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Diasporas and Fragile States Beyond Remittances: Assessing the Theoretical Linkages

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Diaspora as Cultures of Cooperation

Part of the book series: Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship ((MDC))

Abstract

There is a need for further refinement of the complex relationship between diaspora communities, their transnational social networks, and fragile states. Most research has focused on the negative impacts of diasporas on conflict and instability. Many states remain stuck in a ‘fragility trap’ despite the attention they receive from their diaspora. Why? In addressing this puzzle we argue that remittances address only part of the state fragility problematique and that there are other equally important roles for diaspora beyond remittances. We develop this argument by explaining why a broader definition of state fragility improves our understanding of the importance of diaspora linkages. We then examine additional factors that can contribute to a reduction of state fragility. Showing that there are roles for diasporas beyond remittances has important implications for the way in which global development policies are directed to fragile states, thus making diaspora cooperation an essential component of fragile states research.

I know you expect me to say come home. I am not going to do that. I have no jobs to give you. Work here and send money home. Levy Mwanawasa, President of Zambia.

I call lazy people, those who go to Moscow and sweep its streets and squares. One feels disgusted with the fact that Uzbeks have to travel there for a piece of bread. Nobody is starving to death in Uzbekistan. The Uzbek nation’s honor makes us different from others. Is not it better to die [than scrounge]? Therefore, I call lazy those people who disgrace all of us by wanting to make a lot of money faster there. Islam Karimov, President of Uzbekistan.1

Two contrasting opinions from leaders of fragile states. The first an address by Zambia’s president to the Zambian community in the USA (cited in Brinkerhoff 2009: 81) and the second, comments by Islam Karimov on state run television in June 2013, in regard to Uzbek migrants working in Russia (http://www.eurasianet.org/node/67157).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The term ‘diaspora’ has come to be widely used in the past few years beyond its original narrow association with Greek, Jewish, and Armenian ethnic communities. Members of a diaspora may include ethnic migrants, first-, second-, or even third-generation immigrants as well as expatriates, students, guest workers, and refugees. The term reflects the rise of truly transnational populations; people who can be thought of as living in many places, playing a vigorous role in two (or more) communities concurrently. The African Union (AU) Commission defines the African Diaspora as ‘peoples of African origin living outside the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality and who are willing to contribute to the development of the continent and the building of the African Union’. The African Union considers the diaspora to be the ‘sixth region’ of Africa. We refer to diasporas as coming from homelands as opposed to ‘nation states’, since the former is more inclusive of a diaspora that lacks homogeneity but can still can trace direct genealogy to a region or a sub region (Carment et al. 2013).

  2. 2.

    For example, the African-Canadian population is the fastest growing ethnic minority in Canada and is particularly prevalent in Canada’s largest cities, especially Toronto. The 1901 Census recorded 17,400 people of African descent living in Canada, amounting to 0.3 % of the population. Most African-Canadians during this time resided in Ontario or the Maritime provinces. Over the next few decades, the African diaspora in Canada grew slowly, reaching 32,100 in 1961, which accounted for 0.2 % of the population. By 1991, there were 504,300 people of African descent living in Canada (1.9 % of the total population). In 2001, the African-Canadian community was the third largest minority group in Canada, after the Chinese and South Asian populations. The 2001 census recorded 662,200 African-Canadians, representing just over 2 % of Canada’s total population and 17 % of the visible minority population. Almost 47 % of all African-Canadians live in Toronto and 21 % in Montréal (Carment et al. 2013).

  3. 3.

    For example, Cilliers and Sisk (2013) forecast that ten African countries are at risk of remaining fragile beyond 2050. Given that fragile states tend to be more prone to conflict, the fragility trap is thus evocative of Collier and Hoeffler’s (2004) conflict trap. However, this correlation notwithstanding, not all states trapped in fragility are affected by conflicts, just as most, but not all, countries in conflict are fragile by definition. See www.carleton.ca/cifp.

  4. 4.

    According to the World Bank, remittances to developing countries are projected to grow by 5.0 % to reach US$435 billion in 2014 (accelerating from the 3.4 % expansion of 2013), and rise further by 4.4 % to US$454 billion in 2015. In 2013, remittances were more than three times larger than ODA and, excluding China, significantly exceeded foreign direct investment flows to developing countries. Growth of remittances in 2014 is being led by three regions: East Asia and the Pacific, South Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean (Ratha et al. 2014).

  5. 5.

    Consider that India’s single largest export in the coming decades will be its bulging youth population. Unable to find work at home they will be encouraged to migrate and remit back home.

  6. 6.

    For example, the Emirate states typically do not issue visas to the spouses of India’s guest workers. Nor does the Indian government typically permit these spouses to move abroad.

  7. 7.

    In fragile states situations there is a tendency to view diasporas, particularly involuntarily diasporas, as being a disadvantaged or marginalised population with minimal influence and power. This perspective tends to overlook that there are diasporas living in Western states who can be very empowered groups, or ‘a muscular force in the home countries’ affairs.’ (University of Peace 2006).

  8. 8.

    In the area of diaspora policy formulation and implementation, the World Bank’s Africa Diaspora Programme has provided Institutional Development Fund (IDF) grants to the African Union Commission (AUC), and the governments of Sierra Leone, Ethiopia, Mali, Uganda, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Tanzania, and Uganda. The ADP is engaged to varying degrees in some countries, including Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Congo Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ghana, Lesotho, Niger, Mozambique, The Gambia, Guinea Bissau, Senegal, and Zambia. The World Bank has been asked to provide expected Summit outcomes related to several ‘bankable’ projects including: (i) the proposed African Diaspora Investment Fund; (ii) an Africa continent-wide Diaspora Professional Skills database; (iii) an expanded African Diaspora Development Marketplace; (iv) the AUC’s Volunteer Program; and (v) the African Institute for Remittances (AIR). On remittances, the ADP with a European Commission (EC) grant, and in partnership with the African Development Bank (AfDB) and International Organisation for Migration (IOM), are facilitating the establishment of the African Institute for Remittances (AIR) in the AUC (see Ferede n.d.).

  9. 9.

    We recognise that there is an overwhelming desire by governments to instrumentalise diaspora groups; to make them a means to an end. But instrumentalisation cuts both ways and diaspora groups are just as likely to ‘instrumentalise’ governments by pressuring them in the pursuit of single issue agendas (Gurzu 2011; Carment and Bercuson 2008).

  10. 10.

    Diasporas have the potential for building social capital through collective donations to fund development of local projects in their home communities and can help offset a declining economy by supporting private consumption. Diasporas also are a potential source of information on the complicated problems in their homelands and can provide valuable insight into priority areas and culturally sensitive issues (Hall and Swain 2007).

  11. 11.

    For a detailed description of the methodology, see Carment, Prest, and Samy, Security, Development, and the Fragile State (2009).

  12. 12.

    Naudé, W., Santos-Paulino, A. and McGillivray, M. eds. (2011) Fragile States: Causes, Costs, and Responses. Oxford University Press. Chapter Two.

  13. 13.

    Fragile states represent formidable development, security, and governance challenges. Fragile states are ‘problems from hell’ or ‘wicked problems’ that defy simple easy solutions. Wicked problems require a high degree of international coordination, political capital, and shared knowledge to solve. They are immensely complex with multiple levels of consultation, coalitions and blocs standing in opposition to one another. They require diplomacy, skill, and knowledge to fix. Use of force and large-scale military occupations are not viable long-term options. The economic and political challenges are formidable. Fragility trap states are typically further from meeting the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) than any others on the planet. They are the locus of much of the world’s violence, both conflict-related and otherwise. They lack an institutional architecture for consolidated and sustainable political competition that ensures elites are answerable to the people they serve. While there are still some deeply entrenched and often predatory regimes among those states we call fragile, many simply reflect a disengaged population weary of governments incapable of providing basic services and a legal system that makes contractual relationships, property rights, and respect for human rights untenable.

  14. 14.

    Brinkerhoff, Jennifer, ‘Diasporas and Conflict Societies: Conflict Entrepreneurs, Competing Interests or Contributors to Stability and Development,’ Global Effects and Local Dynamics of Intrastate Conflicts International Workshop, November 8, 2009.

  15. 15.

    “The global average cost of sending remittances increased slightly in 2016, climbing to 7.6 % of the value sent in June 2016, compared to 7.4 % in December 2015 (World Bank 2016). Experts say the price of sending money is inflated by two companies—Western Union and MoneyGram—which hold a duopoly over the global industry.”

  16. 16.

    The OECD, the World Bank, and a variety of regional organisations such as the African Union, the European Commission, and the African Development Banks are trying develop a more formalised working relationship with diaspora groups in order to harness remittance flows. In 2007, The World Bank’s Africa Region launched the African Diaspora Program (ADP). The programme focuses on diaspora policy formulation and implementation; financing and leveraging of remittances for development; and human capital utilisation, through diaspora professional networks and organisations, and hometown associations.

  17. 17.

    Orjuela, Camilla, ‘Distant Warriors, Distant Peace Workers? Multiple Diaspora Roles in Sri Lanka’s Violent Conflict,’ Capacity Building for Peace and Development: Roles of Diaspora, University for Peace, 2006: 217–244.

  18. 18.

    Appointee, Michelle, ‘Diasporas in Caribbean Development’, Rapporteur’s Report, Inter-American Dialogue and the World Bank, August 2004, p. 5.

  19. 19.

    The fact that diasporas were able to leave the site of conflict and hardship while others stayed behind and endured the hardships of war can create a divide between those who stayed and those who did not. In some cases the official and civil communities back in the country of origin may prefer not to work with or develop ties with diasporas abroad as a result of these negative feelings, depriving diasporas of legitimacy as advisors.

  20. 20.

    Turner, Mandy, ‘Three Discourses on Diasporas and Peacebuilding,’ Paper, Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, UK, 2008.

  21. 21.

    World Bank data quoted in Lum et. al 2012. p. 210.

  22. 22.

    Most vulnerable are Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan, where millions of migrants live and work in Russia. Their return home could contribute to a social upheaval in these weak states.

  23. 23.

    According to recent data from the World Bank, 21 % of Armenia’s economy, 12 % of Georgia’s, 31.5 % of Kyrgyzstan’s, 25 % of Moldova’s, 42 % of Tajikistan’s, 5.5 % of Ukraine’s, 4.5 % of Lithuania’s, 2.5 % of Azerbaijan’s and 12 % of Uzbekistan’s, rely on remittances. About 40 % of remittances to Armenia, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine are from Russia, rising to 79 % for Kyrgyzstan (The Guardian 2015).

  24. 24.

    For example, the World Economic Forum announced a multi-pronged agenda for SMEs in fragile states. They suggest: supply-chain financing and government procurement; use of technology to reduce risks, enhance efficiency leading to lower costs; securitisation and other means of obtaining capital relief for traditional sources of finance; introducing non-traditional sources of long-term capita; capacity building for both financiers and SMEs (Siddiqi 2015).

  25. 25.

    The author notes: the construction of The International Migration Policy and Law Analysis (IMPALA) database by Harvard University, University of Luxembourg, University of Amsterdam, and University of Sydney is promising. Similarly, no data exists to directly test whether lobby activities of migrant populations affect donors’ aid allocation.

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    David Carment & Rachael Calleja

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    David Carment

  2. European Ethnology, University of Vienna, Wien, Austria

    Ariane Sadjed

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Carment, D., Calleja, R. (2017). Diasporas and Fragile States Beyond Remittances: Assessing the Theoretical Linkages. In: Carment, D., Sadjed, A. (eds) Diaspora as Cultures of Cooperation. Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32892-8_11

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