Abstract
This chapter examines the pace and contours of fertility decline in India since the 1950s. India’s fertility recent history is characterized on the one hand by long-term trends that are both slow and steady, and on the other hand by a considerable level of geographical heterogeneity. In the absence of any strong determinant of fertility change, the decline appears to be largely self-sustained across India. I use therefore observed trends over the last four decades to forecast the course of fertility in India in the coming years. Results of this simulation point to a pace of fertility decline which is distinctly faster than most recent projections of fertility trends in India.
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Notes
- 1.
This chapter benefited from comments by an anonymous referee and by colleagues on an earlier version presented at meetings in Singapore and Busan.
- 2.
Figures derived from the United Nations estimates for 1950–2100 (UNPD 2013).
- 3.
For lack of space, we will not discuss several demographic issues of fertility decline such as age-specific fertility rates and changes in marital status described by NFHS survey waves. Most recent statistics on age, regional and marital fertility differentials can be found in SRS (2013).
- 4.
The countries selected for comparison are the following: Bangladesh, Cambodia, China, Indonesia, Iran, Malaysia, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, Philippines, Sri Lanka, South Korea, Thailand, Uzbekistan, and Viet Nam. Afghanistan and Japan have been excluded respectively for their delayed and early fertility transition.
- 5.
We exclude here South Korea because of the impact of the Korean war of 1950–1953. Fertility rebounded to 6.3 children per woman after 1955, which suggests it must have been close to 6 during pretransitional years.
- 6.
This corresponds to an accelerating decline in relative levels. Note that this acceleration stopped after 20 years in most other Asian countries while the simulation exercise carried on further below suggests that the rate of decline may not slow down before 2020 in India (see Figure).
- 7.
The highest standard deviation (above .50) is observed for Iran and China where fertility decline was once the steepest and has now virtually ended.
- 8.
- 9.
For a strictly statistical approach to these critical years as trend discontinuity, see Goli and Arokiasamy (2013).
- 10.
- 11.
The most recent SRS data confirm that women with education below primary in Kerala and Tamil Nadu had lower fertility in 2012 than graduates from Madhya Pradesh or Uttar Pradesh (SRS 2013).
- 12.
For want of adequate theory, finance economics often resort to a chartist approach in which forecasts are derived solely from past behavior of indicators.
- 13.
For a more severe evaluation of probabilistic methods, see Lesthaeghe (2012).
- 14.
Fertility estimates are missing for several districts for specific years in states such as Assam and Jammu and Kashmir. See the appendix for detail of this dataset.
- 15.
See also Navaneetham and Dharmalingam (2011) for a discussion of trends.
- 16.
Our forecast is probably less reliable for this lowest level due to the limited number of Indian districts (37) that had recorded fertility below 1.8 before 2011.
- 17.
Our forecast of fertility decline departs even more from the somewhat alarming PFI-PRB set of projections– according to which India will not reach replacement level before 2040 or even 2060 as per its two variants.
- 18.
The date at which TFR reaches 2.1 is respectively 2021 and 2026 with higher floors of 1.8 and 2.1 (Dyson 2009). As it happens, recent estimates from low-fertility states suggest that the current floor level is in the range of 1.7–1.8 children per woman.
- 19.
Computations based here on the difference between the medium-fertility and low-fertility variants of the 2012 United Nations prospects.
- 20.
Dharmalingam et al. (2014) argues on the contrary against rapid regional convergence.
- 21.
See, however, the obvious limitations of the diffusion model expressed by Säävälä (2010) in her description of the spectacular fertility decrease observed in Andhra Pradesh.
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Appendix: District-Level Fertility Estimates
Appendix: District-Level Fertility Estimates
Several sets of estimates are available for each date from various sources such as Guilmoto and Rajan (2001, 2002, 2013), Bhat (1996), (Registrar General of India 1997). Yet, several issues arise due to regular changes in district boundaries, which prevent the longitudinal analysis of fertility series over the years. The number of districts in India has regularly increasing over the years, starting from 310 districts in 1956 to 640 districts in 2011.
In order to prepare a consistent set of estimates for the largest number of districts, I combined the 1956–1991 series and the 2001–2011 estimates by Guilmoto and Rajan. Bhat’s estimates were only used to check the quality of our TFR estimates for 1981 and 1991. The resulting dataset was converted into surface maps of fertility in India for each census years by kriging. I then applied 2011 census boundaries to these maps of fertility to derive fertility estimates from 1961 to 2011.
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Guilmoto, C.Z. (2016). The Past and Future of Fertility Change in India. In: Guilmoto, C., Jones, G. (eds) Contemporary Demographic Transformations in China, India and Indonesia. Demographic Transformation and Socio-Economic Development, vol 5. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-24783-0_7
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