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A Discursive Approach to ‘Religious Indifference’: Critical Reflections from Edinburgh’s Southside

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Abstract

This chapter takes as its starting point the sustained and rigorous critique to which the category of ‘religion’ has been subjected in recent decades, in combination with contributions from contemporary studies of ‘non-religion’ and ‘secularity’. Whether understood at an individual, institutional or societal level, constituencies that have remarkably little investment in the concept of ‘religion’, or who explicitly articulate stances of ‘indifference’, clearly have much to say to the theorisation and critique of both ‘religion’ and ‘non-religion’. In this chapter I discuss prevalent academic understandings of ‘indifference’, and outline my reservations surrounding conceptualising it in an ideal-typical manner, and as a form of ‘non-religion’. I then introduce a discursive approach as a possible alternative before providing empirical examples from my ongoing research examining discourses on religion in the Southside of Edinburgh, which both address my critique and conceptualise instances of ‘indifference’ as contextually meaningful discursive acts.

This chapter is an outcome of my doctoral research at Lancaster University, generously supported by the Arts and Humanities Research Council. I would like to express my gratitude to them and, as ever, to my supervisor, Kim Knott, for her constant support and encouragement.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For more on this critique, see Cotter and Robertson (2016).

  2. 2.

    Although in the past I have utilised the non-hyphenated ‘nonreligion’, my current preference is to utilise ‘non-religion’ in order to orthographically emphasise the relational nature of this category, and to emphasise that I do not wish to reify ‘nonreligion’ as a substantive phenomenon. Where I cite the work of others I shall preserve their preferred (non-)hyphenation.

  3. 3.

    For more on the recent academic study of non-religion, see Bullivant and Lee (2012), Pasquale (2012), or Cotter (2011a).

  4. 4.

    See particularly Rebecca Catto (2017 – this volume) and the editors’ introduction (Quack and Schuh 2017 – this volume).

  5. 5.

    By pointing out the problematic nature of these particular ideal types, I do not wish to cast aspersions on the construction of ideal types in general. I merely wish to highlight the problems I can discern at this early stage in the theorisation of indifference, and offer a solution which can sidestep such problems. Indeed there are chapters in this volume–particularly those that take a quantitative approach (Bréchon 2017 and Siegers 2017 – both this volume) that productively proceed along ideal typical lines.

  6. 6.

    In a recorded roundtable discussion, Steven Sutcliffe made a similar point, stating that ‘people have opinions about all kinds of things and contexts, and I think there’s a danger that if you . . .take that as a cue for the introduction of the “nonreligious” . . . concern there’s the risk of continuing to find “religion” wherever we can, . . . uncovering “religion” where really there isn’t anything [there]’ (in Connelly et al. 2012).

  7. 7.

    See also Schuh, Burchardt and Wohlrab-Sahr on ‘settled periods’ where ‘cultural understandings of secularity . . . remain latent’ (2012, 359).

  8. 8.

    Thanks to the editors for their helpful comments on this point. See also Nash (2017 – in this volume), on indifference as a space that is occupied, rather than a particular state.

  9. 9.

    It is also worth noting that a discursive approach is not the only way in which difficulties surrounding ‘locating’ indifference could be addressed. As the metaphor implies, another significant avenue for ‘locating indifference’ would be to examine the variety of ways in which indifference is made manifest in bodily and spatial practices, such as Lee’s analysis of ‘banal nonreligion’ (2012a, 90 ff.; 2015, 70–105).

  10. 10.

    Lee has since refined her definition further, in acknowledgement of this critique: ‘Non-religion is therefore any phenomenon-position, perspective, or practice - that is primarily understood in relation to religion but which is not itself considered to be religious’ (2015, 32).

  11. 11.

    It is also worth noting that this understanding of indifference to religion as arising out of a situation of perceived pervasiveness of religion flies somewhat in the face of those who might assert that such indifference is an attribute primarily of thoroughly secularised societies (cf. Bruce 2002, 42).

  12. 12.

    Presumably an individual cannot show indifference to the ‘entirety’ of their own religion, otherwise acts of identification would not occur by which they could be associated with a religion. That being said, this act of association–an act of positioning–need not be on the part of the individual in question. As demonstrated in the introduction, social actors can be designated as ‘indifferent’ by others.

  13. 13.

    For more on differentiating indifference according to what aspect of ‘religion’ people are actually indifferent to, see section 4 of the editors’ introduction.

  14. 14.

    See also Hervieu-Léger (2000, 168), who describes a ‘mounting indifference’ to religious institutions exemplified by ‘believers’, and Lee and Klug (2017 – both this volume) on the contextuality and dimensionality of indifference.

  15. 15.

    Where ‘field’ should be understood as a contested space within which discourse relevant to a particular theme occurs.

  16. 16.

    Although not particularly relevant for this chapter, the organising rubric of my ongoing study is ‘locality’, i.e. spaces, whether material or discursive, that are ‘meaningful for those [actors] within it, […are] important for individual and group identity, and […are] practical working environment[s]’, which are also amenable to academic study due to their size and relative internal coherence (Knott 1998, 283–284). This allows me to avoid extracting discourses ‘from their historical context and eliminat[ing...] the operations of speakers in particular situations of time, place, and competition.’(de Certeau 1984, 20), and simultaneously to ‘challenge . . . the conception of ‘World Religions’ as unities focused on discrete, systematic sets of traditions, and normative beliefs and practices’(Knott 2009, 159).

  17. 17.

    A joint project between the City of Edinburgh Council’s Museums and Galleries Division and the Workers’ Educational Association (cf. City of Edinburgh Council 1996; Clark et al. 1996).

  18. 18.

    All names are pseudonyms.

  19. 19.

    ‘What religion, religious denomination or body do you belong to?’

  20. 20.

    A number of other interviewees did the same, as did many others who I could not convince to speak with me.

  21. 21.

    And, indeed, for understanding ‘religion.’

  22. 22.

    This is a non-denominational Christian initiative, describing itself as ‘for those who are not religious and don’t do church.’ One of the major outputs of this initiative is advertising on public buses around the UK with the simple slogan ‘try praying.’ Support for this initiative is voluntary and on a church-by-church basis. Many of the churches in Edinburgh have supported this initiative financially, and by placing banners similar to the bus adverts outside their buildings. See http://www.trypraying.co.uk/ and http://www.thereishope.co.uk/ for more information. (Accessed 16/05/2015).

  23. 23.

    I cannot escape acknowledging that the context of the interviews will have likely contributed to this reaction.

  24. 24.

    Similar discourses are evident in the world of (stand-up) comedy, which can be seen as a useful barometer for a dominant ‘left-leaning’ constituency in contemporary Britain (cf. McKearney 2011; Cotter et al. 2012).

  25. 25.

    The congregation that met in the church merged with two other congregations in 1969 (Pinkerton 2012, 32) and the Community Centre opened in 1986 (Palmer 2007). In the interim the building served as a saleroom.

  26. 26.

    See Burchardt (2017, 95–97 – this volume), on the transformation of ‘religion’ into ‘secular cultural heritage.’

  27. 27.

    See BBC News Online (2014).

  28. 28.

    See Baumann (1996) for more on ‘dominant’ versus ‘demotic’ discourses.

  29. 29.

    Similar points are made by Remmel on Estona, Catto and Nash on the UK, and Burchardt on Quebec (2017 – all this volume) – concerning the cultural hegemony of indifference and the attendant pressure to be indifferent (or to perform indifference).

  30. 30.

    Due to the nature of the particular interviews involved in my study, where interviewees were knowingly participating in a study related to ‘religion’, it was somewhat inevitable that the repertoire of discourses invoked would be ‘religion-related’. However, this brief discussion has illustrated that this need not have been the case.

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Cotter, C.R. (2017). A Discursive Approach to ‘Religious Indifference’: Critical Reflections from Edinburgh’s Southside. In: Quack, J., Schuh, C. (eds) Religious Indifference. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-48476-1_3

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