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A Comparative Approach to Global Domestic Service in Two Cities: Methodological Notes

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Part of the book series: SpringerBriefs in Environment, Security, Development and Peace ((MIGST,volume 14))

Abstract

From a pedagogical approach, this chapter has two objectives: (1) to highlight the usefulness of comparative analysis as a tool for social research in the study of migration; (2) to describe the way this methodological strategy is to be applied in a concrete field of enquiry (global domestic service) as specified in a research project by the author. Comparative analysis has been the preferred methodological option when a small number of cases are being observed. It is based on a series of assumptions and procedures to assure the validity of any inferences made. In the case of migration studies, it offers the advantage of minimizing methodological nationalism. A comparative approach to the study of international domestic service in two countries helps to capture the global nature of this burgeoning female labor market and to identify the institutional and labor regime particularities of each context of reception.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Representing an intermediate position between the hyperglobalizers and skeptics, between those who subscribe to the idea that globalization constitutes a new era in the history of humanity and those who emphasize its continuity with prior stages, the transformationalists maintain that the series of inter-related changes provoked by globalization (technological, cultural, migration, etc.) has reached unprecedented levels, affecting practically all societies in one way or another (Castles 2001).

  2. 2.

    The project on which this chapter is based, “Migration and female labor markets in the context of globalization: a comparative perspective (Migración y mercados de trabajo femeninos en el contexto de la globalización. Una perspectiva comparativa)” was supported by Mexico’s National Autonomous University (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), through the PAPIIT (IN 300006) program.

  3. 3.

    From the logic of determination, constructed on the basis of a mechanicistic model of social processes along the lines of Newtonian physics, it is impossible to acknowledge the plurality of causes, since among other things, the following must be considered: (a) all social processes are necessarily determined; (b) all determinations are necessarily causal; (c) when there is a cause, there is an effect; (d) the effect can only assume the shape and intensity imprinted by the cause, etc… (Ariza 1994). In a passage frequently cited, Durkheim vehemently opposes the idea of the plurality of causes as sustained by J.S. Mill, stating the following: “This supposed axiom of the plurality of causes is, in fact, a negation of the principle of causality… an effect can maintain this relation only with a single cause, since it can only express a single nature” (1981, p. 139).

  4. 4.

    This is a conception shared by Przeworski and Teune (1970), when they define it as an approach in which a form of control is exercised, similar to that used in experimentation, and as a form of inquiry in which more than one level of analysis is possible.

  5. 5.

    According to Przeworski and Teune, a research study in which there are multiple levels of observation, but reflections are limited to a single level, does not constitute a comparative analysis,.

  6. 6.

    More relativist positions within the social sciences challenge the assumption asserting that the object of comparison is not to achieve causal explanations but only to interpret the differences encountered.

  7. 7.

    For a detailed discussion of these aspects, see Ragin (1987, 2006, 2008).

  8. 8.

    Others refer to the levels of analysis, the problem of causality, and the decision of whether to orient research toward cases or variables. Entering into these aspects would exceed the purpose of this paper (see Collier 1993; Mills et al. 2006).

  9. 9.

    Due to the type of methodological design chosen for this study, we will focus on qualitative analysis, necessarily restricted to a small number of cases. There are, however, countless numbers of research studies in which comparisons are made on the basis of sample populations, involving considerable numbers of cases. In these situations comparative analysis may involve at least two problems: (1) superficiality, due to the restricted number of explanatory variables in relation to the number of cases included in the comparison; and (2) the existence of many irrelevant cases that, exhibiting values close to zero in dependent and independent variables, will lead to a spurious confirmation of the anticipated relation. In other words, an elevated number of cases carries the risk of some of them being irrelevant from a theoretical point of view, and allowing an artificial rejection of the null hypothesis (see Mills et al. 2006; Ragin 2006).

  10. 10.

    Other advantages mentioned are that the reduced number of cases allows for making ‘dense’ descriptions (Geertz 1973), and avoids the theoretical emptying of concepts (Sartori 1970, cited by Collier 1993).

  11. 11.

    Perhaps it is worth pointing out that in research studies based on most similar designs the equivalence function is fulfilled by the contexts of reference.

  12. 12.

    As pointed out by Brettell (1981, p. 46, cited by Green 1994, p. 11), “One chooses a community to find or prove’community.’ The assumptions become the conclusion.”

  13. 13.

    The same thing can happen when comparison is used in a certain way at the level of nation-states, particularly when, in an analogous reflection, all the differences found are immediately attributed to the contrasting profiles of the two nations, and consequently analysis ends up confirming the initial assumptions (Green 1994, p. 5).

  14. 14.

    Johann Gottfried Herder, a philosopher from the eighteenth century, maintained a perspective of the social world as constituted by a multitude of nations and ethnic groups in which each nation represented a particular manifestation of human capacity to be cultivated, analogous to the capacities of species in the natural world. In this tradition of thought, ethnic groups and nations constitute total social phenomena, made up of three isomorphic aspects: (1) a community that maintains its unity on the basis of the strong links among its members; (2) an identity built around a feeling of a common destiny and historic continuity; and (3) a unique vision of the world established through the (Wimmer 2007, p. 3).

  15. 15.

    The author draws attention to the need to ‘de-ethnicize’ designs for migration research, to be able to report both the emergence of ethnic groups and their absence. From the perspective of the formation of ethnic groups as she proposes, the selection of non-ethnic units of observation is important, to facilitate evaluating whether group boundaries are actually formed and where they are formed, before assuming that they exist (see Wimmer 2007).

  16. 16.

    In the authors’ words: “By tracing immigrants’ stories of their political incorporation upward, to the assistance provided by community organizations, I could link micro-level dynamics with the larger structural argument about institutional differences” (Bloemraad 2005, p. 17).

  17. 17.

    It appears, as mentioned by Green (1994, p. 3) in the article quoted several times here, that there were voices that warned of the dangers of nationalist tendencies in social sciences early on. Thus, already in the early twentieth century, Henri Pirenne made a fervent call in favor of the comparative method as a means to liberate social sciences from nationalist prejudices—which he thought had been inherited from nineteenth century romanticism.

  18. 18.

    As pointed out by Green (1994, p. 3): “Through a comparative method…we can explore the universalism inherent in certain processes while understanding the diversity of both their representations and realities”.

  19. 19.

    As emphasized by Centeno (2010, p. 213), from a migration angle, the state is the institution that certifies the right of individuals to enjoy the prerogatives that define an exclusive sub-group of individuals—of citizens—as being the ones that belong. It is precisely with the advent of the state in its modern form that the “illegality” of migration emerges as a social problem. The author draws attention to the recent nature of the phenomenon in historic terms, since it was not until the late nineteenth century and early tweentieth century that state control over migration became a crucial element in sovereignty (Centeno 2010, p. 213).

  20. 20.

    It was necessary for 100 years to pass before this occupation dropped to second place in the labor profile of Mexican women, around 1980, according to Suárez (1989).

  21. 21.

    Specialists on this topic have been able to sketch out maps with the primary routes of this international female migration toward markets that, like domestic service, have been reactivated in the context of globalization. Thus, women from southern Asia (Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, India and Sri Lanka) migrate to the Persian Gulf (Saudi Arabia and Kuwait), Italy, Spain and Greece. Women from Africa (Nigeria, Ethiopia and Morocco) move to Spain, Italy and Greece. Mexican and Central American women migrate to the United States and Canada, and enter into domestic service as well as other poorly remunerated activities in the tertiary sector. Caribbean women, including women from the Dominican Republic, migrate to the United States, Spain, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium and Germany, among other countries (see Ehrenreich and Russell Hochschild 2003, pp. 276–280; Ariza 2004).

  22. 22.

    The most obvious expressions of this crisis are care deficits and the commodification of care work. The first concept refers to the shortage or insufficient supply of remunerated services for meeting the needs of caring for members of a family, as well as the lack of care provided by relatives in the restricted context of the family world. Commodification refers to the fact that in first world countries, care work (or reproductive work in its simplest sense) is becoming the object of increasing organization, as it is turned into activities and services that can be bought and sold (Zimmerman et al., 2006, p. 20).

  23. 23.

    Which aspects are included in paid domestic service is, in itself, a matter of controversy. The unspecific nature of the tasks involved, the fact that this work is carried out in the private sphere, and the predominant informal nature of the occupation all make it difficult to establish clear limits. As emphasized by some authors, efforts such as those by the International Labor Organization (ILO) to delimit the tasks encompassed in the occupation tend to trail far behind reality (Andersen 2000, p. 15). Cleaning, preparing food and caring for others—usually children but also the elderly—are currently some of the daily tasks of immigrant women inserted in this occupation (Andersen 2000, p. 15). It is in this broad sense that paid domestic service is being referred to in this study.

  24. 24.

    Using the definition provided by Denzin and Lincoln (2003: 4, 5), we understand qualitative research as a situated activity that locates the observer in the world and consists of a series of interpretative, material practices that make the world visible…Among other things, it assumes a naturalist, interpretative approach to the reality being studied (Bechhofer and Paterson 2000; Ariza and Velasco 2012).

  25. 25.

    Dominicans in Madrid and Mexicans in New York have a diametrically opposed migratory status, with low percentages of irregularity among the former (approximately 23.6 %) and extremely high percentages among the latter (around 60 %) (Domingo and Martínez 2006; Passel and D´Vera Cohn 2009).

  26. 26.

    Ragin (1987, p. 9) calls attention to the underlying ambiguity of the notion of the unit of analysis, sometimes identified simply with data, and at other times in theoretical terms. This ambiguity increases in the case of comparative studies, in which analysis is usually carried out at one level (individual, for example), while the explanation comes from another (macro-social). Ragin proposes differentiating between the unit of observation (referring to the collection of data) and the unit of explanation, used to explain the pattern observed on the basis of the results.

  27. 27.

    Green (1994) proposes the analysis of an economic sector at a particular moment in time, as a way of avoiding the limitations of what are referred to as “divergent” or “convergent” comparative analyses, typically focused on ethnic groups.

  28. 28.

    In line with the concept developed by Portes and Rumbaut (1990, pp. 85–86), we find that exclusion, passive acceptance and active promotion are the three most common government responses to foreigners. Among these three, passive acceptance corresponds to a situation in which access to the country is tolerated explicitly or implicitly, without any other additional effort to impede or stimulate this phenomenon.

  29. 29.

    The recent economic measures developed by the Spanish government since the 2008 crisis aimed at reaching fiscal equilibrium, may in some way bring closer the two welfare systems.

  30. 30.

    The research group is composed of five members: the main researcher, an academic with a Master’s in Regional Development, and two students. The main researcher is a sociologist (with undergraduate and doctorate degrees in this field), who studied demography at the Latin American Center for Demography (Centro Latinoamericano de Demografía—CELADE). She has been working for 18 years at the Institute for Social Research at Mexico’s National Autonomous University (UNAM), having worked as a researcher at the Institute of Population and Development Studies of the Dominican Republic (PROFAMILIA) between 1987 and 1991. Her primary lines of research have been migration (especially female migration), labor markets, gender, family, sociodemographic processes (including urbanization) and methodological reflection.

  31. 31.

    New York is the most important place of destination for emigration from the Dominican Republic, and Spain is the second. The year in which the international migration of Dominicans to Spain began to increase coincides with the approval of the US Immigration Reform and Control Act (1986), which established new barriers to the international flow of immigrants. In contrast, at the same time and up to 1993, the Spanish government did not place restrictions on Dominicans entering its territory, and in fact they could enter without a visa.

  32. 32.

    One of the clear consequences from processes of globalization and transnationality affecting family structure is the tendency toward the fragmentation of family units and the dispersion of residential spaces (Guarnizo 1997). In those families in which spatial dispersion is expressed in the absence of the mother in homes, regressive effects have been detected on the teaching–learning processes of children and the opportunities for personal growth and development in low-level socioeconomic contexts. The absence of mothers appears to have a stronger destabilizing effect on families than the absence of fathers. In contrast to the effects on intra-family dynamics from male emigration, when mothers are the ones who emigrate, the fathers do not assume domestic roles but rather delegate responsibility for the care and attention to their children to other relatives (Gregorio Gil 1995; Ariza 2012).

  33. 33.

    However after they have reached their destinations, they have a high probability of becoming part of the economically active population (see Cerrutti and Massey 2001).

  34. 34.

    If we had opted for using the most different design, this would have required the causal factors contemplated (countries’ level of development, type of economy, degree of aging, relative importance of immigration) to be highly dissimilar, and even so, for the result to be the same.

  35. 35.

    Of course, the degree of homogeneity or heterogeneity observed is relative and is defined by the researcher. At one extreme, we are all equal because we all belong to the human race, and at an intermediate point, we are irreducibly different because we belong to different races. The degree of homogeneity or heterogeneity will depend on the level of analysis we are engaged in and actually constitutes the scale in which we are conducting our reflection. A scientist can play freely with these relative factors or degrees of homo/heterogeneity, interchanging them and reformulating the level of generality in which the comparison is made, as long as the place from which comparison begins is explicitly identified.

  36. 36.

    The search for heterogeneity, a common practice in qualitative analysis, was one criterion that explicitly guided the selection of the women interviewed.

  37. 37.

    As emphasized by Parella Rubio (2003), the relevance of analyzing the immigrants economic incorporation into the host society lies in its centrality for defining the social position they occupy, and thus, the range of opportunities opened or closed to them.

  38. 38.

    Also referred to as “daily living services,” they include six different areas, with the first two focused on remunerated activities carried out to satisfy the needs of individuals and their families, and services provided to homes (Torns 1997, cited by Parella Rubio 2003, pp. 12, 252). Some of these services are linked to people (elderly, persons with illnesses, children), and others refer more to tasks traditionally considered to be domestic services, such as cleaning and food preparation. The other four areas, according to the European Commission, are: new information and communication technologies, assistance provided to young people experiencing difficulties, mediation and consultation services in conflict resolution, and job risk prevention (Parella Rubio 2003, p. 252).

  39. 39.

    The reduction in the state’s social spending accompanying the reformulation of the social security scheme impacts the care provided to the elderly, one of the tasks most frequently assigned to Latin American female immigrants working in domestic service in Spain.

  40. 40.

    Recognizing that aggregate patterns (average statistical values) conceal variability (or dispersion), we would expect to also find cases that are discrepant with the general tendencies in family dynamics at the level of individual interviews—cases that are illustrative of the diversity of the process.

  41. 41.

    Field work is understood as a type of research that takes place in the context in which things occur, as opposed to research that takes place far from the context (Bechhofer and Paterson 2000).

  42. 42.

    The quantitative sources used in the case of Spain are the National Census and the municipal registry; and for the United States, the Population Census, the Current Population Survey and the American Community Survey.

  43. 43.

    Citing Becker (1998), Denzin and Lincoln (2003, p. 6) describe the qualitative researcher as “a bricoleur or maker of quilts who uses the tools of his or her methodological trade, deploying whatever strategies, methods and empirical materials are at hand. If new tools have to be invented, or pieced together, then the researcher will do this. The choices as to which interpretative practices to employ are not necessarily set in advance. The decision around which research practice to use depends on the questions formulated, and the questions depend, in turn, on the context, what is available, and what the researcher can manage to achieve”.

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Ariza, M. (2014). A Comparative Approach to Global Domestic Service in Two Cities: Methodological Notes. In: Rivera-Sánchez, L., Lozano-Ascencio, F. (eds) The Practice of Research on Migration and Mobilities. SpringerBriefs in Environment, Security, Development and Peace(), vol 14. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-02693-0_3

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