Abstract
As presented above, the issue of spatial disparity was put at the forefront of mainstream social studies in capitalist countries during the Cold War. In related investigations the United States was at the leading edge of theoretical innovation without a doubt. Due to the manifold changes in the overall political, economic, and social context, however, the topic gradually lost its exclusive position in research agendas from the 1970s onwards. After the neoliberal turn, in the eyes of many, spatial inequality is no longer a “problem” to be “handled”. Meanwhile, the European Union witnessed a different tendency: the attention given to spatial inequalities did not decrease but considerably increased here because of the remarkable economic disparities possibly posing a threat to political stability in the integration. Still, related research in Europe also remained within the theoretical framework offered by state-of-the-art theories of US origin, which mostly did nothing but integrate already accessible concepts to a neoclassical mindset and “language”. Thus, even the most cited and most “visible” researches in Europe dominantly did not go beyond description and left untouched the factors leading to either convergence or divergence.
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Notes
- 1.
In the literature the term “neo-Marxist” is used in many different meanings. A common point of ideas called “neo-Marxist” is that in a certain view they are all “new” compared to “old”, thus, traditional Marxist concepts. The nature of this newness can be manifold. First, it can refer to conceptual (and methodological) innovations. “Neo-Marxism” in this sense means the formulation of new hypotheses and the introduction of new research methods to come to terms with new economic and social phenomena the old “mainstream Marxism” fails to explain or even to perceive. An example for this was the early twentieth century “neo-Marxism”. This tried to conceptualize global capitalism, which mirrored international relations profoundly different at that time than during the life of Marx, bringing into being the theory of imperialism (see Blomström and Hettne 1984, p. 53; also cf. Sweezy 1972). Second, “neo-Marxism” can and in dependency research does stand for approaches being new relative to the “traditionally” Europe-centric Marxism since they mirror a “new”, non-Europe-centric point of view. In this sense, “neo-Marxism” differs from “traditional” Marxism in observing processes from the global periphery, redefining a Europe-centric definition of the class to meet real conditions in “underdeveloped” countries, putting stress on the importance of guerrilla warfare instead of organized struggle of labor movements, and paying attention to the “exploitation of nature”, to ecological problems occurring in the global periphery (cf. Blomström and Hettne 1984, pp. 36–38). Third, the prefix “neo” is often attributed to Marxist concepts which have emerged since the late 1960s (mainly since the 1968 student movements), thus, after the postwar decades when Marxism in the Western world had mostly been considered as identical with Soviet communism and was pushed to the periphery of philosophical thought. Here the newness was constituted by a new heyday of Marxist theories, mostly concentrated around the so-called New Left Marxism (cf. Fine 2001). To avoid possible misunderstandings and ambiguities, in the text we tendentiously use “neo-Marxism” in the second meaning, where it refers to a non-Europe-centric point of view.
- 2.
Cf. the concept of Kozlovskiy (1954) presented in Sect. 7.1.2.
- 3.
The claimed concept about constant prices for manufactured goods produced in global centers and sinking prices for raw materials provided by the global periphery gained support from another UN economist, the American Hans Singer (1950). His calculations were in concert with Prebisch’s suggestion, although there was no direct exchange of ideas between the two researchers (Love 1980). Due to this, the theory we have presented in the text is often called the Singer-Prebisch thesis.
- 4.
The above mentioned ideas of Furtado appear in many of the books and papers he wrote. For a detailed overview of the related literature and the temporal development of Furtado’s views see Boianovsky (2009).
- 5.
The two works were generally the same since the 1979 book was the first (otherwise expanded and amended) English edition of the 1969 essay Dependency and Development in Latin America.
- 6.
The two paragraphs on the scientific works of dos Santos and Marini are mainly based on Blomström and Hettne (1984), pp. 64–66.
- 7.
As Blomström and Hettne (1984, p. 77) points out, Amin’s dualistic model of two different forms of capitalism was based on the similar ideas of Marini, which we have presented in the current section.
- 8.
In fact, among the theoreticians whose concepts we discussed in the last sections Samir Amin is the only one who could not be regarded without ambiguities as coming from the “Western Bloc”. This is because his concepts were strongly based on the experience he gained in Egypt (1957–1960) and Mali (1960–1963), both countries having a socialist and Soviet-friendly orientation in those years. But neither did Amin work in any country actually belonging to the Soviet Bloc, while he did so for a long time in France and for UN institutions (cf. Amin 1992).
- 9.
Baran also evoked the struggles between the “Holy Catholic Church”, and heretics and the godless while recurrently calling the relation of “bourgeois” science and politics to leftist revolutionary thoughts as “a systematic crusade” (our emphasis; p. 12).
- 10.
This attitude in Amin’s works in fact attracted serious criticism due to its “economic reductionism” (Smith 1982, p. 11). In Smith’s words, “by locating a person’s class position” (e.g. that one belongs to the class located in the global center), “Amin is ‘reading off’ their political and ideological stance” (ibid.). We agree with Smith in that forming an opinion about one’s view only in the light of one’s country of origin is highly erroneous and can result in serious misinterpretations. Still, the oversimplifying attitude of Amin does not influence what we wrote about his claim of being objective and scientific while denying the same for those with whom he did not agree.
- 11.
In this sense we are even more critical than Disney, because we do not think that either the United States and Great Britain or “Haiti or Mauretania” could be self-evidently located either in the center or in the periphery if the exact criteria of categorization are unclear or unrevealed. Without a doubt, one can easily rely on one’s “geographical imagination” (Gregory 1994) to claim that this or that country belongs to the “global center” or to the “periphery”. But in our view this mirrors such a lack of self-reflexivity which is far less than desirable in a “scientific” discourse. Still, we consider Disney’s lines as relevant insofar as he effectively points out why dual categorizations in international issues easily become over-simplified, unrealistic and misleading.
- 12.
It is worth noting here that the implication of absolute “underdevelopment” in the periphery was also strongly criticized by many among the Marxists, who—in line with Marx and Lenin—argued that in “developing” countries capitalism was a progressive force, which brought “development” in a certain historical period (Gonçalves 2005, p. 109).
- 13.
It is important to underscore here that most neo-Marxist dependency theorists regarded the Soviet system as socialist. Hence, empirical evidence on the latter can be used reasonably to judge the validity of these authors’ claims about socialism. For a more detailed discussion of the relation of socialism as such and “real existing socialism” see Sect. 8.2.2.
- 14.
As we have shown in Sect. 5.6, the emergence of the United States as a superpower during World War II instead of the ultimate collapse of capitalism undermined in the eyes of many the claim of Marx (and, for instance, Lenin) about the self-destruction of the capitalist order. Voices of criticism against this Marxian idea emerged among theoreticians in the Soviet Bloc as well, although forming such an opinion explicitly was not in accordance with official Stalinist propaganda and thus it was a dangerous act.
- 15.
Although, just as it is not uncommon in the case of new research issues, increased interest in scale led in some cases to an overemphasis of the topic or to “scale fetishism” (cf. Belina 2008).
- 16.
We should underscore here that Massey’s negative attitude did not only go to Harvey’s concept but to “grand theories” in general. Her works rather mirrored a stance that Cochrane (1987) formulated as “there do not seem to be any general rules – or necessary relations – at all” (our emphasis; p. 361). This was a main reason that Massey distanced herself from formerly mainstream concepts in economic geography, usually concentrating on the macro level and seeking universal regularities, and shifted to a relational approach with a micro level focus (cf. Phelps 2008; Bathelt and Glückler 2011, pp. 5–7).
- 17.
Smith uses even more dramatic formulation in other works, speaking about the geographical pattern of uneven development as “the satanic geographies of globalization” (interpreting globalization as a strategy as well as outcome of the neoliberal phase of capitalist development) (Smith 1997).
- 18.
According to our knowledge such an investigation of Harvey’s concept has not been provided yet in the literature. For this reason we will give a more detailed analysis here than for most other theories concerned in the thesis, which have been investigated in a great many books and articles.
- 19.
This serious shortcoming in Marx’s concepts was also underscored by Lenin in the first years to establish the Soviet Union, as it was pointed out by Popper (1945, vol. 2, p. 79) in his remarkable but otherwise rather one-sided critique of Marx.
- 20.
- 21.
Since Marxist ideology put great emphasis on the individual’s right to work, in “real existing socialist” countries the right to have a workplace was considered as crucial. Hence, these regimes sustained full employment by artificial measures, meaning in fact that many had a workplace, but not reasonable work. This phenomenon was commonly referred to as “hidden unemployment” or “unemployment behind the gates”.
- 22.
In our view these interpretations are at least remarkably one-sided and morally hard to accept in the light that these systems physically destroyed tens of millions of human beings in peacetime, who were deprived not only of “a minimum in housing, healthcare, and nutrition”, but even of their personal freedom or of the fundamental right to live (cf. Courtois et al. 1999). (In the forthcoming paragraphs we will pay more attention to these issues.)
- 23.
The main features of “real existing socialism”, which we first present through the example of the USSR, were to large extent similar in the Soviet satellite countries in Eastern Europe as well as in the Maoist China, as will be discussed in later parts of this section.
- 24.
The only seven-year plan, which was an initiative of the Khrushchev administration, was carried out between 1959 and 1965.
- 25.
A detailed overview of these issues is given by Budantseva (2007).
- 26.
- 27.
Not to mention the many informal benefits those in leading positions could take advantage of, even if only indirectly. For example, factory directors had many additional revenues most workers could not even dream about, from the free use of official car (with chauffeur) to the easiness of spending vacation in the most luxurious hotels for key functionaries, the nomenklatura.
- 28.
Agricultural workers also suffered much from a radical reduction in their revenues. These were manifest, however, mostly in non-fiscal form. Hence, this issue is investigated in later parts of this section.
- 29.
The movement was named after Aleksei Stakhanov, a Soviet miner in the Donets Basin, who on a night in 1935 hewed 102 tons of coal, thus, 14 times his quota (Siegelbaum 1988, p. 2).
- 30.
- 31.
It is interesting to note that the Gulag population was not only expected to contribute to economic growth, but its demographic structure also seemed to be in line with this expectation. As Getty, Rittersporn & Zemtsov (1993) stresses, in 1934, 1937 and 1940 age groups between 19 and 40 constituted 74.4–85.3 % of the Gulag population, while for the whole of the USSR this value was only 35.8 % in 1937. Moreover, the proportion of males constantly exceeded 90 %, in contrast to the national value of 47.3 % in 1937 (p. 1025).
- 32.
Although we have to underscore that the reason for this return to the foundations of the ministry system was not only an outcome of the lobby interests of the latter. Independent from such political influences, the territorial system objectively proved unable to fulfill its expected goals. While it failed to promote a more intensive collaboration within the system as the autarchic trends of great ministries were simply substituted by the autarchic trends of regional economic councils, the efficiency of the whole of the system significantly declined since this became much more complicated and fragmented. As Alexei Kosygin, the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers (1964–1980) and the initiator of the 1965 changes (often called “the Kosygin reforms”) put it: “The divergence from the branch principle has led to poorer efficiency in the management of the branches, to violations of the uniformity of technical policy, to scattering of competent personnel, and given rise to a multi-stage system of management.” (Kosygin cited in Sherman 1969, p. 138). These in fact led to frequent irritations between various councils, which in fact consumed many resources (ibid.; also cf. Davies 1981, p. 30).
- 33.
Virtually the only significant “gap” was the development and manufacturing of certain high-tech products with possible military ends (such as in computer and airplane industries) (cf. Fitzpatrick 1974, pp. 58–61).
- 34.
detailed overview of the Western companies concerned in these projects can be found in Fitzpatrick (1974). For chemical industries, which played a distinguished role in international cooperation and in technology transfer from capitalist countries, an in-depth analysis is provided by Sobeslavsky and Beazley (1980).
- 35.
Just as all other macroeconomic indicators, NMP also had its methodological shortcomings and ideological bias. Its main peculiarity from our point of view (and relative to such commonly used indicators as GNP or GDP) was that it mirrored the strong material approach of Marxism and Leninism insofar as it did not take into consideration non-material activities, which mainly covered the sphere of services. Besides, NMP was a net indicator, thus, net of depreciation. For these reasons, according to Campbell’s (1985) calculations GNP for the Soviet Union was approximately 23–29 % higher during the 1970s than NMP. Although the “blindness” of NMP to non-material production is a serious weakness, this is still the most comprehensive indicator whose official values are accessible for the Soviet period.
- 36.
These quotations come from the Hungarian communist party leader Mátyás Rákosi and from his Czechoslovakian counterpart Klement Gottwald.
- 37.
The fundamental long-term goal was, of course, to put the coordination of economy on the basis of five-year plans in line with the Soviet example. In the initial period, however, some deviations were tolerated. Central planning began in Hungary with a three-year plan between 1947 and 1949 (Romsics 2010, p. 313), with a two-year plan in the German Democratic Republic in 1949 and 1950 (Weber 2012, p. 25), and with a six-year plan in Poland (1950–1955) (Sherman 1969, p. 330).
- 38.
A brief yet painstaking comparative overview of these changes for Eastern Europe can be found in Bunce (1985), especially pp. 4–8 and pp. 28–32. For a detailed description on some individual countries especially valuable sources are Weber (2012, pp. 28–41) for East Germany and Romsics (2010, pp. 271–384) for Hungary.
- 39.
In the People’s Republic of China, for instance, the ration system concerning a great many of agricultural products was sustained for than 30 years after its introduction in 1955 (Chang and Selden, 1994, p. 657). Additionally, in Poland, Romania, the Soviet Union, and in such “specific” (not Soviet-type) socialist countries as Cuba and Vietnam, rationing of certain products was still a common practice in the 1980s (Kornai 1992, p. 242).
- 40.
With the exception of Maoist China where an estimated population of more than ten million was involved in “corrective” forced labor (Wittfogel 1956).
- 41.
An important exception within the Soviet Bloc was Hungary, where after the 1956 revolution the reestablished communist leadership tended to promote a more consumption oriented policy in order to avoid similar unrest. For this reason, payments and consumption opportunities were not as reduced as in many other socialist countries. Hence, queues in front of shops gradually disappeared in the 1960s, for example. Waiting periods, however, remained (cf. Kornai 1992, pp. 234–236).
- 42.
For housing, citizens usually had to wait 3–4 years in East Germany and 4–6 years in Hungary for state-owned rented apartments. In other countries of the Communist Bloc corresponding values were much higher (e.g. 15–30 years in Poland). The situation was basically the same for cars. Even in 1989, years had to pass before the car (a socialist country make) was delivered. In some extreme examples, citizens had to wait for 14–17 years on average, as was the case in East Germany (Kornai 1992, pp. 234–236).
- 43.
An elaborate comparison of the main paths followed by various countries can be found in Csanádi (2006), pp. 240–299.
- 44.
These were the Urals, Western Siberia, Eastern Siberia and the Soviet Far East in the Russian SFSR, and the Azerbaijan, Georgian, Armenian, Turkmen, Uzbek, Tajik, Kazakh and Kyrgyz SSRs (see Balzak, Vasyutin & Feigin, 1949, p. 206).
- 45.
This was despite a strong fluctuation of population, which meant that many flowing to “pioneer regions” returned to the European USSR in some years’ time due to lower costs and a relative easiness of self-sustainment there (Probáld 1980, p. 56). The number of newcomers to Asiatic regions, however, in most periods significantly outpaced that of the “returners” to the European Soviet Union.
- 46.
I am grateful for this information to Vladimir Shuvalov, head of Department of Economic and Social Geography of Russia at Lomonosov Moscow State University.
- 47.
A typical way of seeing here was what the Soviet urbanologist Viktor Perevedentsev expressed in a 1969 article: “the productivity of labor in cities with a population of over 1,000,000 is 38 % higher than in cities with a population of from 100,000 to 200,000 and the return on assets is almost twice as high” (cited in Frolic 1976, p. 161).
- 48.
- 49.
In fact, similar processes of concentration took place within the network of rural settlements (cf. Brade and Schulze 1997, p. 44 for the Russian SFSR).
- 50.
The “systemic” nature of urban centralization is well exemplified by the actual outcome of attempts of the Soviet planning mechanism from the 1960s onwards to limit the population growth of cities above 500,000 inhabitants. Since the problems of overconcentration tended to become more and more apparent, town planners in the USSR, in concert with certain party directives, tried to “deliberately limit” the population of cities above half a million souls and decentralize their disproportionally large production basis. These initiatives, however, were unsuccessful as is clearly presented by statistics in Fig. 8.8. As Frolic (1976) underscores, this was an outcome of the system’s drive to growth, due to which the newly emerging objective of creating cities better to live in was rapidly outplayed by the system’s deeply rooted traditional fixation with economic growth.
- 51.
For the spatial location of higher education as a strategic branch of knowledge production close to the center of political power see Meusburger (1998b).
- 52.
A statistic that says volumes: in 1965 the number of “specialists” (labor force with tertiary or special medium-level education) per 10,000 persons was 67 in Estonia and 62 in Latvia, but 57 in Russia and only 52 for whole of the USSR (Woroniak 1973, p. 279).
- 53.
A detailed overview of this initiative is given by Betke (1998).
- 54.
In fact the main directions of Hungarian economic reforms were similar to those in the USSR and in other Eastern European countries (which were already presented in previous paragraphs), but their implications were more far-reaching. For example, the 1968 reform package in Hungary entitled New Economic Mechanism was judged by Granick (1973) as “the most radical postwar change, in the economic system of any Comecon country” (p. 414). These peculiarities made up the basis for a more market-oriented form of socialism, usually referred to as “goulash communism”. The main foundations of the system remained unchallenged, however, as explained e.g. by Kornai (1992).
- 55.
This constituted a separate category in then official (although not widely disseminated) labor statistics of the Hungarian Central Statistical Office (cf. Meusburger, 1998a, p. 374).
- 56.
The first such initiative was the establishment of the Comecon (Council for Mutual Economic Assistance) in 1949, with the task of promoting economic integration within the Communist Bloc. In the 1970s several measures were taken to intensify the activity of the council, although results of these fell behind expectations (Bartke 2003, p. 111).
- 57.
This readiness was exemplified by the much-cited words of the Hungarian Stalinist leader Mátyás Rákosi from 1950: “If we do not take a moderate stance, we eat as fried chicken the hen that would lay a golden egg next year, and we would consume in form of branded butter and fried veal the factories, plants and cultural buildings of our five-year plan.” (Rákosi 1951, p. 141).
- 58.
In 1975, the total length of artificial inland waterway routes in the Soviet Union was 19,000 km (Antal 1980, p. 431), roughly equivalent to the sum of all waterways in France, Germany and the United Kingdom at the end of the 2000s (cf. CIA, n.d.).
- 59.
This additional idea is necessary since the control of population flows was not always as perfect as the leadership hoped and as foreign observers often thought. As Buckley (1995) underscores, the Soviet internal passport system introduced in 1932 was indeed expected to keep flows totally under control since resident permit (propiska) prohibited its owner to reside at another place than given in the document. Through bribery and due to inefficiency of state control, however, many managed to migrate without the official permit. Hence, although the system gave state bureaucracy “the illusion of control” (p. 910), managed migration was more “myth” than reality (p. 896). No doubt, the Chinese system was much stricter and more efficient in the period between 1960 and the beginning of post-Mao reforms in 1978 since it brought unwanted migration virtually to a halt. This had been, however, impossible without the widespread use of rations over the whole period (even for most basic goods), which were only valid in one’s official place of residence (Cheng and Selden 1994). Yet, the Maoist example was rather an exception among socialist countries than the norm.
- 60.
We should stress that the USSR Council of Ministers, composed of 30 to 100 members, was in fact the top organ of the executive branch, but it was in fact subordinated to the top party leadership, namely the Secretariat (cf. Fig. 8.21; Sherman 1969, pp. 7–10). Hence, final decisions about the plan could only be made with the approval of this organ.
- 61.
- 62.
The totalization of this single factor does not leave any space for other considerations otherwise very important in all systems. One can briefly refer here to the strategic (military), political or symbolic reasons, which can enable as well as disable certain investments both in capitalist and non-capitalist systems. Even in capitalism, the Statue of Liberty in New York, representative buildings in Washington DC or World War II memorial sites in Normandy have been erected not only (or basically not) for pure economic considerations, as outcomes of “accumulation for accumulation’s sake”.
- 63.
This common feature of Marxism and classical economics may well be understood given that the roots of both went back to the same context, that of nineteenth century Britain, especially its urban industrial districts during the industrial revolution. Yet, an unrealistic assumption does not become realistic just because it is internalized not only by one theoretical approach but by several.
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Gyuris, F. (2014). And Yet Spatial Disparity Is a Problem of Capitalism: Leftist Approaches in a Post-Fordist World. In: The Political Discourse of Spatial Disparities. Contributions to Political Science. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-01508-8_8
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