 16.

    Rath and Assman, ‘Japanese Foodways’, 7; Kushner, Slurp!, 10–11; Ohnuki-Tierney, Rice as Self, 106–108; Theodore Bestor, ‘Washoku on the World Stage’; also Tatsuya Mitsuda’s chapter in this volume.

  17. 17.

    Grinshpun, ‘Deconstructing a global commodity’, 360. See on coffee also Helena Grinshpun’s chapter in this volume.

  18. 18.

    Grinshpun, ‘Deconstructing a global commodity’, 359.

  19. 19.

    Ishige, The History and Culture, 169.

  20. 20.

    For wine see also the next chapter in this volume by Chuanfei Wang.

  21. 21.

    Manjū is a confection with the outside made in part of flour and the inside usually filled with red bean paste.

  22. 22.

    Ito, ‘Japan’s Use of Flour’.

  23. 23.

    While Nagao Seiichi argues that there is increasing variety of bread in Japan, including bread that is arranged for Japanese tastes, he also warns against forgetting that bread’s history in Japan is shallow and that there are many [people in Japan] who are learning from people that have been eating breads for some thousands of years. Nagao, ‘Pan wa naze’, 4–5. Foods like okonomiyaki (shredded cabbage pancakes) and takoyaki (balls of pan-cooked batter filled with diced octopus) are also made of wheat.

  24. 24.

    Such Portuguese influence on food in Japan today persists in other Japanese words like tempura (battered and fried seafood and vegetables) and kasutera (soft cake, derived from pão de Castela in Portuguese). Pan (bread) is written in the katakana loanword alphabet. Bread is sometimes referred to as bureddo from the English word bread or much less frequently in writing using the Chinese-derived kanji characters 麺麭 [with a few variations of the characters, pronounced pan (or maybe even menpō using the Japanese version of the Chinese pronunciation), but on the rare occasion that it is used, the word is usually not deployed orally but written in print somewhere], as it was more widely used in the Meiji era. Prior to that, in the Azuchi-Momoyama period (1573–1600), bread was at first referred to as 波牟 (pronounced pan), 蒸餅 mushi mochi, 麦餅 mugi mochi and 麦団子 mugi dango. Kamura, Nagasaki Chōnin shi, 253. (Regarding etymology, some other sources contend that the word pan (also) derives from the French word pain propagated later in the Meiji period. On bread deriving from the French word pain, see: Munakata, Yokohama, 118.) On the more widely accepted notion of pan deriving from Portuguese paõ, see: Shibata, Nihon no pan, 3.

  25. 25.

    On missionaries, see: Cortazzi, ‘The Foreigner in Japan’, 276–278; Cooper, Michael. They Came to Japan, ix. On Christian persecution, see: Gordon, A Modern History of Japan, 3–4. On prohibition of Christians and effect on bread, see: Adachi, Nihon no funshoku minzokushi, 130. On bread culture in Nagasaki and Dejima, see: Eiichi, Pan no Meiji hyakunenshi, 8–9; Kamura, Nagasaki chōnin shi, 253. On export of biscuits and wheat from Nagasaki to Luzon (Philippines), see: Kamura, Nagasaki chōnin shi, 270; Sola, Historia de un desencuentro, 15. For a Spanish version of Rodrigo de Vivero y Aberrucia’s comment on bread in Japan: ‘Y aunque los japaneses no gastan pan sino como género extraordinario, no es encarecimiento decir que el que se hace en aquel pueblo es el mejor del mundo, y porque lo compran pocos, es casi de balde’. Vivero, Relación y noticias de el reino del Japón; others mention his quote in Japanese: Kamura, Nagasaki chōnin shi, 251; Ōtsuka, ‘Pan to Nihonjin’, 15. Accounts provided on bakery websites and articles on bread history often bring up Jesuit missionary St. Francis Xavier as an integral figure in the history of bread culture in Japan by spreading bread consumption through the practice of communion breads. They also note that the practice of baking bread remained on a small scale and was sold to foreigners in Nagasaki Prefecture after the bakufu’s edict banning Christianity. As for sakoku, scholars currently debate how secluded this period of isolation actually was.

  26. 26.

    Ōtsuka, ‘Pan to nihonjin’, 16; Minato City Library, ‘Prominent People of Minato City, Tarozaemon Egawa’. See also Tatsuya Mitsuda’s chapter in this volume. The curator of the Egawa collection at Nirayama unfurled the scroll-like recipe for bread (handwritten by Egawa, originally enclosed in a letter) to show me the listed ingredients. In addition to bread, the recipe also included a mention of kasutera (soft cake).

  27. 27.

    Photos from online blogs show that some visitors have also bought a version of Egawa’s hardtack bread labelled ‘Bread forefather’s bread’ to try for themselves. The bread is marketed with the accompanying text, ‘Revived from 150 years ago’ as well as ‘The first bread baked in Japan! It’s hard! Please challenge yourself with savoring the Edo era.’ Apparently, the hard bread comes with directions that recommend: ‘If it’s difficult to eat, immerse the bread in hot water or tea and enjoy.’ Izunotabi, ‘Dai rokkai panso no pan matsuri hanbaiten goannai.’ I tried this hard bread at the festival in April 2016 and it was harder than I expected. When I took my first bite, I envisioned my teeth chipping off from the tenacious rigidity of the hardtack. My particular bread came with no accompanying label with directions, but I was advised by the baker to dip it in tea to soften the bread, and following her lead, eating the bread was a feat that suddenly became a lot easier to manage. In short, it absorbed the liquid like a sponge, turning soft and rather mushy, with a slight hint of flavour from the absorbed tea.

  28. 28.

    On performances and rituals (including festivals and memorializing monuments) and the Important Cultural Property designation that contribute to Japanese social memory, see Hui, et al., Perspectives on Social Memory in Japan; Brumann and Cox, Making Japanese Heritage.

  29. 29.

    Ikawa, Hama kotoba, 149. Kosuge, Kindai nihon shokubunka nenpyō, 4–9; Time Slip Yokohama, ‘Pan no hasshōchi: Yokohama bēkarī uchiki shōten’. The baked bread was said to be similar to yudedango (boiled dumpling) and the Time Slip Yokohama website suggests that the bakery was a wafū panya (Japanese-style bakery). Ikawa mentions the bakery is French style and also bread was first sold under the term pan coming from the French word pain.

  30. 30.

    Kosuge, Kindai nihon shokubunka nenpyō, 4–9; Katō, Yokohama, Past and Present, 67. Time Slip Yokohama, ‘Pan no hasshōchi: Yokohama bēkarī uchiki shōten’.

  31. 31.

    Hōmeido Kyōkai, Pansheru jūkentei, 17; Katō, Yokohama, Past and Present, 67; Uchiki Pan, ‘Pan no rekishi ni tsuite’. Clarke’s widow took over the bakery after Clarke’s death and after 35 years of baking, she retired in 1888, handing the shop over to Uchiki Pan Bakery, at that time called Yokohama Bekārī Uchiki Shōten.

  32. 32.

    Tamura, Forever Foreign, 32. Kirby was a businessman and expatriate to Japan, born in England in 1846 and moved to Australia in about 1856 before moving to Shanghai and eventually arriving at Japan. According to Tamura’s account, besides his aims with respect to baking bread, he was also the first person in Japan to open a small department store.

  33. 33.

    Kimura, Pan no Meiji hyakunenshi, 109.

  34. 34.

    Nihon hakugaku kurabu, Bakushō!.

  35. 35.

    Kimura, Pan no meiji hyakunenshi, 123.

  36. 36.

    Kimuraya sōhonten, ‘Anpan no hi to wa?’; Kimura, Pan no Meiji hyakunenshi; Yoshino, Consuming Ethnicity and Nationalism, 13; Ohnuki-Tierney, ‘The Emperor of Japan’, 205, 208–209. In discussing how to understand the ‘divinity’ of the emperor, Ohnuki-Tierney argues for the transformation of how the emperor was conceived: the emperor was made especially visible during the Meiji period through paintings and later photographs as ‘Manifest Deity’, but even so the populace still spoke of the emperor in human ways through a fluid understanding of kami (Shinto divine beings, gods or spirits). In terms of foreign food consumed by the Meiji emperor, it is important to note here that during the Meiji era, imperial meals often served French food, as a way to accommodate for foreign guests not accustomed to food in Japan. For imperial menu in the Meiji era, see Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, 13–14, 18–24; also listen to Barak Kushner’s frustration at the refusal of the kunaichō (imperial household management bureau) to provide access to menus from imperial banquets during the mid-Meiji era. He attributes their refusal to allow access to the menus to the abundance of French influence on court food: ‘It’s this fascinating element that even until today, the Japanese imperial household doesn’t officially serve Japanese food at its functions; it serves French food.’ New Books Network, podcast of Carla Nappi’s interview with Kushner on his book Slurp!, December 20, 2012.

  37. 37.

    Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, 68–72. Alexander Bay mentions that the soldiers hated the bread and many threw it overboard; but bread was commonly used in combination with barley by unit doctors as therapy for beriberi. Bay, Beriberi in Modern Japan, 44–45, 80. Later, other staunch assertions of nutritious bread over rice came from nutritionists in the mid-late 1950s. Professor of medicine Hayashi Takashi, in comparing Western and Japanese diets, even suggested a full bread diet and abolishing rice paddies to achieve the stronger mind that bread confers. Solt, The Untold History of Ramen, 78–79.

  38. 38.

    ‘Taishō period: Bandō prisoner-of-war camp.’ Japan Photo Archive; Murphy, Mahon. ‘Brücken, Beethoven und Baumkuchen’, 128–130.

  39. 39.

    Taishōpan, ‘Irasshaimase’; Setapan, ‘Setapan sutōrī’; Pasco, (‘1919) nen (taishō 8 nen) – sōgyō’; Kimura, Pan no Meiji hyakunenshi, 550–551, 556. Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, 125. PASCO’s research team also pioneered mass production of bread made in part with domestic wheat, using yumechikara. Yumechikara is a variety of Japanese wheat (suitable for bread use) developed in Hokkaido and registered in 2008–2009, after a span of 13 years in development. Pasco, ‘Yumechikara tanjō monogatari’.

  40. 40.

    Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, 157–158; General Headquarters Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, Mission and Accomplishments of the Occupation in the Public Health and Welfare Fields, 17. The American charitable organization was Licensed Agencies for Relief in Asia (LARA), which provided 350 tons of food and clothing in their first shipment of relief goods in November 30, 1946.

  41. 41.

    Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, 158. Regarding the decline of the consumption of rice, Cwiertka demonstrates that a rising standard of living was the background against which people in Japan consumed more meat, fish and fruit at the expense of rice by the 1970s.

  42. 42.

    Cwiertka and Kushner discuss the subject of bread and milk as part of the school lunch programme and its legacies: Cwiertka, Modern Japanese Cuisine, 163; Kushner, Slurp!, 199, 210–211. See also Japan Dairy Association (J-milk)’s website in Japanese for a timeline of the kinds of milk served as school lunch provisions in Japan. Japan Dairy Association (J-milk), ‘Gakkō kyūshoku no fūkei’. According to my informants, school lunches have since been transformed and more variety is served to schoolchildren. See also Solt, The Untold History, 10; and Kushner, Slurp!, on the history of Japanese wheat and noodles.

  43. 43.

    In discussion with the baking instructor, February 25, 2016.

  44. 44.

    Ohnuki-Tierney, Rice as Self.

  45. 45.

    One director at a government research centre indicated that there are many forms of competition, including competition between wheat and rice, but also rice and okazu (accompanying side dishes), where the amount of rice provided in obentō (lunch boxes) for sale has decreased in favour of okazu. Therefore, it is not as simple as to suggest that wheat and rice are the main rivals, as another coordinator of bread/wheat-related events also suggested bread and rice are not diametrically opposed. This coordinator said wheat and rice were sometimes also used in cooperation, such as bread made with rice and wheat. Discussion with director of government research centre, April 20, 2016; Discussion with bread/wheat event coordinator, February 25, 2016.

  46. 46.

    Ohnuki-Tierney, Rice as Self, 83–84; Kushner, Slurp!, 125. Establishing this notion of ‘Self’ was achieved through by Tenmu emperor’s orders to canonize myths, eventually selecting rice agriculture as a means of defining the Japanese ‘Self’ against the Tang Chinese ‘Other’ (even as rice was introduced to Japan through continental Asia). The imperial court’s implementation of the creation myth of Amaterasu exhibits strong claims with respect to Japan’s treatment of rice as a touchstone of cultural identity since the canonized myths assert: (1) the Sun goddess Amaterasu’s divine rice fields yielded the first crop of rice and (2) this deity is an ancestor of the imperial family and thus, of people. See also Ohnuki-Tierney’s tracing views of scholars in Japan after WWII on the subject of staple food. She demonstrates how there are generally two camps, one arguing for rice as a staple in Japan’s history and the other arguing for miscellaneous grains (including wheat among others) who contend that only the elite ate rice consistently. Ohnuki-Tierney, Rice as Self, 30–36.

  47. 47.

    Ohnuki-Tierney, Rice as Self; Rath, ‘The Magic of Japanese Rice Cakes’.

  48. 48.

    Arumugan, ‘Waves of Grain’.

  49. 49.

    One woman who works part time at a senior care centre (deisābisu sentā) told me that among certain populations, such as the elderly, rice is still favoured, though some like soft bread. Other informants indicate that the elderly are actually nostalgic for bread, having consumed it as part of school lunches in their childhood.

  50. 50.

    While many people to whom I have spoken in Japan still associate bread with the West, I should note that this association of bread and the West is tenuous: not only is it challenged by the bakers and networks promoting a kind of Japanese-style bread that I account for here, but there are also kinds of breads in Japan that have been considered more or less ‘Western’ than others, which I will also discuss in this chapter. Also, it is important to keep in mind that the term ‘Western’ also carries an array of contentious meanings and the affiliated term ‘Westernization’ in relation to Japanese history can refer to several related phenomena: for example, Farrer demonstrates that Western food referred mostly to American food immediately following WWII, but in the 1980s tended to signify European tastes. Farrer, ‘Eating the West’, 5–6.

  51. 51.

    Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada, ‘Bakery Products in Japan’; Vie de France, ‘About Vie de France’.

  52. 52.

    Government of Japan Public Relations Office, ‘Cover Story’.

  53. 53.

    Interview with a manager at a large bread manufacturing company, November 18, 2015. The terms ‘morning service’ (mōningu sābisu) and ‘morning set’ (mōningu setto) are now often used interchangeably, but the previous connotes a free ‘service’ of bread and sides as extras with the purchase of coffee, while the latter connotes a set to be ordered. My impression is the term ‘morning service’ is used more widely in and around Nagoya City, but I have also seen cafes and bakeries outside of the region use the term ‘morning service’, in addition to ‘morning set’.

  54. 54.

    On changes in material inventory/equipment in the home in conveying social status as well as notions of national identity, see: Fajans, ‘Challenging cooking styles’, 112–113 on pressure cookers and blenders; on rice cookers, see: Nakano, Where There Are Asians. As conveyed by the informant, I also insist that bread in Japan can be considered a ‘platform food’, as Barak Kushner calls ramen; in other words, a food that can take on and be paired with many flavours and toppings, and can be adapted to local tastes. In fact, Kushner likens ramen to a sandwich in this aspect of versatility. See Poon, ‘“Artisanal” Ramen?’.

  55. 55.

    As I mentioned, these bakers and self-styled bread educators and event coordinators discuss ‘Japanese-style’ or ‘Japanese’ bread in these various terms which have different nuanced meanings: wafū pan, nihonrashī pan, wapan, washoku no pan, nihon no pan, as well as others.

  56. 56.

    Kondo (pseudonym), discussion, March 25, 2016.

  57. 57.

    There are also other shops that focus on other types of European breads (and to some extent American), but the most prevalent European influence at least in the Tokyo area and perhaps in all of Japan is French, as many bread labels are written in French rendered into katakana (alphabet for loan words). However, there is a variety of influences, especially in metropolitan areas.

  58. 58.

    Wu, ‘Cultural Nostalgia’, 116.

  59. 59.

    On the emerging craft of making European-style bread reflecting Taiwanese identity, see: Yang, Ōushì miànbāo zài táiwān fāzhǎn zhī chūtàn (1962–2011).

  60. 60.

    Ōe, ‘Bēkarī wārudo kappu taiwan nii’.

  61. 61.

    Bay writes how in 1884 when the government instituted Takagi’s reforms on provisions and diet, sailors hated their new diets: Takagi noted that they often did not eat their meat and bread and even threw their bread overboard into the sea. Bay, Beriberi in Modern Japan, 44–45.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to express my appreciation to the following institutions for their generous support: Anthropology Department, East Asia Program, Southeast Asia Program, The Einaudi Center, Cornell University; the National Science Foundation; Sophia University Institute of Comparative Culture; Inter-University Center for Japanese Language Studies; TLI; and the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica. Many thanks to Magnus Fiskesjö and the editors of this volume for their keen insight. Much appreciation to Jimmy Utley for assisting with fieldwork. With thanks also to the many colleagues, scholars, farmers, distributors, millers, bakery and bread-related industry personnel, bread appreciators, food tour guides, food writers, bread-inspired artists and the many residents in Japan, Taiwan and the USA who shared with me their time and views on these issues. My gratitude also extends to my partner, family and dear friends who have given me invaluable advice and support.

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Sheng, A. (2017). Forging Ahead with Bread: Nationalism, Networks and Narratives of Progress and Modernity in Japan. In: Niehaus, A., Walravens, T. (eds) Feeding Japan. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50553-4_8

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