Keywords

4.1 Introduction

Sweden’s feminist foreign policy rapidly gained prominence as a nation brand on the global stage. Nation branding shares many characteristics with the marketing techniques employed by commercial actors, enabling states to enhance their reputation and self-images beyond borders (Anholt, 2007; Kaneva, 2011). In this context, digital diplomacy is an effective tool for advancing, monitoring and managing states’ global images and reputations (Bjola & Jiang, 2015). Communicating values and norms beyond borders enables states to highlight their foreign policy preferences and gain worldwide visibility and recognition among like-minded partners (Melissen, 2005; Rankin, 2012). However, nation branding may also involve competitive identity dynamics through agonistic and antagonist positionings (Browning & Ferraz de Oliveira, 2017; Mouffe, 2000). Sweden’s adoption of a distinct feminist foreign policy in 2014 was an opportunity to re-politicise its global reputation as a state committed to gender equality worldwide, doing so by adopting the political label of feminism.

This chapter examines how Sweden’s feminist foreign policy was articulated as a nation brand, during its eight years of existence. Sweden has a long tradition of capitalising on its comparably progressive values, actively incorporating them into its nation brand (Larsen et al., 2021). In this chapter, we propose that Sweden’s foreign policy was an exercise in feminist-informed branding, though, paired with a strong awareness that the communication of feminist values required pragmatism and policy adaptation to produce global resonance. It was the comprehensive and pragmatic definition of feminism that enabled the brand to be re-packaged and communicated to a broad range of audiences (Bergman Rosamond & Hedling, 2022). Below, we analyse Sweden’s digital articulation of its state feminist tradition globally. Second, we examine how hashtag feminism resonated among global audiences. Third, we illustrate how feminist foreign policy was contested by focusing on the reactions that Sweden’s well-documented state visit to Iran triggered in 2017.

4.2 The Digital Articulation of Sweden’s Feminist Nation Brand in Foreign Policy

By adopting strategies of digital diplomacy, states gain new opportunities to construct and manage their nation brands (Manor, 2019). To communicate foreign policy change, states use diplomatic articulation, grounding that communication in clear and consistent messages of the nation’s distinct values, identity and image, and, in so doing, targeting intended audiences (Anholt, 2007). In this context, the role of digital communication is to ensure that the brand’s message is effectively projected on digital platforms and is understood by audiences. Central here is the brand’s alignment with the nation’s overall cultural, historical and political strategy, vision and self identity (Pamment, 2014). Sweden’s articulation of its feminist foreign policy involved crafting a clear and compelling narrative of foreign policy change while ensuring that articulation reflected Sweden’s longstanding identity, culture and aspiration. Similarly, the country’s digital articulation of its new feminist foreign policy trajectory built on the legacy of its already established nation brand as a progressive state, committed to gender equality at home and abroad. Thus, it was essential for Sweden to adjust its nation brand to ensure that its feminist foreign policy would be perceived as an extension of its state feminism, an international image that had served Sweden well since the 1960s (Bergman Rosamond, 2020: Bergman Rosamond & Hedling, 2022). State feminism refers to both women’s participation in public life as well as “the activities of feminists or femocrats in governance and administration, institutionalised feminism in public agencies…, and the capacity of the state to contribute to the fulfilment of a feminist agenda” (Lovenduski, 2005, p. 4). State feminism, therefore, combines “feminism from above” expressing support for gender equality, social policy and women’s presence and representation in political parties and institutions, with civil-society-driven “feminism from below” (Hernes, 1987, p. 153; Lovenduski, 2005). Anchored within this intersection, feminist foreign policy was articulated as an externalisation of an already recognised identity, narrative and ambition.

The externalisation of Sweden’s self-identification is in part mythical (Ryner, 2002) since it disregards gendered injustices that remain within Swedish society, including the lack of equal pay and women’s overrepresentation in the care sector (Bergman Rosamond, 2020; Towns, 2002). Featured as a dominant discursive trope in articulating Swedish political imaginary is a notion of state exceptionalism, grounded in a social ‘myth’ (Ryner, 2002) and/or an idealisation of the state. This idealisation of the self has been transformed into a widely recognisable discursive ‘truth’ informing the narration of Sweden’s self-identity. Such exceptional reshaping persists despite the existence of nativist sentiments, the conduct of militarism at home and abroad, and the damaging effects of neoliberal marketisation (Ryner, 2002). However, in the context of nation branding, inconsistencies are generally silenced with coherent ‘success’ narratives being privileged. Such narratives centre on common visions and values, fostering a sense of national pride and unity (Kaneva, 2011; Shepherd, 2021), that benefits the nation’s unique brand. The role of success in crafting a nation brand has largely been enhanced by the embrace of social media (Bjola & Pamment, 2019).

In an increasingly competitive attention economy, digital diplomacy provides key opportunities to communicate the notion of a successful self to global audiences and to do so in highly visible ways (Hedling, 2019). Thus, the successful construction of a nation brand requires the creation of a sense of the self as different from others, implying that the self is more advanced than its counterparts in the global arena (Browning & Ferraz de Oliveira, 2017). This tactic was visible in Sweden’s tendency to present itself as a feminist pioneer, being the first nation ever to adopt a feminist foreign policy. Part of this strategy was to uphold the self as a leader, as discussed in Chap. 3, and to ensure that other states would also adopt feminist foreign policies (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019b; Wallström, 2014). Being the first country to repackage its foreign policy based on feminist principles and values put Sweden in a strong position to engage in feminist-informed nation branding, adding force to its self-narrative as and ambitious and independent international actor. While framed as a ‘brave move’ (Nordberg, 2015) this branding strategy was, if anything, a ‘safe move’ since it positioned feminist foreign policy within Sweden’s firmly established state feminist tradition (Jezierska & Towns, 2018).

To ensure a global audience for its feminist foreign policy, the Swedish government increased its political control over Sweden’s nation branding efforts (Karlsson, 2021). Skilful communication and ensuring wide visibility were cornerstones in Sweden’s feminist foreign policy (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019b). At least in part, the overall strategy was defined by the government’s active attempt to fully integrate feminist foreign policy into Sweden’s long-established nation brand as a committed gender actor. This was particularly important since Sweden sought to become the “strongest voice for gender equality and full employment of human rights for all women and girls” (Government Offices of Sweden, 2015). In trailblazing a foreign policy approach, based on the advancement of global gender justice, Sweden was aware of the advantages associated with conducting a normative foreign policy that would come across as more advanced and developed than other states (Thomson, 2022). To bring attention to gender equality and justice as key aspects of Sweden’s nation brand, the Swedish MFA published texts on Sweden’s wide array of ‘successful’ gender-equality-focused initiatives in the Global South (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a).

However, as noted previously in this book, the Swedish MFA never spelt out what kind of feminism it adhered to and how it informed its conception of feminist foreign policy (Thomson, 2020). Nonetheless, Sweden’s self-assigned ‘do good’ feminist brand, strengthened its strategic self-image (Zhukova, 2023; Zhukova et al., 2022) and provided opportunities to project itself as a highly advanced feminist state.

4.3 Digital Resonance through Hashtag Feminism

Sweden’s feminist foreign policy brand resonated well with the fourth wave feminism, which has evolved since 2012 and is characterised by activism on digital platforms (Jain, 2020; Nacher, 2021). The Swedish government and its MFA strategically mimicked hashtag activism as a key component of its feminist digital media repertoire, and, as a way to mobilise online visibility (Aggestam et al., 2021). Hence, using well-recognised hashtags that had previously been employed within feminist digital activism was a way to both perform and showcase the resonance of feminist foreign policy within a broader (and non-state) feminist social movement. Hashtag activism entails using hashtags known as organising nodes, with the latter referring to how something becomes searchable and connected on social media. The explosion of social media posts in the aftermath of the kidnapping of schoolgirls in Nigeria, in April 2014, under the hashtag #BringBackOurGirls, is an example of a feminist campaign that relied on mobilising visibility on social media to pressure the United States and Nigerian governments to take action (Ofori-Parku & Moscato, 2018). In 2017, the #MeToo hashtag went viral – it was used 12 million times in the first 24 hours alone after actress Alyssa Milano encouraged global publics to mobilise and enhance the visibility of gender based and sexual violence worldwide (Clark-Parsons, 2021).

In the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs’ handbook for Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, hashtag feminism was described as a key method for norm change and mobilisation (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019b, p. 52). The #MeToo movement often figured in the government’s official documents, as an inspiration for online mobilisation and a call for the necessity to digitally communicate and diffuse the country’s feminist foreign policy (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a). In this way, the government ensured that the Swedish feminist brand would resonate with ‘like-minded alliances’ globally (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a). As alluded to above, the government and the MFA sought to launch Sweden’s feminist foreign policy brand by mimicking recognised feminist hashtags used spontaneously or over time by advocacy coalitions, such as the #MeToo movement. These hashtags did not signal participation in the actual social movements; rather they were used to enhance the visibility of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy brand. This was done by generating a digital vocabulary that would symbolically reiterate the key values of Sweden’s global feminism across online settings. As noted earlier, Sweden’s outward projection of its feminist foreign policy brand was often adapted to appeal to global audiences that were sceptical of the virtues of feminism, but, yet supportive of gender equality (Jezierska, 2022; Jezierska & Towns, 2018; Zhukova et al., 2022). The appropriation of a digital vocabulary therefore reflects the careful balancing between idealism and pragmatism that also characterised Margot Wallström’s vision of feminist foreign policy, as discussed in Chap. 3. To mimic feminist hashtags was a way of supporting transformative mobilisations while at the same time avoiding the language associated with the more assertive claims employed by feminist activists. Hence, the digital vocabulary used by the MFA enabled a ‘flexible translation’ of typically Swedish notions of exceptionalism and state feminism into the online realm (Bergman Rosamond & Hedling, 2022).

As table 4.1 shows below 62% of the 5083 posts posted on the Swedish MFA’s institutional account (@SweMFA) on Twitter between 1 January 2017 and 17 October 2022, used hashtags. Out of these posts (3156), 15% (478) of the hashtags clearly alluded to feminist foreign policy through distinct language or known terms associated with Sweden’s feminist agenda. It is important to note here that government accounts do not frequently use hashtags, rather, these are more associated with the digital expressions of social movements and advocacy groups (Stache, 2015). Thus, by using hashtags, Sweden connected its state feminist tradition and support for global gender equality to a recognised digital discourse that would more likely resonate with global audiences, as Table 4.1 shows.

Table 4.1 Hashtag feminism
Full size table

#FeministForeignPolicy (or the short forms #FemForeignPolicy or #FFP) remained consistently in the top 10 of hashtags. In addition, the MFA used #GenderEquality, #MoreWomenMorePeace, #Wikigap and #EqualityMakesSense hashtags. These hashtags aligned with the government’s and, most vocally Margot Wallström’s, strategy of framing feminist foreign policy as a pro-gender mainstreaming and “smart” policy (Wallström, 2019). In a report from 2019 (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a), the reasoning behind the hashtag #EqualityMakeSense was further clarified as seen in the quotes below.

#EqualityMakesSense

Under the hashtag #EqualityMakesSense the Swedish Foreign Service published examples of how it sought to further gender equality worldwide, disseminating the principles of feminist foreign policy and sharing information about its work and events. Examples of such communication include:

  • “Women are an essential ingredient in the recipe for lasting peace.”

  • “When women carry out professional work, economies grow. It’s that simple. It’s important to include the under-used workforce resource.”

  • “Counteracting the systematic and global subordination of women is a good thing in itself. However, it’s also a smart practical policy.”

  • “Investing in women’s development reduces poverty. It builds societies, democracies and economies.”

The hashtag #EqualityMakesSense was effectively used to communicate Sweden’s feminist foreign policy as a smart policy. The selection of hashtags that emphasised gender equality rather than feminism also signalled a reluctance to fully embrace a more radical feminist transformation of the global patriarchal order as noted earlier in Chap. 3. Hence, feminist foreign policy was instrumentally framed as something that ‘makes sense’ from a pragmatic and rational point of view rather than being driven by strong ethical concerns. Moreover, the use of established feminist hashtags (see the right column of Table 4.1) was more explicitly linked to initiatives aimed at transformative change. Still, it situated Sweden’s commitment to the feminist foreign policy within a broad coalition of state actors. For instance, #OrangetheWorld and #WPS (Women, Peace, Security) are originally UN hashtags. #SheDecides and #SRHR (Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights) were used by a coalition of states opposing the US global gag rule in 2017 and #FeministFriday is a prevalent social media trend. Therefore, the embrace of hashtag feminism, as a strategy for projecting feminist foreign policy globally, reflects a diffusion strategy that was aimed at reaching broad audiences, with hashtags contributing to signaling and ‘selling’ Sweden’s strong commitment to gender equality broadly.

4.4 Contesting Sweden’s State Visit to Iran

Sweden’s endeavour to reshape the gendered dynamics of the global order was a profoundly political undertaking. It entailed not only seeking support for the feminist nation brand among like-minded partners, but also a willingness to navigate criticisms and contestations emerging from a wide array of actors engaged in gender activism or, indeed, contesting the latter. The digital representation of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy often attracted such contestation (Nordberg, 2015), with its digital communication reinforcing this tendency. For example, contestation emerged during a historical period characterised by populist campaigns and a growing commitment to alternative ideologies rooted in “traditional values” and “pro-family norms,” whereby Sweden’s foreign policy reorientation was positioned as a confrontation (Aggestam & True, 2021; Agius & Edenborg, 2019). Sweden’s commitment to a progressive feminist brand was, in part at least, an effort to contest the non-feminist foreign policies of other states, particularly in the context of international aid and SRHR, as we discussed in Chap. 3. Hence, this positioning rendered the Swedish government vulnerable to antagonism, with many global actors taking issue with the core values of Sweden’s FFP.

However, the political contestation associated with nation branding is a complex and multidirectional process, involving the difficult management of various inconsistencies arising from the articulation of the nation’s distinct brand (Christensen, 2013; Dolea, 2015). In a digital era defined by multiple crises, conflict and anti-genderism, states must navigate such contestations, whether they arise among internal audiences (the domestic public) or external audiences (the targeted global public). Platforms like Twitter have given rise to dynamic phenomena such as ‘Twitter storms’ and meme cultures, capable of swiftly politicising content and generating significant shifts in public opinion and discourse (Garcés-Conejos Blitvich & Bou-Franch, 2019; Ofori-Parku & Moscato, 2018). In such a fast-paced digital environment, a nation brand must possess the stability and resilience to resist vocal opposition from adversaries and withstand moments of contestation. As noted in Chap. 2, feminist politics is inherently political and prone to trigger conflict and emotional responses. Hence, actors engaging in global feminist politics must be sufficiently strong to withstand moments of contestation, not least in times of global crises.

Indeed, digital platforms have enabled rapid information dissemination and amplified diverse voices and perspectives. Twitter storms, such as the widespread circulation of hashtags and collective mobilisation of users around a particular issue or cause, can swiftly reshape public narratives and challenge established norms and beliefs (Vasterman, 2018). Furthermore, the increasingly important meme culture, with its ability to encapsulate complex ideas or critique through humorous or satirical images and captions, can quickly reshape public perceptions and generate alternative discourses (Hakoköngäs et al., 2020).

Given the fluid nature of digital spaces, where information flows rapidly and opinions can be swayed by viral content, it is imperative for a nation brand to be firmly rooted in distinct national values and principles, with feminism being one of the key values of the former Social Democratic government. By maintaining consistency and coherence in its normative messaging and actions, a nation brand can navigate the treacherous waters of the digital age and effectively engage with its audience while withstanding potential challenges and inconsistencies that may arise in that process.

Sweden’s state visit to Iran in February 2017 gave rise to heated sentiments and contestation. The visit was undertaken despite Iran’s abuse and oppression of women’s rights, and poor track record on gender equality. Hence, the state visit to Iran by a feminist government was questioned from the outset (Taylor, 2017). Yet, this did not lead Sweden to cancel the visit, rather a large delegation composed of then Prime Minister Stefan Löfven and Trade Minister Ann Linde as well as other ministers went ahead with the visit. The aim was to discuss Swedish national, commercial and security interests with the Iranian regime. The optic inconsistency between the principles of feminist foreign policy and the projection of Sweden’s feminist nation brand was not left unnoticed—it was met with massive protests on social media. Photographs depicting Swedish female diplomats and politicians wearing hijabs, chadors and long coats during their visit to Iran were widely disseminated on digital platforms, including Twitter and Facebook. These images captured the moment when Iranian President Hassan Rouhani greeted the Swedish delegation. While it is not uncommon for Western female state officials and diplomats to adhere to local customs and veil themselves during state visits to Arab states, this particular image sparked controversy. It was perceived by many as incongruous with Sweden’s ongoing digital campaigns advocating for women’s rights and empowerment—two fundamental pillars of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy (Aggestam et al., 2023).

The online projections of the Swedish government’s visit to Iran triggered swift reactions, particularly from opposition leaders. They argued that the female delegates’ adoption of modest attire reflected what they saw as the ‘known hypocrisy’ of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, as well as its purported submission to the masculinist Iranian leadership (Nordström & Svensson, 2017). The judgment of the Swedish government came under scrutiny, with opposition leaders and women’s rights activists expressing strong objections through various channels, including news media, social media platforms and parliamentary hearings (Fråga 2016/17:893 Jämställdhetsintegrering i handelspolitiken, 2017; Karlsson, 2017; Nordström & Svensson, 2017; Svensson, 2017). Consequently, the viral images of Sweden’s state visit to Iran were interpreted as evidence of the perceived hollowness and lack of substance in Sweden’s feminist foreign policy.

The public discourse surrounding this issue highlighted the tension between the government’s commitment to feminist principles and its concrete foreign policy actions and diplomatic practices. The conflicting interpretations of the visit underscored the challenges faced by Sweden in navigating cultural and political sensitivities while promoting its feminist foreign policy agenda. The controversy surrounding the attire of the Swedish delegates also serves as a reminder of the complex interplay between cultural norms, diplomatic protocol and the ideals espoused by Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. It also exemplifies the potential for digital images to shape public perceptions and ignite debates over the consistency and authenticity of a state’s policy commitments.

The state visit to Iran evoked widespread adverse reactions across various digital platforms, amplifying the voices of dissent. Within Iran, women’s rights activists voiced strong criticism against the Swedish government, casting doubt on the ethical foundations of Sweden’s feminist brand. Notably, an Iranian journalist and political activist known for opposing the mandatory hijab law in Iran played a prominent role in these online interventions (Stewart & Schultze, 2019). With a thought-provoking collage of photos posted on Facebook, she questioned the genuineness and credibility of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy (Aggestam et al., 2023, p. 14). Moreover, it exacerbated the discrepancy between Sweden’s feminist rhetoric and its foreign policy actions (Nordström & Svensson, 2017). In one instance, the activist shared a photo initially posted on Facebook, featuring five Swedish female government officials, including former trade minister and later foreign minister Ann Linde, wearing hijabs during their introduction to Iranian President Rouhani. Notably, former male Swedish prime minister Stefan Löfven, stood beside President Rouhani, thereby accentuating the gendered dynamics of the state visit. Accompanying the images, the activist’s caption urged the Swedish female government officials present during the visit to strongly condemn the gender injustices highlighting the “unfair situation in Iran.” She noted that Iranian women did not expect the Swedish delegates to “come and save Iranian women,” but rather to stand up against the “discriminatory laws in Iran”(Aggestam et al., 2023, p. 15).

By highlighting the disparity between the government’s professed commitment to gender equality and the decision to conform to a compulsory dress code that restricts women’s agency, such critiques challenged the authenticity and effectiveness of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy brand. The viral circulation of the images and the ensuing discussions demonstrated the power of digital platforms in shaping public discourse and holding governments accountable for their actions.

The protest post by the Iranian activist garnered significant support across social media platforms and became a focal point for Swedish opposition parties to voice their strong objections to the government’s clothing practices during the state visit. Notably, the photographic imagery used by the Iranian activist achieved inter-visual status (Hansen, 2011) as it was salvaged and circulated internationally by media outlets such as BBC News and the Washington Post. Furthermore, the Facebook post served to contest and critique Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, with the hashtag #feministforeignpolicy employed for this purpose (Sweden defends officials wearing headscarves in Iran, 2019; Taylor, 2017).

The critique of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy extended to Twitter, where several high-profile statements were shared, again casting doubt on the credibility and legitimacy of Sweden’s approach. One such statement captured the tone of the voiced criticism by pointing out that “Sweden’s self-declared first feminist government in the world sacrificed its principles and betrayed the rights of Iranian women” (Anonymous, 2017). This statement, accompanied by the headline “Walk of shame”, gained traction on Twitter and Facebook, capturing global attention and prompting many commentators to question the authenticity of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. The persistence of this moment of contestation created a fracture in the nation’s brand. Whenever criticism of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy arose, the image of the feminist government wearing veils would resurface on social media, serving as a powerful symbol of the perceived incongruity between Sweden’s professed values and its foreign policy practices.

In response to the mounting criticism on social media, and in seeking to clarify its stance on the veiling practices employed during the state visit, the Swedish government posited that the women delegates’ dress code abided by Iranian law (Taylor, 2017). The government claimed that it was legally obliged to respect the Iranian judicial system during the high-profile state visit. The Swedish foreign minister Margot Wallström noted that:

If you go there [Iran] as a visitor, and especially if it’s an official visit, you observe the law. You do it out of respect for their legislation. You also follow diplomatic protocol….The important thing is what you bring up [during meetings] and what this visit is really supposed to be about. It was important to go there and have the important conversations that were held. You can then in other ways support what civil society and women’s organizations are fighting for. But it’s not the right opportunity, so you have to make a choice. (Interview cited in Karlsson, 2017)

In line with Wallström’s view of feminism as a pragmatic and ‘smart’ method, she navigated the storm by claiming that by communicating with Iran and encouraging the country to ‘open up’, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy could still lead to positive change for the women and girls of Iran. However, criticism emerging from several directions was seen as a wake-up call for some ministers. Trade Minister Ann Linde announced shortly after the visit that she would refrain from wearing a veil on an upcoming visit to Saudi Arabia, a country where wearing a hijab is not required by law.

This episode in Sweden’s digital diplomacy and nation branding demonstrates the significance of striking the right tone when attempting to disseminate norms and values on a global scale. This task has become increasingly challenging in a world characterised by turbulence and a backlash against what is often perceived as gender ideology (Agius et al., 2020). The photographic images and accompanying captions used by the Iranian activist, highlight the perceived shallowness of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy and activism, a position that was reverberated by a range of political groups, parties and feminist activists.

However, it remains uncertain whether the digital contestation of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy had a tangible impact on the government’s commitment to advance gender justice on a global scale. Despite facing criticism, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, both as a brand and a practice, experienced some degree of success until its abrupt discontinuation in 2022 following the Swedish elections, with a new Conservative-led government taking office.

4.5 Conclusion

State feminism emerged as a resilient and influential platform for the former Swedish government’s efforts enabling it to rebrand its foreign policy on the global stage. The emphasis on social media platforms and the strategic use of feminist hashtags by the Swedish MFA exemplify the power of resonance in digital diplomacy. These digital tools allowed the government to strategically engage with global online audiences in multiple ways. By seeking resonance with multiple, often diverse societal audiences, Sweden by and large succeeded in disseminating its key normative messages across the world, and in so doing managing to amplify the impact of its feminist foreign policy agenda. The resonance between Sweden’s state objectives and the aspirations and concerns expressed by global civil society strengthened the country’s position and credibility as a leading global gender actor.

However, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy also encountered contestation and agonistic responses. The Swedish state visit to Iran in 2017 is a significant example of the potential challenges and pitfalls of online communication in the context of digital diplomacy. This episode shows how important it is for states and political leaders to exercise caution and sensitivity in their digital diplomacy efforts and the need for skilful management and navigation of controversies emerging along the way. Thus, the ability to anticipate and respond to online contestation is central to ensuring the credibility and legitimacy of a nation’s foreign policy initiatives in the digital age.

Swedish feminist foreign policy provides valuable insights into the politics of digital diplomacy and the profoundly political properties of nation branding. It also highlights the efficacy of utilising a nation brand as a platform for the reorientation and politicisation of foreign policy—Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, for all intents and purposes is a deeply political project that give rise to both contestation and resonance. Both forms of politicisation were achieved through strategic communication and dialogue, not least with, feminist global civil society. For Sweden, this involved managing and mitigating the contestations concerning its feminist foreign policy, while maintaining the credibility of its digital diplomatic efforts and distinct feminist visions.