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Empirical Evidence of Irrationality

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Book cover The Nature of Scientific Knowledge

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Abstract

Whereas the previous two chapters responded to philosophical challenges to our scientific knowledge this chapter explores a more practical threat to scientific knowledge. This challenge comes from research which suggests we are subject to a number of biases and irrational processes when forming our beliefs. Numerous studies have seemingly shown that people are prone to make systematic errors of reasoning in particular kinds of cases. Some take this evidence of human irrationality to undercut our knowledge in general, and hence, our scientific knowledge as well. This chapter argues that this challenge does not pose a significant threat to our scientific knowledge. Although there is evidence for human irrationality, we have ways of keeping this sort of irrationality contained so that it does not “infect” all of our beliefs. So, while we are prone to make systematic errors in certain cases, we are aware of our proclivities, and we can take steps to counteract our natural shortcomings.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For helpful surveys of this literature see Gilovich (1991), Kahneman et al. (1982), Nisbett and Ross (1980), Plous (1993), and Tweney et al. (1981).

  2. 2.

    See Wason (1968) for a similar, but more extensive, experiment. See Wason and Johnson-Laird (1972) for further discussion of these sorts of experiments.

  3. 3.

    The reason that committing the conjunction fallacy is irrational is that it makes one susceptible to a “Dutch book”. A Dutch book is a series of bets which are such that no matter what the outcome of the series of events betted upon the person accepting the series of bets will lose all of her money. When someone commits the conjunction fallacy she is accepting a distribution of probabilities which could be used to construct a Dutch book against her. For more on how committing the conjunction fallacy makes one Dutch bookable see Stein (1996). For an accessible general discussion of Dutch books see Skyrms (1986).

  4. 4.

    Davidson (1985) and Dennett (1978, 1987) both argue that the principle of charity applies to our reasoning.

  5. 5.

    Cohen’s (1983) defense of this response is quite sophisticated, and it is worthy of careful consideration. However, for our purposes it is enough to grasp the general nature of this sort of response and some reasons that one might be skeptical of its effectiveness. For detailed critical discussion of Cohen’s arguments concerning human irrationality see Stein (1996) and Stich (1990).

  6. 6.

    Several philosophers have expressed sympathy for this sort of argument including, among others, Dennett (1987), Goldman (1986), Lycan (1988), Millikan (1984), and Sober (1981).

  7. 7.

    For detailed discussion and criticism of this argument see Stein (1996) and Stich (1990).

  8. 8.

    See Wason and Shapiro (1971) and Johnson-Laird et al. (1972).

  9. 9.

    See Fielder (1988).

  10. 10.

    See Gilovich (1991) for discussion.

  11. 11.

    See Fine (2006), Gilovich (1991), Kahneman (2011), Kahneman et al. (1982), and Nisbett and Ross (1980).

  12. 12.

    See Bonner et al. (2002), Laughlin and Ellis (1986), and Moshman and Geil (1998).

  13. 13.

    We will discuss these issues further in the final part of the book when we examine some of the social aspects of scientific knowledge.

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McCain, K. (2016). Empirical Evidence of Irrationality. In: The Nature of Scientific Knowledge. Springer Undergraduate Texts in Philosophy. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-33405-9_13

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