Abstract
The early European explorations of current Canadian lands were seeking a passage that would connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. It was never found, but the rich marine resources that were discovered instead promoted the development of a thriving fishing industry based on whale hunting and cod fishing. Basque seamen were active agents in the origin of this process, promoting the development of seasonal settlements on that new found land. Although they were divested of their prominent role in the late sixteenth century, their activity did not cease until the eighteenth century. The study of the Basque fisheries overseas provides a rich example of colonial diversity and multiculturalism. On the one hand, it allows us to delve deeper into the casual nature of early colonialism, underscores the random nature of its development, and stresses the importance of individual actions in the colonial process. On the other hand, it offers a more plural and necessary vision of colonialism. The first phase of the colonizing of Canada is a special case of cultural interaction between Europeans and the local population. The development of a Basque-Algonquin pidgin and their collaborative relationship are examples of a different sort of cultural encounter than what developed elsewhere in America.
The original manuscript was written in Spanish and has been translated into English by “Traductores-Intérpretes GDS, S.L.”
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Notes
- 1.
This study generally focuses on sailors from the Peninsular Basque Country, namely those who came from the Iberian Peninsula, who were Castilian subjects during the studied period. For the sake of distinction, the Basques who were subjects of the French Monarchy will be referred to as continental Basques. On occasions, it will be difficult to distinguish one from the other, since the way in which they are named in written documentation is ambiguous and because it is difficult to identify differences using philological evidence or material culture elements.
- 2.
Both cases indicate that “casual” is a much more appropriate way to describe the process than “inexorable,” a term which is often related to the colonization process, despite it tending to underestimate the capacity for action and the heterogeneous nature of the local societies, as occurs when the term is applied to the advance of capitalism (Funari et al. 1999, p. 7; Funari 2007, p. 5).
- 3.
This possibility is very likely because the first documented journeys seem to refer to previous experience and to describe an already familiar reality. The interpretation of the text from the year 1531, which both Michael Barkham (2000, p. 55) and Juan Antonio Azpiazu refer to, led the latter to suspect that the peninsular Basque sailors’ whaling activity in Newfoundland could date back to the 1620s (Azpiazu 2008, p. 39–42). Michael Barkham accepts that they were involved in the fisheries in the same decade (2000, p. 55), although the type of documentation used is indirect. In any case, the use of a Basque-Algonquin pidgin, which had already been consolidated in 1540 (Bakker 1991, p. 157–158), seems to prove that the presence of the Basque sailors came early and was intense. The fact that the first known Galician journey intended for cod fishing in Newfoundland was in 1517 (Menard 2006, p. 228) strengthens the hypothesis that the peninsular Basques were present on the Canadian coasts before 1531.
- 4.
It must be remembered that when the testimonies from the era refer to Newfoundland, they are speaking of Canada’s Atlantic coast in general. More specific areas are distinguished within this category, such as the canal de la Granbaya (the present day Strait of Belle Isle) or the costa de Bacallaos (south of present day Newfoundland).
- 5.
Other sailors, such as the Normans, also became accustomed to hunting whales, although they ceased this activity in the thirteenth century (du Pasquier 2000, p. 15–16). Since the first European whale hunting companies were created in the early seventeenth century (Romanovsky 1999, p. 19), the English, Dutch, and Danish were taught how to hunt whales by Basque sailors (du Pasquier 2000, p. 83–91; Alberdi 2012, p. 290). The main consequence was that the English and Dutch took control of the whale blubber market from the mid-seventeenth century, and it was impossible for the Basques to meet their lower prices (Aragón and Alberdi 2006, p. 101).
- 6.
His opinion on this issue is identical to the one expressed by Gipuzkoan historian Esteban de Garibay in 1571. For this reason, Selma Huxley-Barkham (1987, p. 41) suspects that Garibay is the source from which de Isasti has gathered some of his information. He does, fortunately, expand on it.
- 7.
The drying process was quicker on the Iberian Peninsula due to the warmer climate. For this reason, it is logical to suggest that some cod expeditions would have been able to compensate by fishing for less than 5 months and drying the cod in the ports of departure. In the case of the Basque sailors, it is most likely that they dried the cod on land, especially on mixed expeditions (cod and whale), since they had spent over 5 months in Newfoundland and they had to settle on land to melt the blubber. It is also possible that the Basque expeditions that were heading to Newfoundland to fish exclusively for cod did the same. de Isasti’s testimony (1625) opens up this possibility. He mentions that the Gipuzkoan sailors would set off for Cod in March or April in order to return with plenty of cod in September or October, giving enough time for at least some of the cod to dry. The latest Basque sites to have been excavated, such as Hare Harbour in Petit Mecatina, make this seem feasible.
- 8.
We are involved in a study on Basque-Canadian pottery since 2008, in the framework of the TECNOLONIAL Project, Technological impact in the Colonial New World. Cultural change in pottery archaeology and archaeometry, funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (HAR2008-02834/HIST, 2008–2012) and the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (HAR2012-33784/HIST, 2013–2015). For a brief overview, please see Barrachina and Escribano-Ruiz (2012).
- 9.
These interactions provide very interesting examples of cultural contact; the interpretation of these contacts lies outside the scope of this study, which only aims to provide a general picture of the nature of the contact. The different types of interaction between the Basques and each of the cultural groups, and how each one unfolded, offer a rich base of information, which will be interpreted in future studies.
- 10.
This was not the case in other colonial contexts, in which there were doubts as to whether the native people were humans or they were considered to be exotic objects, slaves or even construction material (Todorov 2008, p. 184).
- 11.
Although it has not been possible to demonstrate its existence in the present day, a document from the eighteenth century mentions that a Basque-Eskimo pidgin existed (Bakker 1991, p. 147–148).
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Escribano-Ruiz, S., Azkarate, A. (2015). Basque Fisheries in Eastern Canada, a Special Case of Cultural Encounter in the Colonizing of North America. In: Funari, P., Senatore, M. (eds) Archaeology of Culture Contact and Colonialism in Spanish and Portuguese America. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-08069-7_13
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