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National Solidarity of Food Insecurity: Food Practice and Nationalism in Post-3/11 Japan

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Abstract

The triple disaster in March 2011 triggered large-scale radioactive contamination in Japan’s prime area of agriculture production, resulting in the intensification of the sense of food risk among Japanese people. Simultaneously, agricultural production was highlighted as a medium for building a sense of solidarity with the devastated area – consuming food produced in the Tohoku region was portrayed as an act that provided the devastated region with the support it needed to move towards recovery. The overarching purpose of this chapter is to understand, firstly, whether such a solidarity of food risks was formed in post-3/11 Japan, and then, if so, even partially, how it operated politically and how individuals negotiated within it. To approach these questions, the first part of the chapter discusses the intricate relationship between the notion of risk and the sense of nationalism in the contemporary state governance system. The second part of the chapter goes on to examine the government campaign and elucidates the logic behind it. The third part of the chapter turns its attention to individuals’ manoeuvring, that is, their responses to the government campaign and the normative discourses that urged the building of this solidarity. By taking these steps, the chapter tries to identify in a concrete manner the politics of food risk in post-3/11 Japan.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Foucault, Security, Territory, Population, 29–53.

  2. 2.

    Ibid., 45.

  3. 3.

    MAFF, Shokuryō, nōgyō, nōson hakusho, 5.

  4. 4.

    Beck, Risk Society, 56.

  5. 5.

    Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics; also see Blyth, Great Transformations; Jessop, The Future of the Capitalist State. Burchell and Rose provide good overviews of the ways in which the mode of the operation of ‘governmentality’ changed in the advanced form of liberalism. See Burchell, ‘Liberal Government and Techniques of the Self’; Rose, ‘Governing “Advanced” Liberal Democracies’.

  6. 6.

    I have already discussed the neoliberal nature of institutional reforms since the 1990s in the areas of food regulation and family policy. See, for food regulation reform, Takeda, ‘The Governing of Family Meals’; ‘Securitizing Food in Japan’, and, for family policy reform, Takeda, ‘Structural Reform of the Family’; ‘Gender-Related Social Policy’.

    It is worth noting that the development of the Keynesian-type welfare state system in Japan was countered by the ‘Oil Shocks’ in the 1970s . This resulted in the limited scope of Japan’s welfare programmes as demonstrated by persistency in terms of its relatively lower level of social spending, stronger familialism and a larger role assigned to corporate welfare provision than its counterparts in international comparison. See Takekawa, Rentai to shōnin.

  7. 7.

    Rhodes, ‘The Hollowing Out of the State’; Strange, The Retreat of the State.

  8. 8.

    Weiss, The Myth of the Powerless State; Gamble, Politics and Fate; Jessop, ‘Capitalism and Its Future’; Jessop, The Future of the Capitalist State; Holliday, ‘Is the British State Hollowing Out?’; Piers and Peters, Governance, Politics and the State; Sørenson, The Transformation of the State.

  9. 9.

    Smith, Power and the State, 101–108.

  10. 10.

    Ibid., also see Bevir and Rhodes, Governance Stories.

  11. 11.

    Jessop, ‘Capitalism and Its Future’; Jessop, ‘The Rise of Governance’.

  12. 12.

    Smith, Power and the State, 199.

  13. 13.

    Ibid.

  14. 14.

    Ibid., 200.

  15. 15.

    Beck, Risk Society, Chapter 8.

  16. 16.

    Ibid.; Beck, World Risk Society, 5.

  17. 17.

    Beck, Risk Society, 75.

  18. 18.

    Bauman, Liquid Love, 128.

  19. 19.

    Bauman, Wasted Lives, 39–46.

  20. 20.

    Ibid., 67–89.

  21. 21.

    For a brief discussion of the term nationalism from a perspective roughly similar to my own, please see Miroslav Hroch, European Nations, Chapter 1.

  22. 22.

    Gellner, Nations and Nationalism; Hobsbawn and Rangers, The Invention of Tradition; Anderson, Imagined Communities.

  23. 23.

    Azuma et al., ‘Kokka, bōryoku, nashonarizumu’, 20.

  24. 24.

    Flynn, Marsden and Smith, ‘Food Regulation and Retailing’.

  25. 25.

    Nōkyō refers to cooperatives organized and operated by those who engage in the agriculture sector across Japan. Local cooperatives are assembled within the National Federation of Agriculture Cooperative Association (Zen-noh), which has been regarded as one of the biggest interest groups closely tied with the LDP.

  26. 26.

    Takeda, ‘Fūdo gabanansu; Takeda, ‘Securitizing Food in Japan’.

  27. 27.

    Shōgenji, ‘Shin-nōsei wo dō miruka’.

  28. 28.

    MAFF, Shokuryō, nōgyō, nōson hakusho, 32.

  29. 29.

    Ibid.

  30. 30.

    Tokyo Denryoku Fukushima Genshiryoku Hatsudensho Jiko Chōsa Iinkai, Kokkai jikochō hōkokusho, 329; Fukushima Genpatsu Jiko Dokuritsu Kenshō Iinkai, Chōsa/kenshō hōkokusho, 44.

  31. 31.

    MAFF, Shokuryō, nōgyō, nōson hakusho, 9.

  32. 32.

    MAFF, Shokuryō, nōgyō, nōson hakusho, 53; Fukushima Genpatsu Jiko Dokuritsu Kenshō Iinkai, Chōsa/kenshō hōkokusho, 49.

  33. 33.

    The Sievert is the unit of several biophysical metrics, but essentially parametrizes the average biological damage due to the interaction of radiation with specific biological tissues. For more information, see Cherry, Sorenson and Phelps, Physics in Nuclear Medicine, 407–408 and 417–424.

  34. 34.

    The public comments can be accessed via the following link: https://www.fsc.go.jp/iken-bosyu/iken-kekka/kekka-risk_radio_230729.pdf.

  35. 35.

    Fukushima Genpatsu Jiko Dokuritsu Kenshō Iinkai, Chōsa/kenshō hōkokusho, 121. Cabinet Secretary Edano Yukio in particular received strong criticism for his conduct regarding risk communication. See Ibid.; Yomiuri Shinbun Seiji-bu, Bōkoku no shushō.

  36. 36.

    Ibid.

  37. 37.

    Maeda, ‘Minshu-tō seiken’, 313–322.

  38. 38.

    Fukushima Genpatsu Jiko Dokuritsu Kenshō Iinkai, Chōsa/kenshō hōkokusho, 119.

  39. 39.

    My argument here is not to defend the DPJ’s management of the Triple Disaster and its aftermath. Rather, I concur with the conclusion of the Independent Commission cited above. At the same time, I would argue that the LDP’s performance would not have been largely different from the DPJ’s, due to the institutional deficiencies and ungovernability of risk, if they had been in government. In other words, the main point here is that the problem was not only about Kan Naoto, as suggested by mainstream media sources.

  40. 40.

    Beck, Risk Society, 50–62.

  41. 41.

    Ibid., 74–75.

  42. 42.

    Kageura, 3.11-igo no hōshanō ‘anzen’, 35.

  43. 43.

    Food Safety Committee, ‘Hōshasei busshitsu’, 8.

  44. 44.

    Beck, Ulrich. ‘Kono kikai ni’, 9–10.

  45. 45.

    The whole text of the message can be read at: http://www.maff.go.jp/j/shokusan/eat/tabete/message.html.

  46. 46.

    MAFF, aff, 2.

  47. 47.

    Zensuioroshi, ‘Chiiki kyōgikai dayori 66’, 59.

  48. 48.

    Stories are generally taken from the Eat and Support websites (http://syokuryo.jp/tabete_ouen/) and its dedicated official YouTube site (https://www.youtube.com/user/tabeteouen).

  49. 49.

    A quick search of the National Diet Library catalogue indicates their oldest material discussing reputation damage is an article on a court decision concerning reputation damage and the Nuclear Power Station in 1989. Then, there are four items in the 1990s. The first one is a JSPS research-in-aids report on nuclear accidents and accident compensation schemes for workers dating from 1994. The other three publications were released in 1999 (two on dioxin contamination in Tokorozawa and one on the Tōkai-mura Nuclear accident by renowned journalist Kei Kamata). All other items on the subject were published after the year 2000.

  50. 50.

    Yokota, Aratana risuku kari, 66.

  51. 51.

    Kageura, 3.11-igo no hōshanō ‘anzen’, 111.

  52. 52.

    Ibid.

  53. 53.

    Consumer Affairs Agency, ‘Shoku no anzen ni’, 21–26.

  54. 54.

    Yokota, Aratana risuku kari, 68.

  55. 55.

    Katō, ‘Intānetto monitā ankēto’, 57.

  56. 56.

    Yokota, Aratana risuku kari, 73–76.

  57. 57.

    Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, Jōhō Tsūshin Hakusho, 274. A sociologist, Igarashi Yasuamsa, conducted a survey targeting young mothers in Kashiwa City, Chiba and reported the same tendency of a low degree of trust in the government as an information source. See Igarashi, Minna de kimeta, 43.

  58. 58.

    Yabe, ‘Hibaku fubyōdū ron’, 174.

  59. 59.

    Beck, Risk Society, 64–69.

  60. 60.

    Renn, Risk Governance; Sunstein, Worst-Case Scenarios.

  61. 61.

    Igarashi, Minna de kimeta; Oguma, Genpatsu wo tomeru hitobito.

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Takeda, H. (2017). National Solidarity of Food Insecurity: Food Practice and Nationalism in Post-3/11 Japan. In: Niehaus, A., Walravens, T. (eds) Feeding Japan. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50553-4_18

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