Abstract
Peter Meusburger presents an overview about some of the reasons why the school system in multi-ethnic or multilingual states is a contested field and an arena of political and cultural conflicts. In states with compulsory education it is a crucial question whether and in which circumstances ethnic minorities are allowed to use their mother tongue in elementary and secondary schools as the language of instruction, whether the teachers are sympathetic to the minority cultures, whether minorities play a part in determining the location and size of elementary schools and the content of the textbooks, and whether those minorities have a say in the “memory industry”. The school can support and reinforce the cultural learning process that students have already undergone in their families and neighborhoods but can also interrupt or reverse it, eventually instilling them with serious doubt about their identity. In multiethnic states minority students entering the school system frequently experience how the values, historical experiences, and cultural practices that their parents have passed on to them are called into question, resisted, or portrayed as backward.
A nation is not only a political entity, but also something that produces meaning—a system of cultural representations.
Hall (1996, p. 612)
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- 1.
In most European countries compulsory schooling was introduced in late eighteenth or nineteenth century. One of the first countries to introduce compulsory education was Austria in 1774, though it took decades to enforce this law throughout the country.
- 2.
Literacy was a precondition for employment in large and complex bureaucratic organizations with a high degree of division of labor.
- 3.
There has been intense discussion between liberals denying the collective rights of minorities and authors supporting the cultural rights of minorities (see Brett 1991; Jacobs 1991; Kukathas 1992; Kymlicka 1989, 1991, 1992; Lenihan 1991; Sigler 1983). It makes a difference whether minorities have been forcibly integrated by internal colonialism or by expansion of territory (e.g., during or after a war or through colonial “boundary-making”) or whether members of a foreign culture immigrated voluntarily in search of better economic opportunities.
- 4.
This chapter deals predominantly with autochthonous (native) minorities and not with voluntary immigrants.
- 5.
The fact that schools serve as an early-warning system for societal problems was discovered in the early nineteenth century by members of the social survey movement in England (for an overview see Marsden 1982, 1987; Meusburger 1998, pp. 191–197) and in the 1920s by members of the Chicago school of social ecology, who had analyzed the relationship between truancy and juvenile delinquency (Shaw 1929).
- 6.
- 7.
This section does not deal with informal education or noninstitutional formal education as defined by Jordan and Tharp (1979, p. 266).
- 8.
During field work in the 1980s, Frantz (1999) found that American Indian children at some schools run by the Bureau of Indian Affairs were told “that the history of the American continent began in the sixteenth century” (p. 145)—that is, after America was discovered by Columbus.
- 9.
Minorities in urban agglomerations have problems different from those of minorities in sparsely inhabited peripheral areas. Economically well-off minorities living in prosperous areas have interests different from those of minorities struggling with poverty in decayed urban areas. A minority in a border region with strong connections to its former “motherland” is confronted with more suspicion and mistrust from the central state than is a minority not involved in border claims. A law having positive effects in country A (e.g., desegregation of schooling) may be inimical to a minority in country B.
- 10.
Analogous problems of definition and counting exist with some minorities on other continents (e.g., gypsies in Europe ).
- 11.
- 12.
It goes without saying that the collective social status of an ethnic group is just a rough concept. Within each ethnic group, too, there are major regional and social inequalities.
- 13.
The explanatory power of indicators of educational achievement varies in space and time. Whether an indicator has explanatory power depends first on the selectivity of the school system and on the indicator’s life cycle. Many indicators eventually lose their value. In states with 50 % illiteracy or more, the indicator “percentage of illiterates” has a very high informative value. In states with 2 % illiteracy it is irrelevant (for details see Meusburger 1998, pp. 303–339).
- 14.
However, a form of compulsory ignorance for girls has reemerged in areas controlled by the Taliban .
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
Kven is a Norwegian expression for Finn.
- 18.
This function was established by the Norwegian government in 1902.
- 19.
“Kindern, die keine andere Sprache können, werde der Unterricht ausschließend böhmisch ertheilt: sollen sie deutsch lernen, so geschehe es mittelst der böhmischen Sprache; man sorge für Lehrer, die ihrer Muttersprache vollkommen mächtig sind.”
- 20.
The Grand Duchy of Posen (Poznań ) was part of the Kingdom of Prussia and was created from territories annexed by Prussia after the Partitions of Poland . It was formally established after Napoleon’s final defeat in 1815. Per agreements derived at the Congress of Vienna , the duchy was to have a degree of autonomy. In reality, however, the duchy was subordinated to Prussia, and the proclaimed rights for Polish subjects were not fully implemented. Based on http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grand_Duchy_of_Posen
- 21.
A historical region of central Europe in what is today southeast Poland and western Ukraine .
- 22.
The basics of Judaism and the Hebrew language were taught in traditional Jewish elementary schools known as cheders, which were generally small and financed exclusively by the Jewish religious communities. “Any attempt to put them under control [of the Russian administration] failed as a rule. Only a few of them taught Russian, for instance” (Miaṃso 1991, p. 173).
- 23.
The secret coordination and supervision of these catacomb schools, which were located mainly in remote farm houses, was organized by the Catholic priest Michael Gamper (1885–1956) and Josef Noldin (1888–1929). Gamper was succeeded by Maria Nicolussi (1882–1961).
- 24.
Rudolf Riedl (1876–1965) from Tramin was banned to the distant Italian island of Pantelleria, located between Sicily and Africa . Josef Noldin was banned to the island of Lipari (for details see Villgrater 1984).
- 25.
“We forget at our own peril that scientism is not a matter of specific paradigms, but about authority and the power of particular speaking positions, as well as about what counts as knowledge and evidence” (Grossberg 2010, p. 47).
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Meusburger, P. (2016). The School System as an Arena of Ethnic Conflicts. In: Meusburger, P., Freytag, T., Suarsana, L. (eds) Ethnic and Cultural Dimensions of Knowledge. Knowledge and Space, vol 8. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-21900-4_2
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