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Aspects of Power Overlooked by Power Indices

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Voting Power and Procedures

Part of the book series: Studies in Choice and Welfare ((WELFARE))

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Abstract

The a priori voting power indices concentrate on actor resource distributions and decision rules to determine the potential influence over outcomes by various actors. That these indices sometimes seem to be at odds with the intuitive distribution of real power in voting bodies follows naturally from their a priori nature. Indices based on actor preferences address this by equating an actor’s voting power with the proximity of voting outcomes to his/her ideal point. It is, however, shown that in some cases the preference-based indices are just as questionable as the classic ones. The main aim of this paper is to delineate the proper scope of power indices. In the pursuit of this aim we try to show that the procedures resorted to in making collective decisions are as important—if not more so—as the actor resource distribution. We review some results on agenda-systems to drive home this point. The proper role of power indices then turns out to be in the study of actor influences over outcomes when the actors are on the same level of aggregation (individuals, groups, states) and “comparable” in the sense of having similar sets of strategies at their disposal and preferences are not taken into consideration, e.g. because a veil of ignorance applies.

This paper was presented at The Leverhulme Trust sponsored Voting Power in Practice Symposium at the London School of Economics, 20–22 March 2011. Comments of the participants, in general, and of Dan S. Felsenthal, in particular, are gratefully acknowledged. We would also like to thank an anonymous referee for several perceptive and constructive suggestions that we have tried to accommodate in the present version.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The computation formulae of the indices are listed in Appendix.

  2. 2.

    A referee correctly points out that the outcomes under sincere voting are not Nash equilibria. Indeed, none of the three outcomes is a Nash equilibrium. To wit, if A is the outcome, then Group 2 has an incentive to vote for C at the outset making it thereby the strong Condocet winner and hence the plurality runoff winner as well. The same argument applies mutatis mutandis to the two other outcomes B and C.

  3. 3.

    We shall here deal with the general no-show paradox only and omit its strong version. A more comprehensive account of both types is given in Nurmi (2012) which is to a large extent a result of private correspondence with Dan S. Felsenthal dating back to May 2001 and continuing intermittently till early 2011 (Felsenthal 2001–2011).

  4. 4.

    The argument is a slight modification of Baigent’s (1987, p. 163) illustration.

  5. 5.

    A referee correctly points out that we are not requiring that the larger group has identical preferences. Instead their preference changes cancel out each other. Indeed, we have here an instance of reversal bias discussed at some length by Nurmi (2005). The point, however, is that a small group of voters may move the outcome a longer distance than a large—albeit heterogenous—group under specific preference configurations.

  6. 6.

    This section is based on Nurmi (2010).

  7. 7.

    X and Y could be applicants for a job or candidates for a political office. The issues, in turn, could be any three important aspects of the office, e.g. foreign policy, financial policy and education policy. The criteria could be work experience, relevant linguistic skills, relevant formal education, relevant social network and relevant social skills.

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Correspondence to Manfred J. Holler .

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Appendix

Appendix

The Shapley-Shubik index value of player i is:

$$\displaystyle{\phi _{i} = \Sigma _{S\subseteq N}\frac{(s - 1)!(n - s)!} {n!} [v(S) - v(S\setminus \{i\})].}$$

Here s denotes the number of members of coalition S and n! is defined as the product \(n \cdot (n - 1) \cdot (n - 2) \cdot \ldots 2 \cdot 1.\) The expression in square brackets differs from zero just in case S is winning but S∖{i} is not. In this case, then, i is a decisive member in S. In other words, i has a swing in S. Indeed, the Shapley-Shubik index value of i indicates the expected share of i’s swings in all swings assuming that coalitions are formed sequentially.

Player i’s PGI value H i is computed as follows:

$$\displaystyle{H_{i} = \frac{\Sigma _{S{\ast}\subseteq N}[v(S{\ast}) - v(S {\ast}\setminus \{ i\})]} {\Sigma _{j\in N}\Sigma _{S{\ast}\subseteq N}[v(S{\ast}) - v(S {\ast}\setminus \{ j\})]}.}$$

Here S∗ is a minimal winning coalition, i.e. every proper subset of S∗ is a losing coalition.

The Deegan-Packel index value of player i, denoted DP i , in turn, is obtained as follows:

$$\displaystyle{DP_{i} = \frac{\Sigma _{S{\ast}\subseteq N}1/s[v(S{\ast}) - v(S {\ast}\setminus \{ i\})]} {\Sigma _{j\in N}\Sigma _{S{\ast}\subseteq N}1/s[v(S{\ast}) - v(S {\ast}\setminus \{ j\})]}.}$$

The standardized Banzhaf index value of i is defined as:

$$\displaystyle{\bar{\beta }_{i} = \frac{\Sigma _{S\subseteq N}[v(S) - v(S\setminus \{i\})]} {\Sigma _{j\in N}\Sigma _{S\subseteq N}[v(S) - v(S\setminus \{j\})]}.}$$

The absolute Penrose-Banzhaf index (Penrose 1946; Banzhaf 1965), in turn, is defined as:

$$\displaystyle{\beta _{i} = \frac{\Sigma _{S\subseteq N}[v(S) - v(S\setminus \{i\})]} {2^{n-1}}.}$$

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Holler, M.J., Nurmi, H. (2014). Aspects of Power Overlooked by Power Indices. In: Fara, R., Leech, D., Salles, M. (eds) Voting Power and Procedures. Studies in Choice and Welfare. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-05158-1_12

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