Abstract
Underpinned by George Modelski’s model of World Leadership, Ornette D. Clennon will trace how war and conflict played a central role in creating ‘social unity’ within Britain as documented by C.L.R. James in his 1943 essay Greatest Empire in History Is Collapsing. Clennon will also tease out the nature of the deception of ‘social unity’ that was identified by C.L.R. James in the previous chapter by using his dialectical materialism as a conceptual framework. Clennon will also show how war and conflict drive a domestic ‘colonial administration’ of the working classes, in so doing, acting as the administrative component of James’ deceptive ‘social unity’.
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- 1.
- 2.
Flanders (1974) gives an authoritative account of the history of worker led self-management and resilience.
- 3.
This is interesting because in Greatest Empire James (1943) praises British workers, thus: “In addition, it faces the British proletariat at home, the most cohesive, powerfully organized, and most politically confident proletariat in the world.”
- 4.
As vividly described by James in Greatest Empire.
- 5.
The alliance of Germany, Italy and Japan.
- 6.
In effect, saying to its population, “our status quo or ‘social unity’ is the only system we have that can guarantee the continued prosperity of our Empire.” Here, I am posing an existential Butlerian paradox of performativity between the state’s ability to hail internal and external power into being. Here, Butler’s (1997, p. 17) caveat “the subject is neither fully determined by power nor fully determining of power (but significantly and partially both” is again very apposite. And if, as in the last chapter, we add the element of obscuration to this equation, ironically, the bureaucratic deception behind its propaganda might appear clearer (i.e. we might see the bureaucracy’s need for it).
- 7.
State boundaries for me, are intriguing because if we apply James’ dialectism from the last chapter, we can see that ‘freedom and happiness’ (‘complete democracy’) are negated by the state, which mediated by an administration (whether worker or ruling elite-led) is sublated (a second negation) to form a bureaucratic democracy that administers ‘social unity’. James would see as bureaucratic deception the dissemination of propaganda implying that ‘social unity’ is only achieved by ‘freedom and happiness’ as opposed to background bureaucratic manipulation. But with this propaganda, the state is also able to become a ‘something’ through its sublate (‘spirit’ bureaucracy), where it can reflect itself and gain self-awareness. So, its external boundaries only come into existence when the state gains a self-awareness through developing its internal ‘social unity’. And if the boundary becomes a marker of state power, that is, the capacity of a state to extend its boundaries in say, imperial expansionist activities (exerting an offensive control) or to maintain/protect its boundaries under attack (exerting a defensive control), then the degree of social unity the state has will determine its ideological offensive and defensive agency.
- 8.
Its rigid class system or ‘democratic freedoms’.
- 9.
Britain’s pre-wars imperial expansionist activities were still marked by conflict and trauma experienced by its colonies.
- 10.
And also how it can maintain or increase its allies.
- 11.
See note 7 for an unsurprising definition of ‘social unity’ in a UK setting.
- 12.
That is, how they are administered through our institutions.
- 13.
That is, how they are propagandised through our ‘independent’ media. See note 34.
- 14.
Elsewhere (Clennon 2016c), I write at length about the relevance of Edward’s Said Orientalism (Said 1978) in helping us to analyse the process of ‘Othering’ and how othering defines the existential boundaries of the dominant Western culture with its racially based ontologies (natures of being) and epistemologies (natures of knowledge).
- 15.
See note 6.
- 16.
It is important to note here that Althusser (1970) reminds us of how the media can appear to be a tool of the state, if not careful. Current media representation of the UK Labour Party developments seems to be pushing at its limits of care (Cammaerts et al. 2016; Cartwright 2016; Schlosberg 2016). See Chapter 4.
- 17.
See note 6.
- 18.
In fact, terror is directly associated with anti-Western forms of democracy, as they are viewed as being a threat to ‘our way of life’. Elsewhere, (Clennon 2016c, d) I have written extensively about how the ‘war on terror’ has been used to domesticate the international space, into an international community whose membership is predicated on sharing American imperialist aims (geopolitical codes). I explore both the military (hard) and cultural (soft) aspects of this global domination as part of the mechanisms of market globalisation. And finally, I trace how the whiteness/blackness dialectic can be seen to be at the heart of globalisation as it defines the paradigm of neoliberalism.
- 19.
See Chase (2016) for a great summary of the history of the militarisation of the US police force.
- 20.
Although all children are of colour, as white is also a colour and as such needs to be problematised in the same way as black, I use ‘of colour’ to denote the politically black or non-white.
- 21.
Elsewhere, (Clennon 2014b), I write at length about how education is used to citizenise in particular ways depending on the socioeconomic background of the children and the nature of ‘social unity’ of the state. In comparing the US Charter School to the British Free School, I found that whilst both are characterised by having opted out of Local Authority control, both also exhibit a militaristic curriculum. Whilst the US Charter School’s militarism is based on producing a subservient and disciplined working class, the private (Independent) school-influenced UK Free School’s version of militarism is based on a Victorian classical liberal curriculum that was originally designed to produce a classically trained ruling class for the leadership of the Empire. It is important to note that the US equivalent of the British Independent school also enjoys a liberal (if not Victorian classical) curriculum that also grooms for public leadership. Also see Chapter 5 about the civic role of Education.
- 22.
Dymski (2006) gives a great historical account of the redlining practice where African Americans were denied loans if they lived in certain areas deemed too high risk. These areas used to be red-lined on neighbourhood maps by mortgage lenders before the practice was finally prohibited.
- 23.
Interestingly, in Chicago there are the seeds of a growing movement to abolish the police in view of their continued fatal inefficacy (Dukmasova 2016). Could this be a Jamesian ‘creativity of the masses’ fermenting for an uprising?
- 24.
In my commentary, I make the case that Obama’s presidency was made palatable to the US (Imperial) War Machine because his ‘blackness’ was hollowed out (see Chapter 2) to accommodate a project of national unity as symbolised by his mixed heritage ancestry. However, framing him as an ‘African American’ not only would have been inappropriate in terms of denoting African Chattel slave ancestry (which he does not have) but had he been African American in the ancestral sense, the establishment would have been forced to acknowledge and negotiate his ancestral cultural narrative. A cultural narrative that would have gone to the heart of the establishment’s cultural memory of itself that involves continually seeking to minimise the present-day effects of its ever-present history of slave trading, Jim Crow and Civil Rights.
- 25.
I am, of course, echoing Fanon (1986[1952]) about the irrationality of colonialism via its violent inception. In fact, Dussel (2000) goes further to suggest that Europe’s Age of Enlightenment, which centres on reason, forming the intellectual (as opposed to the earlier commercial) incarnation of the “modern world system” (Wallerstein 2003) is an intellectual deceit and hypocrisy because it was violence that founded “Europe” and her institutions not “reason.” Fanon would add that the ‘reason’ (in the sense of its authority and legitimacy) underpinning the prevalent scientific racism that justified the barbarous acts of domination of the New World is in fact the very definition of irrationality – see Chapter 2. However, I am fully aware of the arguments that state that there in fact were many ‘modernities’ happening simultaneously, globally and there is a need to examine the spatial, temporal and cultural elements of these modernities and their inter-relation. (i.e. forming a world view of modernity rather than just a Western one). See Chapter 5.
- 26.
And ‘complete democracy’.
- 27.
- 28.
This could well be a function of a Jamesian bureaucratic democracy that creates propagandist representations of ‘social unity’, as Curtis (2003, p. 366) seems to imply here:
The reality is that British governments bear significant responsibility for global poverty-not only as a former colonial power that shaped many of the current unjust structures, but in their championing of a world trade system and economic ideology that enriches the few and impoverishes many more.…Yet I do not think I have ever seen a media article that mentions that Britain might in some way systematically contribute to poverty in the world. Is this not extraordinary?
Also illustrating the previous point, Parry (2016) reports on “[t]he Harvard historian Caroline Elkins [who] stirred controversy with her work on the crushing of the Mau Mau uprising. But it laid the ground for a legal case that has transformed our view of Britain’s past”.
- 29.
In lieu of a never-returning and unobtainable empire. As illustrated by the 2014 Scottish Referendum (The Guardian 2014). Elsewhere, (Clennon 2016d), I write at length about the significance of Scotland seeking independence from the UK and what that would have meant for the cultural memory of Britain.
- 30.
Of course, the 2015 parliamentary vote to bomb Syria (Sparrow and Perraudin 2015) and more controversially the 2003 parliamentary decision to invade Iraq (Chilcot 2016) are examples of (imperial) offensive agency but they took place within the context of coalitions where Britain played junior roles. In terms of our military coalition building, Ahmed et al. (2016) report the potential difficulties that a disbanded NATO would create for the UK and others if Donald Trump, the current Republican candidate were to win the Presidency and review the membership criteria of NATO.
- 31.
Colloquially named ‘Brexit’ (British Exit).
- 32.
Both of these politicians comprising a lineage of progressive British Nationalism.
- 33.
The Open Democracy site provides an extensive archive of analyses and commentaries on the EU Referendum from both sides of the argument (Barnett 2016).
- 34.
It is also negated by the ‘war on terror’. Elsewhere, (Clennon 2016d), I write at length about how this form of negation has given the state license to ‘colonially administrate’ (to orientalise, a la Said) its UK Muslim communities by denying them ideological human rights by in effect, granting them only civic rights that are contingent on their national loyalty. In Britain’s Forgotten Muslim History, (Brotton 2016) reminds us that Elizabeth I formed trade deals with the Muslim world (Ottoman Empire, Morocco and Persia) in order to insure Protestant England against Catholic Spanish invasion. In order to fund the trade visits to the Middle East, Elizabeth made use of the then novel joint stock company model, which used shareholders to minimise risk and to raise capital. This innovation was first created by her sister, Mary Tudor. In the context of the rise in Islamophobia in both the US and UK, the formation of this Islamic-trade necessitating (proto-)capitalist business model is fascinating when we realise that it was just such an English joint stock company, established by royal charter in 1606 called the “Virginia Company, which founded the first permanent North American colony.” More recently, (Cobain 2016) in his book The History Thieves extensively writes about the British State’s deliberate acts of erasure and invention of official Empire-related documents in order to build the myth of a noble past Empire. Elsewhere (Clennon 2016d), I also explore the contemporary connections between the geopolitical implications of the ‘war on terror’ and its domestic manifestations in the UK anti-terror legislation programme, PREVENT. In her intersectional commentary about the (‘war on terror’) orientalising of Muslim women in the West, Jawad (2016) observes that:
Choosing to conflate a cultural and religiously inspired mode of bathing attire – which women choose to wear to make them feel safe from the sexual gaze of society while partaking in a very ordinary pasttime – with a terrorist group is a convenient “othering” of fellow citizens in times of national crisis.
- 35.
Green (2016) writes about a worrying German Nationalism, which is brewing as a result of their intake of refugees. Green also notes that France considers itself at ‘war’ after the national atrocities it has recently suffered. The United Nations have also expressed their concern as Butler (2016a) reports that the “UN committee says politicians should share blame for the surge in racist crimes during and after EU referendum campaign [in the UK].”
- 36.
To illustrate the imperial administration, Butler (2016b) reports that “[a] wide-ranging review by the [Equality and Human Rights] commission of racial equality in a number of areas, including education, jobs, pay and health, revealed a worrying combination of post-Brexit hate crime and entrenched long-term systemic unfairness”.
- 37.
Or as explored in Chapter 2, a sublation, which although replaces (entirely!), (liminally) retains elements of that which it replaces.
- 38.
Also as discussed earlier, a ‘colonial administration’ that in effect drained wealth from their areas through cuts in public services, lack of investment in their (heavy) industries and lack of employment. An altogether different type of Austerity to the earlier one where everyone had to ‘make do and mend’! In Chapter 4, I will explore the phenomenon of UK Labour Party’s present-day quasi-‘socialist’ revival in the context of an apparent decline of the influence of the trades unions and its messy conflict with the establishment.
- 39.
See note 28.
- 40.
Elsewhere (Clennon 2016d, b) I have written about the national amnesia of British Black history in the UK. I argue at length that without a national reassessment of the black contribution to British history and its cultural memory, British Nationalism will always retain an exclusive coloniality of “Englishness.” However, since writing those pieces, I am pleased to observe that a national cultural conversation around this is in the early stages of being led by the BBC in partnership with the black historian, David Olusoga (Olusoga 2015) and his forthcoming TV series about British Black History (Editor 2016). It is also important to note the foundational work of Black History Month (Sugar Media and Marketing Limited 2015).
- 41.
Those who voted to leave.
- 42.
Black, Minority and Ethnic (in the specific context of Pan Africanism).
- 43.
And how they have been perceived by local power brokers in terms of funding, that is, the perception of preferential treatment.
- 44.
Habiballa (2016) writes movingly about her personal intersectional struggles to fit in to both Arab and ‘black’ communities.
- 45.
Sometimes known as Saturday schools because they traditionally operate on Saturdays, although some schools also run evening classes for their students. MEaP works with African and African Caribbean-led supplementary schools because of their central focus on core curriculum attainment as opposed to only cultural competency (Clennon 2014a). Andrews (2013) gives a great account of what supplementary schools are and their political importance for community renewal and development.
- 46.
See Chapter 2.
- 47.
What Pan Africanism is will be explored in Chapter 6. In revisiting the BlackLivesMatter Movement in the context of Pan Africanism, Elliott-Cooper (2016) gives a great explanation of why the movement is pertinent to the UK in terms of the hidden but ever present colonialism that influences our institutions in ways to disadvantage the UK’s ethnic minorities. Elliott-Cooper describes how, for example, the UK’s African and Caribbean communities are routinely institutionally regarded as dangerous with propensities towards gang related behaviour when the empirical evidence points to the contrary.
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Clennon, O.D. (2017). All Together Now! The Rise of British Nationalism. In: The Polemics of C.L.R. James and Contemporary Black Activism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-47548-6_3
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