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The Critique of Scholastic Language in Renaissance Humanism and Early Modern Philosophy

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Early Modern Philosophers and the Renaissance Legacy

Abstract

This article studies some key moments in the long tradition of the critique of scholastic language, voiced by humanists and early-modern philosophers alike. It aims at showing how the humanist idiom of “linguistic usage,” “convention,” “custom,” “common” and “natural” language, and “everyday speech” was repeated and put to new use by early-modern philosophers in their own critique of scholastic language. Focusing on Valla, Vives, Sanches, Gassendi, Hobbes, and Leibniz, the article shows that all these thinkers shared a conviction that scholastic language, at least in its more baroque forms, was artificial, unnatural, uninformative, ungrammatical, and quasi-precise. The scholastics were accused of having introduced a terminology that was a far cry from the common language people spoke, wrote, and read. But what was meant by “common language” and such notions? They were not so easy to define. For the humanists, it meant the Latin of the great classical authors, but this position, as the article suggests, had its tensions. In the later period it became even more difficult to give positive substance to these notions, as the world became, linguistically speaking, increasingly more pluralistic. Yet the attack on scholastic language continued to be conducted in these terms. The article concludes that the long road of what we may call the democratization of philosophical language, so dear to early-modern philosophers, had its roots – ironically perhaps – in the humanist return to classical Latin as the common language.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Pasnau (2011), 115.

  2. 2.

    Pasnau (2011), 211 and 210 (on Scotus’s analysis of the inherence of accidents in a substance).

  3. 3.

    For discussion see Nauta (2009), 211–212.

  4. 4.

    For a modern discussion see Hanfling (2000).

  5. 5.

    The literature is vast; for some excellent general works see Seigel (1968); Witt (2000); Rummel (2000); Wels (2000).

  6. 6.

    Bruni in Griffiths et al. (1987), 213–229; Botley (2004), 41–62.

  7. 7.

    Marsh (1979), 101–103.

  8. 8.

    Moss (2003), 36–37; Camporeale (1972), 181–182; Nauta (2007), 195–198.

  9. 9.

    “Omnis enim huiusmodi questio, qua se philosophi theologique disputando torquent, de vocabulo est;” Valla (1982), 405.

  10. 10.

    My examples come from Valla (2012), vol. 1, 54–62 (haecceitas etc.), 18–36 and 62–70 (transcendental terms), 276 (pati), 88 (materia), 270 (prior), 32 (one), 240 (empty); vol. 2, 18–142 (markers), 126–142 (modality); more examples are discussed in Nauta (2009), passim.

  11. 11.

    Nauta (2009), 274–279.

  12. 12.

    Vives (1979), 67. See Nauta (2015).

  13. 13.

    Ibid., 67–69.

  14. 14.

    Ibid., 69–71.

  15. 15.

    On the distinction between exact and common manner of speaking, see Valla (2012), 266 (populus an philosophus); Nauta (2009), 108.

  16. 16.

    Vives (1979), 69.

  17. 17.

    Ibid.

  18. 18.

    Vives (1971), 166–67. See Casini 2009.

  19. 19.

    Pasnau (2011), 115–134, and 634–635.

  20. 20.

    De prima philosophia I, in Vives (1782–90; repr. London, 1964), vol. 3, 193.

  21. 21.

    Ibid.

  22. 22.

    On Sanches’s debt to humanists such as Vives and Erasmus , see Limbrick in Sanches, Francisco (1988), 28–36, but see also Howald’s cautious remarks in Sanches, Francisco (2007), ciii, and Lupoli (2009).

  23. 23.

    Sanches, Francisco (1988), 103 (Latin)/186 (English).

  24. 24.

    Ibid., 104/189.

  25. 25.

    On ancient empiricism, see Frede (1987). On Sanches’s affinity to it, see Caluori (2007).

  26. 26.

    Sanches, Francisco (1988), 92/168.

  27. 27.

    Ibid., 119/216–217.

  28. 28.

    Ibid.

  29. 29.

    Ibid., 121/219.

  30. 30.

    Ibid., 97/177.

  31. 31.

    Ibid., 101/183 (“almost every enquiry is about a name”); cf. 95–96/174; 97/177, and elsewhere.

  32. 32.

    Ibid., 177 n. 34; my translation.

  33. 33.

    Ibid.; my translation.

  34. 34.

    Ibid., 171 for this and the next quotation.

  35. 35.

    Lupoli (2009), 151 sees even “that (intrinsically anti-humanistic) resetting pattern (…) of philosophical reflection which was to characterize the Cartesian or ‘modern’ approach to philosophy in the seventeenth century.”

  36. 36.

    Osler (2003), 41. On a comparison between the humanism of Valla and Gassend i see Joy (1987).

  37. 37.

    Gassend i (1972), 18. Cf. his Letter to du Faur de Pibrac, in ibid. 5. Vives is mentioned also in Gassend i (1658), III, 119. Cf. Murr (1992) and Maclean (2006), esp. 264–267 on libertas philosophandi.

  38. 38.

    Gassendi, Pierre (1972), 26. Cf. one of the titles of Valla’s Dialectical Disputations, Retractatio totius dialecticae cum fundamentis universae philosophiae.

  39. 39.

    Pasnau (2011), 93–94.

  40. 40.

    Exercitationes paradoxicae adversus Aristoteleos, in Gassendi (1658), III, 151B.

  41. 41.

    Gassendi (1658), III, 103; trans. Gassendi, Pierre (1972), 27.

  42. 42.

    Gassendi (1658), III, 110A.

  43. 43.

    Ibid.

  44. 44.

    Ibid.: “Quod vero interdum respondent loquendum esse ad rigorem, prorsus non diffiteor: quando sic apposite, vel nescientes, nominant suam illam insipidam marcidamque frigiditatem. Certe si cum tanto rigore isti Latine loquuntur, parum est M. Tullius, vel T. Livius loquutus Latine.” (110B). Gassendi also gives here an etymology of “res” that he may have derived from Valla (“res” from “reor, reris,” or from “ratus, rata, ratum”); Valla (2012), 124.

  45. 45.

    Popkin (2003), 125 for this and the following quotation. Osler (2003), 32 argues that Gassendi’s voluntarism led him to deny essences and necessary connections.

  46. 46.

    Cf. a similar position in Campanella’s Metaphysica, as discussed by Paganini (2009).

  47. 47.

    See e.g. Vives (1971), 31 and 125 (expressing a negative view of Epicurus ).

  48. 48.

    Hobbes (1994), 21; I also refer to the new and definitive edition of the Leviathan: Hobbes (2012), 60. For a comprehensive treatment see Isermann (1991). See also Leijenhorst (2002).

  49. 49.

    Ibid.

  50. 50.

    Ibid., 46 and Hobbes (2012), 122.

  51. 51.

    Hobbes (1994), 21; Hobbes (2012), 60.

  52. 52.

    Hobbes (1994), 24–25; Hobbes (2012), 68–70; probably adapted from a similar listing in Hobbes’s De corpore I.v.3–9.

  53. 53.

    Nauta (2002).

  54. 54.

    Paganini (2003), 211.

  55. 55.

    In private correspondence Noel Malcolm writes to me that in his transcriptions of the Hardwick Hall library catalogues he cannot find any reference to any work by Valla except his Latin translation of Thucydides. Of course, one would expect a well-educated man such as Hobbes to have encountered the Elegantiae at some stage, but still Malcolm sees no distinctive debt to it in Hobbes’s writings.

  56. 56.

    See Sommerville (1992), Chaps. 6 and 7; Malcolm in Hobbes (2012), vol. 1, 45–47, 106, 181–82.

  57. 57.

    Curley in Hobbes (1994), x.

  58. 58.

    For this and the following quotation see Leibniz (1969), 124, 126, 123. For an analysis of Nizolio ’s work see Nauta (2012).

  59. 59.

    Quoted by Laerke (2009), 942 n. 25.

  60. 60.

    Leibniz (1969), 123 for this and the following quotation.

  61. 61.

    Ibid., 124.

  62. 62.

    Ibid., 126 for this and the following two quotations.

  63. 63.

    On this see Laerke (2009).

  64. 64.

    Leibniz (1969), 121–122.

  65. 65.

    Leibniz in Nizolio, Mario (1956), vol. 1, 30.

  66. 66.

    These last sentences are taken from Nauta (2012), 62.

  67. 67.

    Valla (2012), vol. 1, 106; vol. 2, 208 and 228. For more references see Nauta (2009), 371 n. 36 where I explain that in Valla “natural” does not always refer to the “vernacular” as opposed to Latin, but to our common way of speaking and writing, irrespective of the particular language we use.

  68. 68.

    There are several articles pertinent to this theme in Ford et al. (2014).

  69. 69.

    The ideal of stylistic plainness also had strongly political and religious connotations; on these debates on rhetoric in seventeenth-century England, see Vickers (1985). Royalists and Conformists used it as a weapon to marginalize nonconformist sects. Such wider dimensions of the debates on language between humanists and scholastics are explored by Moss (2003) and in D’Amico (1983), dimensions which I have hardly touched on in this article.

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Nauta, L. (2016). The Critique of Scholastic Language in Renaissance Humanism and Early Modern Philosophy. In: Muratori, C., Paganini, G. (eds) Early Modern Philosophers and the Renaissance Legacy. International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, vol 220. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32604-7_4

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