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Belgian Magistrates and German Occupiers: A Diachronic Comparison (1914–1918/1940–1944)

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Modernisation of the Criminal Justice Chain and the Judicial System

Part of the book series: Ius Gentium: Comparative Perspectives on Law and Justice ((IUSGENT,volume 50))

Abstract

This chapter compares the relationship between the Belgian judiciary and the occupier during the two world wars. It analyses the behaviour of the judiciary during these times of crisis that undermine the balance between the powers and the independence of the judiciary. Based on Belgian and German sources, it examines the various occupier’s interferences in the course of justice.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    J. Logie, Les magistrats des cours et des tribunaux en Belgique (1794–1814): essai d’approche politique et sociale, Genève, Droz, 1998.

  2. 2.

    E. Schandevyl, “Changements ou continuité? Rapports de force linguistique et (im)mobilité sociale dans la magistrature bruxelloise après la Deuxième Guerre mondiale”, in V. Bernaudeau, J.-P. Nandrin, B. Rochet et al. Les praticiens du droit du Moyen Age à l’époque contemporaine. Approches prosopographiques (Belgique, Canada, France, Italie, Prusse), Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2008, pp. 255–270.

  3. 3.

    In this text, we give the words ‘magistrate’ and ‘magistracy’ the meaning used in the civil law system, namely: all members of the judiciary: judges, prosecutors, investigating judges, juvenile court judges, justices of the peace….

  4. 4.

    Regarding the impact of the Third Republic on the social recruitment of magistrates, see C. Charle, “État et magistrats. Les origines d’une crise prolongée”, in Actes de la Recherche en Sciences sociales, XCVI, 1993, no, 1, pp. 39–48.

  5. 5.

    The Belgian sources used are mainly the appointment and disciplinary dossiers of the magistrates preserved in the Belgian national archives (AGR, Ministère de la Justice. Secrétariat général. Dossiers de nomination des magistrats et greffiers de l’ordre judiciaire, et des officiers ministériels, 1830–1953, and AGR, Ministère de la Justice: Secrétariat général, 2e section et Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980). The main German sources used are the reports of the civil administration active in Belgium in 1914–1918 (Verwaltungsberichte des Verwaltungschefs kept in Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin) and those from the military administration active during the second occupation (Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, RW/36 in Freiburg).

  6. 6.

    In general, the comparison between the two German occupations is still insufficiently developed. Some examples are: B. Majerus, Occupations et logiques policières. La police bruxelloise en 1914–1918 et 1940–1945, Brussels, Académie Royale de Belgique, 2008, and P. Nefors, “‘Quand les fils de novembre nous reviennent en mai …’“14–18” als gedragsbepalende factor tijdens de tweede Duitse bezetting”, in P.-A. Tallier and P. Nefors (eds), Quand les canons se taisent: actes du colloque international organisé par les Archives de l’Etat et le Musée royal de l’Armée et d’Histoire militaire (Bruxelles, 3–6 novembre 2008), Brussels, Archives générales du Royaume, 2010, pp. 569–590.

  7. 7.

    K. Peters, “Les abandons de poste dans la magistrature lors de la Seconde Guerre mondiale”, in Cahiers d’histoire du temps présent, no. 24, 2011, pp. 163–186.

  8. 8.

    Historian Herman Van Goethem underlines the fact that the broad interpretation of the Hague Convention of 1907, which was applied during both occupations, had much more problematic consequences under the second occupation with its far stronger political character than in 1914–1918. This broad interpretation (or maximalistic interpretation as Herman Van Goethem calls it) concedes the obligation for the local administration to execute German orders even contrary to Belgian law and the Constitution, if this legislation is “absolutely necessary” and promulgated in order to preserve “quiet and order”. In far more cases than in 1914–1918, orders published to maintain or restore order suited the political and military aims of the Germans at the same time. (H. Van Goethem, “La Convention de La Haye, la collaboration administrative en Belgique et la persécution des Juifs à Anvers, 1940–1942”, in Cahiers d’histoire du temps présent/Bijdragen tot de Eigentijdse Geschiedenis, no. 17, Brussels, 2006, p. 121f.).

  9. 9.

    A. Meyers, “La Magistrature et l’Occupation. Discours prononcé à l’audience solennelle de rentrée du 1er octobre 1919 de la cour d’appel de Liège”, in Journal des Tribunaux, 1919, col. 542.

  10. 10.

    The introduction of a civil administration in July 1944 did not bring about radical changes, however, since it was short lived.

  11. 11.

    “Proclamation à la population de la Belgique”, in Heeresgruppen-Verordnungsblatt für die besetzten Gebiete, no. 1, 10 May 1940, p. 2.

  12. 12.

    “Notice destinée à toute la presse dans les territoires occupés de l’ouest”, in Heeresgruppen-Verordnungsblatt für die besetzten Gebiete, no. 1, 10 May 1940, p. 16.

  13. 13.

    On the positions of the Belgian Court of Cassation during the first German occupation, see: M. Bost, “Tour à tour malmenée, divisée, triomphante: parcours de la Cour de cassation de Belgique pendant la Première Guerre mondiale”, in M. Houllemare and P. Nivet (eds), Justice et guerre de l’Antiquité à la Première guerre mondiale. Actes du colloque (Amiens, 18-20 novembre 2009), Amiens, Encrage, 2011, pp. 183–194.

  14. 14.

    M. Van Den Wijngaert, Het beleid van het comité van de secretarissen-generaal in België tijdens de Duitse bezetting 1940–1944, Brussels, Paleis der Academiën, 1975, p. 29.

  15. 15.

    H. Umbreit, “Les pouvoirs allemands en France et en Belgique”, in E. Dejonghe (ed.), L’occupation en France et en Belgique 1940–1944, Actes du colloque de Lille, 26–28 avril 1985 [Revue du Nord, 1987–1988], vol. 1, Villeneuve d’Ascq: Revue du Nord, 1987/1988, p. 26.

  16. 16.

    The Brussels judge, Henri Buch (1910–1972), was the only Jew active in the judiciary in 1940. There is evidence that Buch resigned from his office shortly before the German administration was established in Brussels. The exact circumstances of his departure are unknown at this stage, partly as Buch’s personal file is unfortunately missing among the magistrates’ dossiers. What we do know is that Buch participated in the Battle of Belgium in May 1940, went into hiding from 1941 onwards, was very active in the clandestine communist party and was one of the leaders of the Partisans armés, an armed resistance movement. What is interesting about Henri Buch’s case is that the report made about him at the Sipo-SD apparently did not take into account that he was Jewish, but exclusively his political background as a communist. On 5 July 1944 he was arrested, incarcered and tortured in Breendonck and was later deported to the Dutch and German concentration camps of Vught, Sachsenhausen, Oranienburg and Schwerin. (J. Gotovitch, Du rouge au tricolore, Les communistes belges de 1939 à 1944: un aspect de l’histoire de la Résistance en Belgique, Brussels: Labor, 1992, p. 488; and, concerning Buch’s appointment as a magistrate in 1936, L. Saerens, Vreemdelingen in een wereldstad. Een geschiedenis van Antwerpen en zijn joodse bevolking, Tielt: Lannoo, 2000, p. 335f.)

  17. 17.

    Almost nothing is known about Freemasons in the Belgian magistracy. It is extremely difficult to obtain any information about this subject, primarily because of the secret character of freemasonry and consequently the lack of publicly visible sources, but further because of the particular danger linked to divulgation as Freemasons in years 1940–1944. Among the thousands of magistrates’ files we have examined, only one single file concerns a subject related to freemasonry: a magistrate from Namur was discharged in 1946 for having been a member of the anti-Masonic league L’Épuration during the German occupation. (cf. AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, no. 665.).

  18. 18.

    There were very few substantially “left minded” magistrates. The best documented exception is Baron Adrien van den Branden de Reeth from the Brussels court, who openly sympathised with communism after having been a central character in the Resistance during the war. (Cf. AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, dossier no. 2461, and “Dossier concernant le baron Van den Branden de Reeth”, in Archives de l’Etat à Anderlecht, Tribunal de première instance de Bruxelles, Dossiers politiques, no. 156).

  19. 19.

    G. Terlinden, “Jubilé professionnel de Monsieur le Premier Président Du Pont, 14 septembre 1917”, in Bulletin de la Cour de cassation de Belgique, 1917, p. 13.

  20. 20.

    For instance, Eugène Dupont, first president of the Court of Cassation, was 78 years old when the Germans retreated in 1918. Armand Hénoul, Chief Public Prosecutor in Liège, was 76 years old at the time.

  21. 21.

    There is a revealing exception to this trend, which highlights the power and sovereignty stakes related to the issue of appointments in the magistracy: the resignation request from the judge of the Court of Appeal of Brussels, Charles Diercxsens, who was 72 years old, submitted in September 1914, was accepted three months later by the Belgian Minister of Justice and by the German general governor in Belgium. However, he was only replaced in 1919.

  22. 22.

    The decree that administratively split the country into two unilingual regions—Flanders governed from Brussels and Wallonia governed from Namur—was an important step in the Flamenpolitik, the German policy that favoured the Dutch-speaking community in Belgium. It led to the division of central ministries to Brussels and Namur. Most Belgian civil servants resigned and some of them were deported. The German civil administration was also split into two entities. (P. Delforge, La Wallonie et la Première Guerre mondiale: pour une histoire de la séparation administrative, Namur, Institut Destrée, 2008).

  23. 23.

    This term referred to the minor fraction of the Flemish Movement who chose to collaborate with the occupying force in the First World War to achieve their linguistic claims.

  24. 24.

    Verwaltungsbericht des Verwaltungschefs für Flandern für das Halbjahr August 1917 bis Januar 1918 (GSaPK, 32458, 474 vs-475 vs).

  25. 25.

    Flor Heuvelmans, an important member of the Flemish Movement in Antwerp, was a police magistrate in that town when he agreed to become the secretary general of the Flemish Ministry of Justice. During the occupation period, he opted to collaborate with the occupiers when they organised the ‘flamandisation’ of the University of Ghent in October 1916. The transformation of the French-speaking university into a Dutch-speaking one was the most important goal of the Flemish Movement before the war.

  26. 26.

    Arrêté-loi du 8 avril 1917 déterminant l’effet des mesures prises par l’occupant et des dispositions prises par le gouvernement, in Moniteur belge, 1917, pp. 338–340.

  27. 27.

    Palais de justice de Bruxelles, Archives du parquet de la Cour de cassation, boîte X, 2 (I). Terlinden was unofficially inspired by a study co-signed by the judge at the appeal court, Professor of International Law Ernest Nys, and by the judge at the Court of Cassation, Édouard Remy (E. Nys and E. Remy, “La nomination de magistrats et de notaires par l’occupant”, in Belgique judiciaire, 1919, pp. 5–10.).

  28. 28.

    The doctrine reinforces this theory. Terlinden quotes the German legal adviser Franz de Holtzendorff, who was against the appointment of judges by the occupier (Éléments de droit international public, Paris, Rousseau, 1891, p. 179).

  29. 29.

    Palais de justice de Bruxelles, Archives du parquet de la Cour de cassation, box X, 2 (I).

  30. 30.

    Ibid.

  31. 31.

    The consultative body of Flemish activists to the occupying power.

  32. 32.

    Ligue nationale pour l’unité belge, Les archives du Conseil de Flandre (Raad van Vlaanderen), Brussels, Dewarichet, 1928, p. 30.

  33. 33.

    Verwaltungsbericht des Verwaltungschefs für Flandern für das Halbjahr August 1917 bis Januar 1918 (GSaPK, 32458, 474 vs-475 vs).

  34. 34.

    The report highlights the menace announced by Terlinden with regard to the newly appointed judges (Verwaltungsbericht des Verwaltungschefs für Wallonien für das Halbjahr August 1917 bis Januar 1918. Haniel, 30. Januar 1918 (GSaPK, 32458, 30/391 verso).

  35. 35.

    B. Jottrand, “Le pouvoir judiciaire et l’activisme séparatiste. Discours prononcé à l’audience solennelle [de la Cour d'appel de Bruxelles] du 4 décembre 1918”, 15 December 1918, p. 9.

  36. 36.

    A. Deperchin, La famille judiciaire pendant la Première Guerre mondiale, Université Lille 2, unpublished doctoral thesis in Law, 1998, p. 414.

  37. 37.

    In the Etappengebiet, the situation was different; the strike was not so extended. In the summer of 1918 it was the Germans themselves who prohibited the Belgian magistrates from continuing their functions.

  38. 38.

    Concerning the magistrates’ strike: M. Bost and A. François, “La grève de la magistrature belge (février -novembre 1918). Un haut fait de la résistance nationale à l’épreuve des archives judiciaires”, in D. Heirbaut, X. Rousseaux and A. Wijffels (eds), Histoire du Droit et de la Justice, une nouvelle génération de recherches, Louvain-la-Neuve, Presses universitaires de Louvain, 2010, pp. 19–43.

  39. 39.

    Documents of the Commission permanente de la mobilisation de la Nation, CEGESOMA, Archives Raoul Hayoit de Termicourt concernant le travail des institutions belges pendant l’occupation, no. 2.

  40. 40.

    The archives do not explain why the solution suggested by Servais did not come into effect in May 1940. However, this option disappeared when the general delegation of ministerial competences to secretary generals was ratified at the beginning of the occupation. The Germans aimed at having only one contact person per department.

  41. 41.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/397, p. 10. On 19 May 1941, a complementary German decree was made public specifying that the potential substitutes of the chief prosecutors are also concerned by the decree of 4 April 1941, but not those who replaced the principal judges.

  42. 42.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/397, p. 11. We notice that in the language of the military administration, an amalgamation was frequently made of “Walloons” and “French-speaking Belgians”.

  43. 43.

    “De benoemingen in het gerecht onder het beleid van den Heer Schuind” (AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, dossier no. 2118).

  44. 44.

    This secretary general was the head of the cabinet of Minister of Justice Carton de Wiart during the First World War seems strange.

  45. 45.

    “Art seems strange. \(1^{{\rm e}_{\rm r}} \) de l’arrêté du 20 décembre 1940, modifiant l’arrêté-loi du 6 novembre 1939 relatif au remplacement temporaire des magistrats rappelés sous les armes”, quoted in AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, dossier de Louis Berger, no. 115.

  46. 46.

    For this purpose, Selschotter had been appointed judge in Brussels immediately before.

  47. 47.

    “De benoemingen in het gerecht onder het beleid van den Heer Schuind” (AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, dossier no. 2118).

  48. 48.

    See Ch.-L. Louveaux, “La magistrature dans la tourmente des années 1940–44”, in Revue de droit pénal et de criminologie, 1981 and idem, “Le moindre mal”, in F. Ringelheim (ed.) Juger, no. 6/7, Gily, François Collinet, 1994, pp. 28–30.

  49. 49.

    “De benoemingen in het gerecht onder het beleid van den Heer Schuind” (AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, dossier no. 2118).

  50. 50.

    K. Peters, “L’influence de l’occupant sur les nominations et les destitutions de magistrats”, p. 64.

  51. 51.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/397, p. 12.

  52. 52.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, RW36/407, p. 48.

  53. 53.

    Ibid., p. 10.

  54. 54.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, RW 36/384, p. 180.

  55. 55.

    “De benoemingen in het gerecht onder het beleid van den Heer Schuind” (AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, dossier no. 2118).

  56. 56.

    Cf. “Tätigkeitsbericht des Chefs des Militärverwaltungsstabs”, no. 24, April–June 1943 (Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/193, p. 138).

  57. 57.

    “Tätigkeitsbericht der Gruppe Justiz für die Zeit vom 15. November 1942 bis 15. Februar 1943”, in Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/382, p. 54. Later, in 1944, Edouard Baers was accused of participation in a secret service. He was imprisoned in Germany until April 1945.

  58. 58.

    “De benoemingen in het gerecht onder het beleid van den Heer Schuind” (AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, dossier no. 2118).

  59. 59.

    Letter of the Gruppe Justiz, addressed to the director of the administrative section of the Militärverwaltung, von Craushaar, on 23 March 1943, in Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/422, p. 2: “His appointment policy in the judiciary, which has often been violently attacked by the VNV and Rex, has too often been judged unilaterally to his disadvantage. Fourteen out of 26 public prosecutors have been removed from office as a result of our measures. By the way, this caused him several attacks from the Belgian magistracy.”

  60. 60.

    “Tätigkeitsbericht des Chefs des Militärverwaltungsstabs”, no. 27, March 1944, in Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/196, p. 32.

  61. 61.

    “Niederschrift über eine Besprechung bei Herrn Ch.M.V. über Massnahmen auf dem Gebiet der Justiz …”, 7 March 1944 (Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/402, p. 29).

  62. 62.

    This is a minimal estimation, as research is still ongoing.

  63. 63.

    The sentences taken against the magistrates since the strike, a departure from the three preceding years and which marks a leap forward of the protagonists, are not recorded here.

  64. 64.

    Source: AGR, Commission d’enquête sur Ministère de la Justice. Commission d’enquête sur la violation des règles du droit des gens, des lois et des coutumes de la guerre (archives de la Guerre).

  65. 65.

    See also the postwar testimony written by the juvenile court judge L. Gofflot: idem, Souvenirs de Holzminden, 1918, Renaix: J. Leherte-Courtin, 1918.

  66. 66.

    Verwaltungsbericht des Verwaltungschefs von Sandt, August 1916–January 1917 (GSaPK, Rep. 89, 32457, 37–38).

  67. 67.

    Decree of the general governor, 4 September 1915, with regard to the repression of the abuses committed to the disadvantage of germanophile persons (C. Huberich and A. Nicol-Speyer, Législation allemande pour le territoire belge occupé (textes officiels), La Haye, vol. IV, 1916, pp. 303–304).

  68. 68.

    The historian Emmanuel Debruyne, who worked through the dossiers of patriotic services (AGR) listed eight magistrates engaged in information services (personal communication).

  69. 69.

    After the war, the majority of these denouncers were convicted for denunciation or crimes against national security.

  70. 70.

    For this, the secretary general resorted to a royal decree of 30 March 1939. (“Arrêté royal du 30 mars 1939 relatif à la mise en disponibilité des agents de l’État”, in Moniteur belge, 2 April 1939, p. 2161).

  71. 71.

    “Ordonnance du 18 juillet 1940 relative à l’exercice d’une activité publique en Belgique”, in Verordnungsblatt, no. 8, 25 July 1940.

  72. 72.

    Cf. N. Wouters, De Führerstaat: overheid en collaboratie in België (1940–1944), Tielt, 2006, p. 25.

  73. 73.

    “Ordonnance du 19 décembre 1940, complétant l’ordonnance relative à l’exercice d’une acti-vité or activi-té publique en Belgique”, in Verordnungsblatt, no. 27, 23 December 1940, p. 8.

  74. 74.

    “Deuxième ordonnance du 20 novembre 1942 complétant l’ordonnance relative à l’exercice d’une fonction publique en Belgique”, in Verordnungsblatt, no. 90, 28 November 1942, p. 2.

  75. 75.

    Although, during the preceding years, the military commander held the view that it was better to assure the income of the excluded magistrates, in order to prevent them from being dependent on “illegal organisations”. Cf. BA-MA, Freiburg, RW 36/224, p. 53.

  76. 76.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/192, p. 73.

  77. 77.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/224, p. 53.

  78. 78.

    There is an exception. The vice-president of the Ghent Court of First Instance, Karel Reychler, was relieved from his duties on 29 September 1941, for delivering a judgment that was contrary to German interests. The representatives of the Oberfeldkommandantur committed a mistake by explaining at length their decision to remove him from office. This enabled the Court of Cassation to prove the illegality of this decision, since it harmed the magistracy’s independence and to obtain that Reychler be re-instated. Following that event, the military administration systematically refrained from justifying removals from office.

  79. 79.

    Verordnungsblatt, no. 34, 8 March 1941.

  80. 80.

    E. Raskin, Gerard Romsée. Een ongewone man. Een ongewoon leven, Anvers, Hadewijch, 1995.

  81. 81.

    “De benoemingen in het gerecht onder het beleid van den Heer Schuind”, (AGR, Ministère de la Justice, Secrétariat général, Service du personnel de la magistrature, Dossiers des magistrats, 1953–1980, dossier no. 2118).

  82. 82.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/185, p. 52.

  83. 83.

    “Tätigkeitsbericht des Chefs des Militärverwaltungsstabes”, n° 15, mars 1941”, p. 76.

  84. 84.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/382, p. 33.

  85. 85.

    Ibid., p. 39.

  86. 86.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/400, p. 12.

  87. 87.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/382, p. 33.

  88. 88.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/384, pp. 46 and 76, and particularly: “Tätigkeitsbericht der Gruppe Justiz für den Monat März 1941”, in Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/382, p. 26. The reason given here for this massive number of exceptions is that appropriate candidates were not available.

  89. 89.

    This count is approximate, as research is still ongoing.

  90. 90.

    About ten magistrates died during or as a consequence of their detention..

  91. 91.

    Cf. Van Goethem, “La convention de La Haye, la collaboration administrative en Belgique et la persécution des Juifs à Anvers, 1940–1942”, p. 142f.

  92. 92.

    Ibid., pp. 149–186.

  93. 93.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv Freiburg im Breisgau, RW 36.

  94. 94.

    E.g.: E. Verhoeyen, La Belgique occupée, De l’an 40 à la Libération, Brussels, 1994, pp. 85–88, and Wouters, De Führerstaat, pp. 156–160.

  95. 95.

    Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, Freiburg, RW 36/401 and CEGES AA 1941/270. A magistrates strike was probably already planned during the first crisis, but prevented because of discoveries in this context by the Sipo-SD in Liège. (Cf. Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv, RW 36, dossiers 399 and 400).

  96. 96.

    These subjects have been developed by R. Van Doorslaer, “De Belgische politie en magistratuur en het probleem van de ordehandhaving”, in E. Verhoeyen et al., België in de Tweede Wereldoorlog, Kapellen, 1990, pp. 100–123.

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  1. Cegesoma and Royal Military Academy, Brussels, Belgium

    Mélanie Bost

  2. Saint-Louis University, Brussels, Belgium

    Kirsten Peters

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  1. KU Leuven Public Governance Institute, Leuven, Belgium

    Annie Hondeghem

  2. Centre d'histoire du droit et de la justice (CHDJ), Université catholique de Louvain (UCL), Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium

    Xavier Rousseaux

  3. Centre de Recherche et d’Interventions Sociologiques (CRIS), University of Liège, Liège, Belgium

    Fréderic Schoenaers

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Bost, M., Peters, K. (2016). Belgian Magistrates and German Occupiers: A Diachronic Comparison (1914–1918/1940–1944). In: Hondeghem, A., Rousseaux, X., Schoenaers, F. (eds) Modernisation of the Criminal Justice Chain and the Judicial System. Ius Gentium: Comparative Perspectives on Law and Justice, vol 50. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-25802-7_16

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