Keywords

3.1 Introduction

The launch of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy gained considerable impetus from the political leadership of former foreign minister Margot Wallström, a prominent figure within the Social Democratic party and an esteemed top diplomat with notable positions both within the European Union and the UN. Wallström played a crucial role in shaping the trajectory of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, both ethically and politically, particularly during its formative years. Political leaders can normatively influence their states’ foreign policies by shaping their external agendas, for instance by integrating pro-gender norms into foreign policy practices (Aggestam & True, 2020, 2021; Bashevkin, 2018; Davies & True, 2017; Jalalzai & Krook, 2010; Kaarbo, 2015). Social media have provided new and innovative avenues for leaders to convey such foreign policy visions to global audiences, in ways distinct from traditional media (Freistein & Gadinger, 2022). Most notably, social media provide large audiences within and beyond borders, with traditional media being less accessible to global publics. Hence, digital diplomacy, leveraging the unique communicative attributes of digital platforms, has become an essential tool for many political leaders (Bracciale, 2022).

Specifically, Margot Wallström’s leadership was instrumental in the articulation, resonance and contestation of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy and gained worldwide attention. She navigated and sought to harness the gender dynamics of global affairs to achieve distinct foreign policy change, often by using social media. In this chapter, we first examine the role that Wallström played in the articulation of feminist foreign policy and the ways it was projected on social media. Second, we discuss how the launch of a feminist foreign policy generated resonance among like-minded states. Third, we assess how Sweden’s leadership role in feminist foreign policy practice, embodied by Margot Wallström, sparked contestation and debates online in the light of the US reinstatement of the global gag rule during the Trump administration.

3.2 Political Leadership and the Articulation of Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy

In this chapter, we define Margot Wallström’s role in initiating Sweden’s feminist foreign policy as that of a ‘norm entrepreneur’ (Davies & True, 2017). Her leadership was central to the political articulation and diffusion of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, inspiring other states to adopt a feminist framing of their foreign policies. Thus, Wallström was acting as an international agenda-setter providing a strong voice in the formulation, framing and digital diffusion of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy (Aggestam et al., 2021; Breuning, 2013; Nordberg, 2015). Specifically, she leveraged her international presence and political position to advance the recognition and diffusion of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy agenda. This was a highly deliberate strategy, with Wallström herself noting that successful political leadership entails good timing and not being afraid of taking firm stances on issues, even if they are contentious and disputed (Wallström, 2019a; Wallström, 2019b). Hence, Wallström’s leadership revolved around formulating ambitious goals, agendas and to send clear feminist signals to allies and adversaries in global politics (Wallström, 2018, 2019b). This transformative style of foreign policy leadership was evident throughout her tenure as foreign minister. It was also used by the Ministry for Affairs (MFA) as a profile-raising tactic well-suited for digital diplomacy (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a, p. 31).

In various media interviews, Wallström stressed her intention to use a feminist frame to articulate and raise awareness of global gender inequalities and forms of discrimination to challenge traditional foreign policy ideas and practices. As she stated, “it’s time to become a little braver in foreign policy. I think feminism is a good term. It is about standing against the systematic and global subordination of women” (Wallström cited in Nordberg, 2015). For Wallström (2019b), ‘bravery’ involved politicising Swedish foreign policy and diplomacy by adopting a firm feminist position on global injustices, while at the same time recognise that those goals were in line with Sweden’s longstanding commitment to peace, freedom, and the UN (in Swedish, the terms refer to fred, frihet, ‘FN’). This strategic articulation reflected affirmative rhetorics and careful balancing of Sweden’s international role as a ‘moral superpower’ (Bjereld & Möller, 2015). Wallström continuously referred to “the four Fs” (as seen above in bold) as a communicative strategy, adding ‘feminism’ to the original three Fs, with the fourth one being effectively incorporated into Sweden’s foreign policy (Wallström, 2019b). Wallström often highlighted the contents and pillars of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy with the use of acronyms, making it more accessible, catchy and suitable for communication, in particular in the digital realm (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a, 2019b). While the articulation of feminist foreign policy was deeply rooted in Wallström’s political and strategic visons, her ability to diplomatically communicate its essence, produced widespread resonance among global publics.

Wallström’s persona, as the face of feminist foreign policy and leading advocate of its goals, was actively promoted by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs (MFA) through the utilisation of digital diplomacy. This was evident in the frequent use of photographs of Wallström performing her duties in formal settings, and, through the reproduction of her vision of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy across a range of contexts and discursive settings (see Fig. 3.1 for an illustrative example). Moreover, this communication productively used visuals to add appeal and reach to Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. The yellow backdrop and the blue letters in the image signal Sweden’s national identity (the colours of its flag), using the caption “this government is pursuing a feminist foreign policy that aims to strengthen women’s rights, representation and resources” as a key message and the hashtag #FemForeignPolicy as an invitation to social media engagement.

Fig. 3.1
A screenshot of a post from Swedish M F A with the text below reads, the action plan is here with a hashtag for fem foreign policy. The quote from Margot Wallstron reads, this government is pursuing a feminist policy that aims to strengthen women's rights, representation, and resources. The photo of Margot is on the right.

Digital communication from the Swedish MFA (Color figure online)

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Furthermore, the messaging consistently emphasised the three pillars of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy: rights, representation and resources, later supplemented by a fourth pillar, reality. The fourth R reinforced Sweden’s commitment to the conduct of evidence-based foreign policy, ensuring that Sweden’s feminist foreign policy would be grounded in the ‘real’ world, and, as such, not lose track of the individuals at the receiving end of the country’s justice-driven global efforts. Other states also came to use the four Rs as a rhetorical device not least Germany. The principles served as a guide for formulating and fine-tuning foreign policy initiatives, helping Sweden to fulfil its prioritised objectives, as outlined in Sweden’s feminist foreign policy action plans (Government Offices of Sweden, 2015c).Footnote 1

Between 2014 and 2019, Wallström considerably shaped the projection of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy on social media platforms, particularly Twitter and Facebook. However, gradually Sweden’s feminist foreign policy became politically and visually associated with a range of ministers, most notably Deputy Prime Minister Isabella Lövin and former trade and foreign minister Ann Linde (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a). The initial emphasis on political leadership served as a tactic to launch Sweden’s novel feminist foreign policy agenda and gain global traction and attention in that process. Later on it highlighted the actual policy impact of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. Two intertwined factors explain this trajectory. First, Wallström’s political platform and long-standing commitment to pro-gender norms made the projected leadership narrative possible and contributed to the successful launch of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy. Initially, this digital representation focused on her persona and leveraged her existing global outreach and networks. Second, the personalisation and use of ‘selfie’ representations gained traction on social media as an effective communication strategy for digital diplomacy, aligning with the broader trend of showcasing political leaders in a time of heightened public interest in global politics (Cornut et al., 2022; Manor, 2019). The emphasis on Wallström’s leadership was a reflection of the information environment at the time and the increased focus of news media on political leaders when reporting on political contentions and antagonism in world politics (Day & Wedderburn, 2022; Freistein & Gadinger, 2022). The focus on feminist foreign policy leadership, first embodied by Wallström and then emulated by other global leaders such as Justin Trudeau, was contrasted to the hypermasculine leadership styles of an increasing number of populist political leaders, such as Russian President Vladimir Putin, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, US President Donald Trump and the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (Aggestam & True, 2021; Agius et al., 2020; Ashwin & Utrata, 2020; Johnson, 2020).

3.3 The Global Resonance of Feminist Foreign Policy Leadership: Canada and Germany

Margot Wallström’s political leadership and feminist advocacy have come to normatively inspire a range of political leaders and, an increasing number of states having adopted feminist-informed foreign policy platforms, including Canada, Columbia, France, Germany, Luxembourg, Mexico, Germany and Spain amongst others. By framing its foreign policy feminist, Sweden was able to exercise diplomatic leadership, with a rapidly growing number of states also seeking to promote gender equality in global politics. Nonetheless, Wallström and other Swedish ministers never specified more exactly what kind of feminist ideas they adhered to, often conflating gender with women. Their vision of feminist foreign policy was based on broad liberal ideas about gender mainstreaming and representation. As such, the approach was less transformational and did not directly challenge the multiple intersecting power relations, structures and gendered harms that have detrimental effects on the lives, freedoms and rights of not only women but other vulnerable individuals. Still, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy was well received amongst like-minded allies, not least Canada and Germany.

To highlight the global resonance of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, we focus on Canada and Germany, two states that have adopted feminist foreign policies. While Germany has acknowledged the pioneering role of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, Canada tried to project a more independent feminist narrative, although still very much resonating with Wallström’s vision of feminist foreign policy as a state practice (Achilleos-Sarll et al., 2023; Zhukova, 2023).

Sweden‘s  broad feminist foreign policy agenda aligned with the ideological underpinnings of the Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s government that took office in 2015 as well as its vision of gender equality (Chapnick, 2019). In the 1980s, the Canadian International Development Agency actively promoted gender equality, which was identified as “a leading edge of international practice” (Tiessen & Carrier, 2015, p. 96). Canada was also involved in the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995 (Riddell-Dixon, 2001; Tiessen & Carrier, 2015). In the early 2000s, Canada chaired the Working Group of the United Nations (UN) Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations and the ‘Group of Friends of Women, Peace and Security’ (Tiessen & Carrier, 2015). This was consistent with Canada’s self-narrative as a ‘good’, peaceful, tolerant and ‘orderly’ state (Howell, 2005; Richey, 2001; Tiessen & Carrier, 2015). However, in 2009 the Canadian Conservative government led by Stephen Harper (2006–2015) decided to drop gender equality from the country’s official domestic foreign policy repertoire, settling for ‘equality between women and men’ (Tiessen & Carrier, 2015). Hence, it became important for the newly elected leader Justin Trudeau to recommit to pro-gender norms in global politics. On 21 September 2015, Trudeau tweeted in French, “Je suis feministe et j’en suis fier #placeaudebat”,Footnote 2 indicating a clear shift in Canada’s projection under his leadership (Justin Trudeau, n.d.). For example, Trudeau declared in 2015 his intention to promote gender-inclusive governance, expressed in the appointment of an equal number of men and women to cabinet positions. Moreover, Trudeau and his government renamed the Canadian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development ‘Global Affairs Canada’, signalling his intention to engage with non-state actors and a commitment to multilateralism. The relabelling of the ministry provided a normative framework for Trudeau’s rebranding of Canada as one of the world’s leading champions of gender equality (Maloney, 2016). Most notably, and, as part of the rebranding of Canada, the Trudeau government announced in 2017 that it would adopt a feminist international assistance policy, using that platform to provide aid globally to women’s rights organisations (Fillion, 2018). The aim was to pursue a “human rights approach in six target areas: gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls, human dignity, growth that works for everyone, environment and climate action, inclusive governance, and peace and security” (Parisi, 2020, p. 169). Trudeau’s leadership in feminist foreign policy was also expressed by his decision to make gender equality a signature theme of Canada’s presidency of the G7 in 2018. This initiative drew on the image of Trudeau as a feminist leader on social media and on Canada‘s policy-making institutions and reputation as a gender-equal state as seen in Fig. 3.2. The catch phrase: “We shouldn’t be afraid of the word feminist” was reproduced from Trudeau’s speech at the G7 summit in Davos, Switzerland, in 2017 (Wang, 2016). Hence, Justin Trudeau seemingly framed Canada’s feminist foreign policy as an independent leadership initiative in line with its ‘good state’ trajectory (Lawler, 2005).

Germany, on the other hand, was more explicitly inspired by Sweden. Germany adopted a feminist foreign policy in 2021 and renewed that commitment in 2023. As discussed in Chap. 4, Sweden has a longstanding tradition of state feminism in stark contrast to Germany that notably lacks such a historical tradition. This might explain why German foreign minister Annalena Baerbock has openly recognised Sweden as a source of feminist inspiration, not least by adopting the significance of the ‘three Rs’: Representation, Rights, Resources. However, Germany chose to add a fourth key concept: ‘Diversity’. In 2022, Baerbock stated that “just like you, Ann Linde, the pioneers in Sweden, we are also looking first and foremost at the three Rs you came up with: rights, resources and representation. We want to mainstream Feminist Foreign Policy by focusing on these three Rs” (Baerbock, 2022b). In contrast with Sweden, Germany’s feminist foreign policy places more focus on human security and intersectionality, which the following extract indicates “the spotlight on people, regardless of their background, gender, belief or who they love. If we focus particularly on women and marginalised groups, it makes our security policy more comprehensive. It makes it and us stronger” (Baerbock, 2022b). Germany has also introduced an ambassador for feminist foreign policy and has made women’s representation a priority in its global affairs, to give the “foreign service a more female face and to raise the proportion of women in senior roles” (Annalena Baerbock, 2022b). In a similar way to Margot Wallström, who became the face of Sweden’s digital projection of feminist foreign policy, Baerbock has become a symbol of Germany’s strong commitment to showcasing women within its foreign service.

Germany, like Canada, has pared its commitment to feminist foreign policy with an active approach to digital diplomacy. In a speech to Germany’s ambassadors, Foreign Minister Baerbock noted in September 2022 that “communication lies at the heart of our diplomacy”. However, she also stressed the significance of the country’s foreign representatives considering the conditions of the “host countries.” Her view is that “local platforms and forums” are the most effective strategies for delivering diplomatic messages, with Baerbock emphasising the importance of social media in this context (Baerbock, 2022a). Germany’s digital diplomacy aligns with its focus on human security and a gender-sensitive approach to digital technologies, expressed in an active attempt to eradicate online violence and ensure that women have equal access to digital toolsets (Federal Foreign Office, Germany, 2023). To sum up, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, we argue, provided normative inspiration and generated broad policy resonance amongst like-minded states. Canada and Germany, though in different ways, have emulated the former Swedish government’s quest for feminist foreign policy leadership, having adopted digital practices to convey their aspirations for feminist leadership globally.

3.4 Contesting the US Global Gag Rule

While Sweden’s activist approach to feminist foreign policy received praise, it also triggered criticism and contestation (Nordberg, 2015). At the core of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy was its readiness to engage in a range of politically contested foreign policy domains (Aggestam & Rosamond, 2018). As such, Sweden parted from other states whose main objective was to further the less politically charged UN Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. In contrast to a more technocratic and depoliticised approach observed in countries like Australia and Norway (Lee-Koo, 2020; Skjelsbæk & Tryggestad, 2020), Sweden’s engagement spanned a broader spectrum of issues. As we have indicated above, Foreign Minister Wallström showed awareness from the start that Sweden’s feminist foreign policy would render gendered conflicts of global interest visible (Wallström, 2014). This, we argue, was a deliberate political move of contestation, clearly indicating awareness of the challenges facing political leaders who engage in antagonistic gendered games in global politics (Aggestam and True, 2021). With the rise of extreme right-wing populism, heightened polarisation and misogyny in global politics, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy evoked increasingly hostile debates on pro-gender norms, not least on social media. For instance, feminist foreign policy became a key target in Russia’s disinformation campaign, effectively disseminated on social media through a “troll army” aimed at the European Union and Sweden itself (Hedling, 2021). These Russian narratives portrayed Sweden as an example of multiculturalism and feminism gone “too far” which resonated with many social media debates, shaped by prevailing patterns of identity constructions along geopolitical and gendered lines (Edenborg, 2022, p. 499). Thus, the articulation of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy could be seen as a direct provocation of the axis of states committed to ‘traditional values’ (Agius & Edenborg, 2019; Norocel & Paternotte, 2023). These dynamics of gendered geopolitics, disinformation and rising levels of contention on social media coincided with the launch of Sweden’s feminist foreign policy and Margot Wallström’s first annual foreign policy declaration, which warned against “digital propaganda wars” as “new security threats” that “must be fought” (Government Offices of Sweden, 2015b). Thus, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy rapidly became associated with its government’s efforts to contest attacks on gender equality, justice and women’s rights globally.

Such contestation was particularly prevalent in the area of sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR), which was one of the prioritised domains of Sweden’s global feminist endeavours. The Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs demonstrated early preparedness to address this ‘headwind agenda’, and in so doing, sought to challenge several states’ pronounced resistance to SRHR (Government Offices of Sweden, 2015a). As highlighted in the Swedish “Handbook on feminist foreign policy,” initiatives about SRHR policies often encounter resistance through suppression techniques, such as ridicule, and the deliberate marginalisation of policy advocates (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a, p. 101). Consequently, the Swedish government anticipated opposition from the Global South but also from member states within the European Union, such as Hungary and Poland (Rosén Sundström & Elgström, 2020). The European Union has not yet reached a consensus on a robust common policy stance concerning SRHR, prompting Swedish deputy prime minister Isabella Lövin to observe:

Many people I speak with are noticing a growing resistance against the rights of women and LGBT individuals in the world—not just in the form of ISIL and other violent extremist groups, for whom the control of women’s sexuality is at the very heart of their existence and rhetoric—but also in negotiation rooms and within nationalistic and populist parties in Europe. We need to join forces: governments, parliamentarians, CSOs and other relevant actors. This is another reason why SRHR is a central part of a feminist government’s work. (Government Offices of Sweden, 2015d)

The election of far-right populist governments in a range of like-minded states including the US (under Trump), Russia, Bahrain, Guatemala, Hungary, Philippines, Poland, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia and Nigeria has led to the mobilisation of global anti-gender campaigns. This development has created new alliances giving rise to the roll back on gender equality and SRHR as well as the rights of LGBTQ+ individuals, all of which are issues closely associated with anti-family and pro-abortion values (Aggestam & True, 2021, p. 386). The reintroduction of the global gag rule by the Trump administration in 2016 showcases how major backlashes emerged on digital platforms against gender equality particularly in the area of SRHR. The repercussions associated with the reinstatement of the global gag rule were met with both support and critique among states and global audiences. It sparked heated debates and new waves of SRHR contestations. Several governments issued statements criticising the decision, noting that the policy could put the lives of women and girls at risk, often leading to unsafe abortions (McGovern et al., 2020). Likewise, right-wing extremists, radical Islamists and Christian anti-abortionists who oppose women’s human rights, particularly sexual and reproductive health rights, often have expressed their resistance to reproductive health policies, for example, by using political hashtags such as #prolife and #righttollife. Such hashtags demonstrate how reinterpretation and hijacking can be used as tools of norm contestation online. Thus, social media platforms are increasingly recognised as the main arenas for political contestation and agonism (Zeitzoff, 2017). The reinstatement of the global gag rule triggered several digital campaigns worldwide. Below, we zoom in on the digital advocacy campaign “#SheDecides,” organised by Sweden, Denmark, Belgium and the Netherlands. In this campaign, former foreign minister Wallström together with former deputy prime minister Isabella Lövin exercised political leadership, and, we argue, were key central drivers in mobilising resistance against the global gag rule.

3.4.1 #shedecides

In 2017, a notable protest movement emerged on various social media platforms around the hashtag #shedecides as a ‘digital punchline’ to challenge the global gag rule. The hashtag had previously been employed by activists advocating for women’s rights, specifically targeting limitations imposed on women’s sexual and reproductive rights. Consequently, #shedecides had already gained recognition as an established feminist hashtag on Twitter, symbolising opposition to the US-led backlash against reproductive health for women in the Global South (Khoja-Moolji, 2015). However, at the beginning of 2017, the use of the hashtag experienced a significant surge online, with numerous tweets shedding light on the detrimental consequences of the global gag rule on the status of women’s human rights within the area of SRHR. This time state actors were actively joining forces with women’s rights organisations in opposition to the global gag rule. The Netherlands took the lead by introducing a novel crowdsourcing initiative under the hashtag #shedecides, establishing a global fund aimed at facilitating women’s access to safe abortion services. Shortly thereafter, Sweden joined the Netherlands, followed by Belgium, Denmark and Finland, in supporting the organisation of a conference held in Brussels. The primary objectives of the conference were to launch the funding initiative and extend assistance to non-governmental organisations impacted by the global gag rule (Government Offices of Sweden, 2017). For Sweden, this initiative aligned well with its prioritised commitment to SRHR, a central component of its feminist foreign policy agenda (Government Offices of Sweden, 2019a).

At the #shedecides fundraising and advocacy conference in Brussels on 2 March 2017, Sweden pledged SEK 200 million in support to SRHR to reduce the impact of the regressive policies of the US (Government Offices of Sweden, 2017). The Swedish MFA also orchestrated the mobilisation of government officials and diplomats with the explicit aim of advancing global advocacy through online platforms, including social media channels and the official Twitter and Facebook accounts of the government. Consequently, the hashtag #shedecides emerged as the most widely utilised hashtag by the Swedish MFA during the specific week of the conference and ranked as the third most frequently employed hashtag throughout the spring of 2017 (@SweMFA). This strategic endeavour resulted in significant global outreach and garnered substantial attention.

The conference achieved notable success in several ways, particularly its capacity to bring together 50 governments, international organisations, and leaders from civil society. Collectively, these entities made substantial commitments, amounting to 181 million euros towards measures pertaining to SRHR, thereby ensuring the continuity of family planning initiatives in several developing countries. A joint conference statement was collaboratively made by Isabella Lövin, together with ministerial colleagues from Belgium, Estonia, Finland, the Netherlands, Portugal, Luxembourg and Denmark. This statement symbolically was released on International Women’s Day on 8 March 2017 and received widespread coverage in various European news outlets. Its contents expressed unwavering support for SRHR and vehemently opposed the implementation of the US global gag rule:

Unfortunately, the fight for women’s and girls’ rights suffered a setback on 23 January with the reintroduction of the Mexico City Policy, also known as the Global Gag Rule…The broad international support for women’s rights is crucial for the lives of millions of women and for the development of their countries. And it shows that when other countries turn down their engagement in the fight for women’s and girls’ rights, we are ready to turn up our engagement. (Lövin et al., 2017)

The #shedecides campaign successfully gathered widespread international political and economic support for SRHR. The Swedish government used it to demonstrate its ability to make its feminist foreign policy operative, and result-driven, which added credibility to its quest for feminist leadership on and offline. In addition, the campaign enabled the Swedish government to project the relevance of feminist foreign policy to domestic audiences. It showed Sweden’s capacity to lead a countermovement by employing digital contestation to protest against the growing global backlash against gender equality and the rights of women and girls. While Sweden was one of the central drivers in the European opposition movement against the global gag rule, the actual use of feminist terminology was limited in the framing and contestation of the backlash against sexual and reproductive rights. It is likely that a more explicit use of feminist terminology, as a platform for norm contestation, may have been seen as a barrier to rallying broader global and domestic consensus on SRHR. This assumption is sustained by the fact that Sweden’s feminist foreign policy rested on both an ethical commitment to global gender justice as well as policy pragmatism, which was seen as the best way of achieving concrete and measurable results (Aggestam & Bergman-Rosamond, 2016).

Fig. 3.2
A screenshot of a post from Swedish M F A with hashtags below. The poster below has photos of Margot and Isabella Lovin with the quote reads this new iteration of an old policy will not protect life at all. It is more likely that more women will die. The hashtag reads she decides you can help.

@SweMFA (Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs 2017)

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The extensive digital advocacy efforts undertaken by Wallström and Lövin in support of SRHR attracted significant contestation and resistance on social media platforms. Various international critics, interest groups and pro-life activists framed the #shedecides digital campaign as an endeavour aimed at mobilising ‘female dictators’ and ‘feminazis.’ These critics expressed their disapproval through hashtags such as #antifeminism, which gained traction on Twitter after March 2017.

Despite the revival of domestic debates concerning Sweden’s involvement in state- and government-oriented participation in global activism and advocacy for SRHR through the #shedecides campaign, support for SRHR remained steadfast within Sweden. On the Swedish government’s Twitter updates, however, one could note that some argued that feminist advocacy was better suited for civil society actors, and, as such, questioning the appropriateness of state-led advocacy initiatives. Nevertheless, the Swedish government was standing firm in its commitment to SRHR, in terms of policy and digital practice.

In the summer of 2017, the government reaffirmed its commitment to pursue norm contestation in the area of SRHR by pledging additional funding to support organisations adversely affected by the expanded global gag rule (Government Offices of Sweden, 2017). This commitment aimed to ensure the resilience of Sweden’s SRHR initiatives. Furthermore, to reinforce the strength of its policy and extend its reach to global audiences, a Facebook post featuring an image of Foreign Minister Margot Wallström and Deputy Prime Minister Isabella Lövin was shared. The accompanying text emphasised the detrimental consequences of the new policy iteration, asserting that it would not truly “protect life” but instead increase the likelihood of harm to women. The image prominently featured the #shedecides banner, alongside hashtags such as #Shedecides, #SRHR, and #MexicoCityPolicy, all of which served as indications of deliberate acts of contestation intended to amplify Sweden’s feminist foreign policy message to online audiences.

3.5 Conclusion

This chapter has examined the pivotal role of political leadership in initiating, shaping and executing Sweden’s feminist foreign policy, with a particular emphasis on utilising digital tools and practices to facilitate these processes. By analysing the interplay between Sweden’s feminist foreign policy and the political platform of Foreign Minister Margot Wallström, we have highlighted her adeptness in articulating feminist foreign policy as a strategic vision with clearly defined pathways for implementation, thereby solidifying its integration within the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). Moreover, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy has resonated with like-minded states  having adopted their iterations of feminist foreign policies. While Germany has openly acknowledged Sweden’s normative influence on its feminist foreign policy, Canada has not. Nonetheless, Sweden’s normative entrepreneurship, closely tied to Margot Wallström’s political leadership, has been evident in the communication strategies of various political figures. Furthermore, Sweden’s feminist foreign policy stood in stark contrast to the antagonistic stance of governments seeking to restrict Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights, thereby elevating the symbolic significance of Margot Wallström and Isabella Lövin, as advocates of gender justice,  on global digital platforms.

Sweden’s feminist foreign policy provides three important insights into the constitutive relationship between political leadership and digital diplomacy. First, the political process of norm entrepreneurship is central to foreign policy alterations, with the latter being bolstered by skilful and strategic usages of digital diplomacy. Digital diplomacy is a dynamic mechanism for projecting, sustaining and legitimising foreign policy leadership within global politics by combining effective diplomatic articulation with practical implementation strategies. These articulations and strategies enhance the coherence and resonance of transformative foreign policy agendas. Secondly, the digital dissemination of foreign policy agendas facilitates their dissemination beyond national boundaries, potentially fostering mobilisation and emulation among like-minded states, as demonstrated in this chapter. Third, digital platforms add strength to foreign policy leadership, engendering a spectrum of global reactions ranging from admiration to animosity. As we have shown in the analysis above, the symbolic significance of political leaders such as Margot Wallström, not least in the context of gendered and polarised geopolitical dynamics, elicits a rangeof responses within global politics. The inherently political nature of online leadership communication gives rise to emotional reactions while giving states a range of opportunities to firmly position themselves as advocates of pro-gender norms in the global order.