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The Depth of Borders Beyond the State: Analytical, Normative and Epistemic Challenges of Study

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Abstract

Borders, with reference to the dividing lines between different states, are one of the most heavily institutionalized concepts in the practice of international relations. A whole range of other borders escape our attention if we frame questions with conceptual a priori such as the state-centered view of the world and its norm ative parallels in the b/ordering principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. This chapter reflects on three interrelated aspects of this problem. First, it discusses analytical perspectives for examining how the bordering practices of non-state actors, internationally unrecognized but internally functioning de facto states, as well as state agencies, challenge and consolidate internationally recognized borders. Second, it argues that the erosion of international law relating to state borders has made these principles susceptible to political uses and that these discus sions have left in their shadow the dynamic social processes in which borders are contested, created and confirmed in international relations. The third argument is that inquiries into the reality of borders in relation to the concepts that define them with practical implications must have a place in research in order to address this problem and to be able to proactively contribute to the prevention of destructive outbursts of border-related conflicts. The chapter proposes a pragmatist interpretation of reality for unfolding the depth of borders beyond the state.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    We use ‘international relations’ as a general description of the empirical area of study that is multidisciplinary in its origins. The term ‘IR’ (International Relations) again is more specific and refers to the discussions that seek to develop a field with its own identity (the Great Debates, IR Theory, etc.). ‘International Affairs’ is a traditional description of the area of study where diplomatic relations and international organization are the main focus. All such terms are discursive and have emerged with different foci in the history of the field of study.

  2. 2.

    Although it can be said that ideas become ‘true’ when they are ‘proved’ by events and processes, this is seldom a simple matter of fact but depends also on attitudes and perspectives (Searle 1995, pp. 1–13), and consequently does not represent anything like the whole truth or the final truth. For these reasons we prefer to speak about truth as being the pursuit and the idea(l) of an ultimate consensus, as a pursuit that is present in the questioning of reality.

  3. 3.

    Epistemic idealism refers to the assumption that ‘idea’ and ‘practice’ are different categories and that the first is primary in relation to the second. Theory-centered discourses are an example because they outline problem formulations independently of context (Toulmin 1990). Rytövuori-Apunen (2005) discusses theory-centered approaches in the study of International Relations.

  4. 4.

    The Dialectics of World Orders theoretical approach of Hayward Alker, Thomas Biersteker, Tahir Amin, and Takashi Inoguchi is an example. See their contributions in Marlin-Bennett’s edited volume (2012).

  5. 5.

    Parham (2016b) is an insightful discussion of these processes in the context of Central Asia and China.

  6. 6.

    At the OSCE Summit in Istanbul in November 1999 the Western states pressed for Russia’s complete withdrawal from Moldova and Georgia to be made a condition for signing the Adapted Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE).

  7. 7.

    ‘To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;’ (The Charter of the United Nations, Article 1(2)).

  8. 8.

    Exemplary works are J. David Singer’s ‘The Level-of-Analysis Problem in International Relations’ in James N. Rosenau’s edited opus International Politics and Foreign Policy (New York: The Free Press, 1969) and Kenneth N. Waltz’s Man, the State and War: A Theoretical Analysis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1959). Much of the later discussion in the disciplinary mainstream arises from these works, including Waltz’s Theory of International Politics (Reading: Addison-Wesley, 1978) and the abundance of research that it has inspired by its further elaboration, as well as its constructivist criticism. The works by Alexander Wendt worth mentioning in this context are ‘Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics’ International Organization, Vol. 46, No. 2. (Spring, 1992), and Social Theory of International Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

  9. 9.

    The first joint border market was set up at Ishkashim in 1995. Since 2008, Tajikistan has set up Free Economic Zones (FEZ) in Ishkashim, Dangara and Pyanj. Corruption is a major problem in the implementation of these policies.

  10. 10.

    The former market in the village of Ergneti had brought together Georgians, Ossetians and Russians to trade since 1996, and its closure in 2004 immediately reignited the long-lasting conflict between the Ossetians and the central government in Tbilisi (Eurasianet 2012).

  11. 11.

    The Legal Code of Gagauz-Yeri, Art. 16(1), http://gagauzia.md/pageview.php?l=en&idc=389&id=240. The basic elements of this code, including the three official languages, are confirmed in the law on the status of Gagauzia adopted by the Moldovan Parliament on December 23, 1994.

  12. 12.

    When Gagauzia organized its own parliamentary elections in October 1990, the possibility that Soviet troops from the 14th Army base in Transnistria could intervene prevented a group of tens of thousands of men representing the militant ranks of the Moldovan National Front from entering Gagauzia. In the preceding summer Gagauzia, and Transnistria, had declared independence from Moldova and claimed a status that made it subject only to Soviet central authority. See, for example, Chinn and Roper (1998).

  13. 13.

    The use of the term ‘sovereignty’ in Gagauzia reflects the region’s post-Soviet political vocabulary. Because ‘sovereignty’ in Russian linguistic practices is synonymous with ‘independence’ in the sense of having the highest authority in decision-making the words can easily be associated with Moldova’s integration with the EU, i.e. they have an indirect meaning that is more comprehensive than a reference to Moldova’s formal merger with Romania.

  14. 14.

    The Gagauz population in Moldova consists of around 155,000 people in 2016. Small Gagauz populations are also present in Ukraine, Turkey and Russia. The majority of the Gagauz are Orthodox Christians. Ethnically they are mixed with Eastern European (mainly Bulgarian) populations.

  15. 15.

    The realist point of departure means that the mind-independent world is a continuous challenge to our thinking and the concepts through which we make sense of it. However, to speak of a ‘Realist ontology’ is problematic because the mind-independent reality (ens reale) only gains its unity (becomes ‘a world’) in our interpretation.

  16. 16.

    This means that ‘reality’ in human interpretation is ‘experience’ in three mutually interrelated dimensions. The existential dimension, the question of ‘proof’ in the habitual sense, and the concepts and discourses which are about the possibility of communication by using the symbolic practices of language correspond to what C.S. Peirce calls the Firstness, Secondness and Thirdness of experience. See, for example, Peirce (1992). The concepts and discourses agreed in the EU’s institutional contexts are an example of the conventions of communication (Thirdness).

  17. 17.

    In the present day, the special relationship with Moscow is manifested, for example, in the relatively speedy exemption of Gagauzian enterprises from the freeze on wine imports that Russian authorities implemented in autumn 2013 in relation to Moldovan producers (Bucataru 2015, 152). The Gagauz leadership emphasizes that the main problem of Gagauzia is economic development and that the main markets of the agricultural region are in Russia (Vlah 2016).

  18. 18.

    See the information platform of crossing the border of the Republic of Moldova (Government of the Republic of Moldova). See also the country reports by Olga Filippova (on Ukraine) and by Octavian Ţîcu (on Moldova) (University of Eastern Finland, no date).

  19. 19.

    This point is common among philosophers of language and interpretation. It follows from speech act theory, which distinguishes the illocutionary force and the perlocutionary effect from the locutionary meaning of speech (Austin 1962).

  20. 20.

    In spring 2014, more than 70 % of Transnistria’s exports were to the ‘right bank’ of the Dniestr and to the member states of the European Union (Sobják 2014, p. 2). When Moldova’s Association Agreement with the EU entered implementation in September 2014, the ATP for Transnistria was extended, and it was extended later until the end of 2015. In December that year, the Transnistrian authorities reversed their previous policy and agreed to implement, within the next two years, the reforms required by the region’s inclusion in the Union’s Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (see, for example, Całus 2016).

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Correspondence to Helena Rytövuori-Apunen .

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This chapter has been produced in the framework of the research project Proactive Conflict Management at Post-Soviet Deep Borders, funded by the Academy of Finland during 2012–2016.

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Rytövuori-Apunen, H. (2017). The Depth of Borders Beyond the State: Analytical, Normative and Epistemic Challenges of Study. In: Günay, C., Witjes, N. (eds) Border Politics. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-46855-6_11

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