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Religious Tendencies in Brazil: Disenchantment, Secularization, and Sociologists

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Religious Pluralism

Abstract

According to Comte’s project, Sociology was founded in order to replace Theology. This chapter is devoted to the study of this principle as applied to two instances of religious change in Brazil. First, the rise of a “holy alliance” between social scientists and the practitioners of Afro-Brazilian Candomblé, reinterpreted as a religion that leads to the exit from religion, due to the scant attention it attributes to the notions of sin, guilt, repression, etc. This has led to the devaluation of the spontaneous diversity and pluralism of the African influenced religions of Brazil, which are increasingly replaced by a common ritual and theological denominator, elaborated by social scientists according to their own philosophy of religion and history. Second, the Theology of Liberation, viewed as the mundanization of Catholicism, which, not unlike the intellectual upgrading of Candomblé, was largely done under the guidance of social scientists and thinkers (In a way, the movements toward both the “churchifying” of Candomblé and to the “sociologization” of Catholicism are part and parcel of the same basic trend toward secularization “in the South American way”). Yet, despite huge intellectual investment, the Afro-Brazilians did not give up their pluralism and did not develop a single, coherent theodicy of their own. Similarly, the effort at mundanization and deprivatization of the Theology of Liberation led to the devaluation of an “enchanted” theodicy. But the people soon found other forms of enchantment through en masse adhesion to Pentecostalism. Indeed, according to a major premise of this chapter, there can hardly be religion, in spite of efforts to give it a rationalized theology, without a core of implausibility, due to its necessarily “enchanted” origin.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As I see it, my implicit conception of religion is akin to those of Durkheim (1985), Eliade (1969), Lowie (1924), and Otto (1958).

  2. 2.

    And this in spite of what Weber said, or is interpreted to have said, about disenchanted Calvinism in the Protestant Ethic.

  3. 3.

    About the role of sociologists in the process of secularization (or mundanization), indeed of Social Science as a transformation of religion, references can be multiplied indefinitely. I will limit myself to just two: Sombart (1955) and Löwith (2002).

  4. 4.

    The name Candomblé used to apply but to one of the varieties of the Afro-Brazilian religions, the one practiced at Salvador da Bahia. Due to its outstanding prestige, the name spread to all the religions of like origin.

  5. 5.

    Many saw this as progress due to the “movement of Black consciousness”, since in the previous count (2003) only 0.23 % of the whole population claimed to belong to one of them.

  6. 6.

    Including my own Ph. D. dissertation (Motta 1988).

  7. 7.

    Exact figures are very difficult to obtain, if at all. I dealt with this problem in Motta (1988), which, in some essential points, including in its methodological approach, is not outdated. See also, for a more recent treatment of the question, Motta (2007).

  8. 8.

    Terreiros are the shrines in which worship takes place, comprising animal sacrifices (a basic rite), dance, trance, divination, etc.

  9. 9.

    I think this situation is far from being unique to Brazil. But Brazilians express themselves (the present writer not excepted) in a somewhat blunt, at times even crude fashion. Dealing with a similar matter, a European author would wear multilayered gloves of distance and politeness.

  10. 10.

    The conference was sponsored by the “Mercosul”, the Southern South America Association of Sociologists of Religion (one of a thriving species in our lands) and he speaks with the full authority of a leading senior scholar.

  11. 11.

    With Bourdieu he exclaims: “There are even bishops who are sociologists!”.

  12. 12.

    Well to the right end of the political spectrum, French writer Charles Maurras (1868–1952), along lines in part, at least, compatible with Pierucci’s, writes that “it is questionable whether the idea of God, of an only Deity, present to man’s conscience, is always beneficial. It does raise the feeling that conscience can establish a direct relationship with that absolute, infinite and almighty Being. But, on the other hand, Catholicism’s merit and honor lie precisely in the organization it was able to confer to the idea of the Deity. On the way leading to it Catholics finds legions of intermediaries, along a continuous chain. Heaven and earth are full of them. Thus, this religion gives back to our world, in spite of its monotheistic foundation, its natural character of multiplicity, harmony, and composition” (Maurras 1972: 116–117).

  13. 13.

    I have dealt at length with this issue in Motta (1998) and Motta (2010).

  14. 14.

    This city is often called “the Black Rome of Brazil”.

  15. 15.

    “Filhos-de-santo” (children of the holy) is an expression commonly applied to the devotees of Candomblé and similar religions.

  16. 16.

    Concerning politics, their motto could be “plus ça change, plus ça reste le même”, the more it changes the more it remains as it is. But this is far from preventing “Candomblezistas” from engaging in clientelistic alliances with politicians of many or no persuasions.

  17. 17.

    This point was certainly well understood, in spite of severe mythologization in many details, by the author of Jorge Amado’s obituary in French newspaper Le Monde): “He distinguished himself from other Brazilian writers of his time by supporting the African religions hitherto brutally repressed by the Police. A Communist deputy in the Constituent Assembly of 1945, he caused them to be considered legal in the Constitution. During his whole life he supported their terreiros and received many distinctions from the priests of Candomblé. Under his influence, the Brazilian youth abandoned the Catholic churches and came in throngs to Bahia in order to be initiated [in Candomblé terreiros] and to discover the new values of joy, communion, and finally liberation, since these philosophies fight evil but ignore sin” (Soublin 2001).

  18. 18.

    Henceforth referred to as TL.

  19. 19.

    Debray (1967). Let us remark that in the actual title there is a question mark: “revolution in revolution?”.

  20. 20.

    I am obviously quoting from the title of Danièle Hervieu-Léger’s book, Catholicisme: La Fin d’un Monde (2003).

  21. 21.

    Bastide (1951) refers explicitly to “Romanization”. de Oliveira (1985) is a standard reference about this process and its sociological implications. Freyre (1986) deals extensively with the wider process of “Europeanization” of Brazil. See also Bruneau (1974), Della Cava (1970), DeKadt (1970), and Serbin (2006).

  22. 22.

    Quoted here according to its Brazilian translation (1986).

  23. 23.

    I consider Gutierrez as a prototypical theoretician of the TL. The ideas of Brazilian (also a Dominican friar) Francisco Cartaxo Rolim (1985, 1992) are also representative of the TL.

  24. 24.

    In other words, “the proof of the pudding is in the eating”.

  25. 25.

    Pessoa’s jeu de mots can be translated as the Church that accuses and the faithful who is silenced.

  26. 26.

    The diocese and the city of Goiás should not be confused with the state of Goiás, where they are located, nor with the city of Goiânia, the capital of that state, nor with the Northeastern city of Goiana.

  27. 27.

    This term implies walk, march, path and is suggestive of Peru’s Sendero Luminoso, shining path, as well as of Mao’s Long March.

  28. 28.

    As a matter of fact, “cure of souls” has been very largely phased out in today’s Brazilian Catholicism.

  29. 29.

    This turn of events does not imply that the priest in question had any African Brazilian ethnic roots.

  30. 30.

    Religious affiliation has been a standard item of nearly all Brazilian censuses down to the present.

  31. 31.

    Brazil underwent very rapid demographic growth in the second half of the twentieth century. Thus, from very nearly 93,000,000 in 1970, the total population had increased to very nearly 170,000,000 in 2000.

  32. 32.

    Concerning the Pentecostals in Brazil, an early and, to this writer’s mind, still unsurpassed interpretation is that of Frase’s (1975).

  33. 33.

    In Brazilian parlance, the “historical churches” are ideal-typically represented by the Presbyterians, the Methodists and the Baptists, who have actively missionized in the country. Episcopalians (in spite of recent successful attempts), and Lutherans, have not so much attempted to expand beyond their original ethnic borders. In any event those churches have been very largely outdone by the Pentecostals, who also outdid, to the great chagrin of many commentators, the Afro-Brazilians and the Theology of Liberation-minded Catholics.

  34. 34.

    I think this apparent coincidence is too strong to be purely coincidental. Pessoa, as a matter of fact, does not quote or mention any publications in English. But news and ideas travel fast. It may have so happened that Pessoa was indeed trying to refute Casanova’s ideas, without perhaps realizing that they derived from Casanova or from some other precise source.

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Motta, R. (2014). Religious Tendencies in Brazil: Disenchantment, Secularization, and Sociologists. In: Giordan, G., Pace, E. (eds) Religious Pluralism. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-06623-3_12

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