The people my study attempts to understand are part of a small cohort in absolute terms, and particularly small relative to the staggering numbers of people either leaving or trying to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina. Their return is voluntary because each study participant could stay in the host state, as most of them have also attained full citizenship status. There was also no direct political, economic, social, or family pressure for them to return, and they were not part of an assisted return program. They are of full working age, still in the process of building a retirement nest egg and thus, the decision to return to Bosnia and Herzegovina entailed a considerable amount of financial risk. The circumstances of their departure from BiH were, most times, violent and traumatic, while their years of life as a refugee in the host state were filled with other kinds of struggle. However, at the time of their return, they are no longer refugees. After gaining citizenship of the host state and managing to re-build their shattered lives abroad, they decide to come back. This chapter attempts to understand why and what happens to them later on?

Specifically, this chapter provides an answer to the following research questions: Why did the diaspora members choose to return and remain in the home state? What are the main drivers behind their decision(s)? How do they reintegrate? While the question of what initially motivated their decision is important for explaining the movement from host to home state, looking at the returnees’ reintegration process–the challenges they face and the strategies they employ to overcome these challenges — allows for an explanation of their continued stay. Results of qualitative data analysis are presented against the BiH contextual background and in reference to previous literature on return migration, diaspora, and transnationalism. I firstly discuss the full complexity of the decision to return, with the simplifying distinction made between economic and emotional reasons. What follows is an in-depth look at each set of reasons, with interpretive answers provided on the relative importance of each for the motivation to return. Next, I investigate the obstacles my study participants face upon return and their reintegration strategies. After looking into the returnees’ own evaluation of the success of their return, the final section of the chapter provides a summation of qualitative data analysis answering the first set of research questions.

3.1 The Decision to Return

The decision to return is complex, involving many different variables, which escape neat categorization. Often, the decision is highly personal (Janis & Mann, 1977) and can sometimes even be characterized as “irrational” (Black et al., 2004, p. 12). While Black et al. (2004) recognize that the factors contributing to the decision-making process are “hard to disentangle even for the person making the decision” (p. 12), they suggest a model of decision-making factors. Their model builds upon previous literature (Koser, 1998; Faist, 1999; King, 2000) on comparisons made between structural conditions in the host state to those of the home state. The model Black et al. (2004), present reduces these factors to three broad categories: social, economic and political conditions in the home and host states, the individual characteristics of the migrant, or the migrant family, and any public policy programs designed to either encourage or discourage return. Similarly, to Black et al. (2004), while recognizing the inherent complexities of the decision to return, I suggest the simplifying distinction between reaching an economic minimum, as a prerequisite for return, and emotional reasons as the primary driver of the decision to return.

Distinguishing between an economic minimum and emotional reasons for return migration builds upon the cognitive-appraisal approach to the study of emotions and greater attention paid to non-economic factors in the decision-making process. The “cognitive/appraisal” approach, championed by scholars such as Martha Nussbaum and Robert Solomon, treats emotions as “important forms of knowledge and evaluative thought” (Bleiker & Hutchison, 2008, p. 124). Unlike the reason-emotion dichotomy, the “cognitive/appraisal” perspective does not place emotions in stark opposition to rationality, nor does it dismiss them as purely irrational. Instead, emotions are given their rightful place in the analysis and are not marginalized simply because they do not fit into the rational-choice paradigm. The dominance of rational-choice within neoclassical economics and new economics of labor migration to explain return migration has been questioned by several scholars (see Cassarino, 2004), leading them on a search for alternative explanations. Various authors have proposed different ways of classifying all other reasons which do not neatly fit under the principle of a cost-benefit calculation primarily concerned with maximizing economic self-interest. For example, when shedding light on the “non-economic” reasons for return migration, Halfacree (2004) turns to culture and more of a biographical approach, Kılınç and King (2017) refer to “lifestyle,” King et al. (2008) discuss a “personal project” or Achenbach (2017) looks at life spheres of “family and lifestyle.” While implicitly rejecting the reason/emotion dichotomy by espousing the “cognitive/appraisal” approach to the study of emotions, I do not intend to create a new grand dichotomy. Instead, what is meant by “emotional reasons for return” are all those factors which cannot be classified as directly maximizing economic self-interest, while the rest is categorized as “satisfying an economic minimum.” A possible interpretation of this categorization is a challenge to the inherent notion of “rationality” when considering decision-making based on maximizing economic self-interest, as well as the “irrationality” of decisions based on non-economic/emotional factors.

My argument is that the decision to return voluntarily to a post-conflict society, when there is a viable alternative to remain abroad, is overwhelmingly emotional in nature, meaning that the emotional reasons outweigh the economic ones. Overall, the returnees discussed their responsibility and duty to “give back” to their country of origin, expressing their “mission” or “higher purpose,” which were often stated during the interviews using the English-language variants of the terms. Their mission is related to Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a sight of their own suffering and tragedy, for which they have compassion as one would have, in the words of the returnees, towards a “special-needs child” and the “perpetual underdog-turned hero of the story.” In the initial stages of return, participants expressed their enthusiasm both to be back home and to pursue their stated mission of societal contribution and betterment. The returnees are keenly aware of the economic opportunity cost of return and express their conscious preference towards non-materialistic pursuits. They expressly value closeness to family members, daily encounters with friends and neighbors, and the sense of community over wealth accumulation. However, the danger with this line of reductivism is an essentialist and over-sentimentalized idealization of “home sweet home,” more appropriate for an embroidered needle-pad than a serious scholarly investigation treating emotions with the respect they deserve. In order to avoid this trap, my presentation of results firstly elaborates on the economic motivations followed by discussions of emotional factors. Because, although return is emotionally motivated, it would be naïve to assume that economic reasons play a completely marginal role.

When considering the economic reasons influencing the decision to return, my argument is that the returnee needs and requires a minimum level of economic security in order to make this choice. The returnees have been purposively selected to incorporate a notion of financial risk when deciding to return. These are not retirees who have attained a certain level of economic security abroad and therefore minimized the risk of financial failure once they return to the home state. In terms of a life-cycle perspective, the returnees are people who have perhaps accumulated some capital while working abroad, but are still looking at their work life in BiH to provide for their retirement. They are of working age and thus their decision to return carries the full risk of any financial investment in a post-conflict environment. In order to make this investment, the returnee needs to have a minimum level of economic security, which in no way should be confused with maximizing economic self-interest. Returning to a post-conflict society does not maximize economic self-interest. Ceteris paribus, the returnees would have been better off financially had they stayed in their host societies, however, without the minimum level of economic security in the home state, return is not possible. The economic minimum is often provided through self-employment in the home state and without it, the returnee is simply not in a position to consider the decision to return. Once the minimum level of economic security is attained, the returnee gains the freedom to consider emotional reasons. Without the minimum economic requirement being satisfied, emotional reasons do not enter the decision-making equation.

3.1.1 The Necessary Economic Minimum Requirement Enabling Return

Within the economic reasons for return, having a business opportunity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is the most dominant pull factor for return. For example, Siniša left his dental practice in Argentina to grow fruit crops near Trebinje.

SinišaFootnote

All returnees’ names are pseudonyms, see the Research Methodology section in Chap. 1.

::

When we came here for the first time, we travelled everywhere, even going to Belgrade. We searched everywhere and this opportunity turned up, which we saw as giving us the possibility to live and work here. Orcharding and fruit growing were attractive to us and we saw it as a chance to develop our own business in a place where there was so much work to be done, on land that was practically untillable. I felt that this was the right moment for somebody with the proper knowledge and experience.

Ema left a marketing career in Austria to start an organic herb farm in Northern Bosnia. Although her corporate career offered Ema the opportunity to continue advancing and increasing her material comfort, the prospect of a new business venture was exciting.

Ema::

Well, the other thing is that I had this business idea, and that I recognized the potential that Bosnia and Herzegovina has, as regards its nature and the long-term, cooperative, sustainable use of its natural resources. This idea simply would not leave me alone. I continued with my job in my comfortable, safe environment, earning lots of money and consuming whatever I wanted, but long term, this lifestyle was simply not fulfilling. My business idea would simply not let me go and the only thing I needed to do was start.

Marija returned from Germany with her husband, where they both worked in sustainable energy production, to start a renewable energy company in Jajce.

Marija::

I believe we had a good business opportunity in BiH, where we are more free than we would have been in Germany, which has clearly defined rules. So, I think we had more space to develop here, to gain a capital base before getting bogged down with all the rules. Over there, everything is much better regulated and more expensive, so the success of this business enterprise in Germany is quite questionable to me.

Husein left a successful career in Switzerland and came back with his family to manufacture dress shirts in his native Maglaj.

Husein::

After the war ended, I knew everything has been destroyed in this country so that it would be a long time before we would see any international companies coming here. At that time, I was in a dilemma about what I could do? What could be the first step I could take to help the local population, my friends, my local community and to find my happiness in doing so? My conclusion was that, unfortunately, the least profitable, cheapest branch of the textile industry, in prior existence in the area of Doboj, Maglaj, Tešanj and Žepče, would still be the best field for me to start my business.

The stories of Siniša, Ema, Marija or Husein fit well within the general tendency of returnees towards self-employment and setting up small-businesses upon return, which has been extensively researched and more recently surveyed by Black and Castaldo (2009). Case studies examining this phenomenon range from different contexts and regions, including Italy (King, 1986), Turkey (Gitmez, 1988), Portugal (Mendonsa, 1982), Mexico (Massey et al., 1987; Cornelius, 1990), Somaliland (Ahmed, 2000) and China (Murphy, 2000).

Although most returnees started their own businesses directly upon return, for some, a job offer, facilitated through multiple return visits, was the strongest pull factor. Such is the case of Admir, a jazz musician, and a music instructor.

Admir::

Sooo, at one point I had employment offers from some people here [in Bosnia and Herzegovina] and I simply wanted to try it. I had no other obligations over there [in the United States] in the sense that I had a signed a contract. I was working as a freelancer and I used to come here regularly for visits. Each year, the visit was about a month and I always had the feeling that it was too short, as I loved spending time here. I used to leave with a certain sadness, thinking to myself–how I’d love to stay longer. Then, in 2011, I finished a project in the U.S. and I visited for 3 months to test the waters. The job offer came during my 3-month stay. I gained a professional foothold pretty quickly, as I had many friends here who were in the same line of work. They helped me find my first gigs and projects. Then, I got married, my wife came and so on….

When discussing “work-related influences” on the decision to return, Carling et al. (2015) point to strictly economic factors, such as a job offer and the promise of a livable salary, but also the general work culture and opportunities for career advancement. When Admir received a job offer that fulfilled both the economic and non-economic factors, he decided to return. His return was facilitated by multiple return visits, a “particular transnational practice” (Carling & Erdal, 2014, p. 4) or “diasporic performativity” (Axel, 2004, p. 4) which is a point extensively covered in the literature (King et al., 2008; Carling et al., 2015; Asiedu, 2005; Duval, 2004; King et al., 2013; Lulle, 2014; Mason, 2004; Oeppen, 2013; Oxfeld, 2004; Carling & Erdal, 2014).

The recession caused by the global financial crisis of 2008–2009 has acted as a push factor, particularly with returnees from the U.S. Both based in New York City, Mirela was in advertising and Lejla was teaching yoga at the start of the financial crisis.

Lejla::

Then, in this period of my own dilemmas, America was hit by a massive economic recession. Wall Street crashed in 2008 and this was horrendous. I mean, it was horrible. I stayed over there for another year after the crash of Wall Street, but I could see some changes within myself. From a yoga perspective, all these external events were only reflections of my inner state. For me, this horrific financial crash brought back memories of war. Over there, I saw the brutality of people who lack any sort of humanity. These thoughts kept bringing me back to Bosnia, because I was here during the war as a child. I told stories of war to my American friends and I told them how, unfortunately, the most beautiful part of my life was spent in wartime. The war was terrifying, but it also brought us closer to our family and neighbors. People had to share everything they had because this was the only way for them to survive. Witnessing the behavior of people around me in New York [during the height of the financial crisis], I would think to myself: these people would not stand a chance in war. They could not survive, because the only way towards survival is to connect to others around you and not only to look out for yourself.

The advertising sector in the U.S. was particularly struck by the global financial crisis, and Mirela lost her job.

Mirela::

I came back here when I lost my job in the U.S., during the crisis. This was in 2009. I was laid off and I, I was always planning to come back and was continuously very connected. My mom insisted I return so that I could start a family, so that we could all be together. When I lost my job, the situation was such that finding new work in America would be very difficult, so I decided to start my own business in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Well, this situation [global financial crisis of 2008] certainly gave me a push, although return was something I was planning all along. You know, it was an event that just pushed me towards achieving this long-term goal faster.

Although both Lejla and Mirela could have found other employment in the U.S. and their return to BiH was not compelled, still the financial crisis acted as a push factor. This finding regarding return migration was recognized as early as Bovenkerk (1974) who writes that “by far the most important cause of mass return is undoubtedly the economic recession in the country of immigration” (p. 20).

The respondents who were most aware of the relationship between labor and capital under conditions of global capitalism seemed to have had the greatest success both with integration in the host state and with their return to the home state. Draško discusses the role of competition, branding, and credit in a developed capitalist economy, such as Switzerland.

Draško::

Well, when you see that in some country in the West, let’s say Switzerland or some other country, you have 10 professionals and you are the 11th professional there…mmmm…well the competition there is much higher. Here, this competition is much lower, if it even exists at all. There it is more difficult to succeed because of higher competition. Also, it depends on what one considers to be a success. For some, success means going to Switzerland, earning [a monthly salary of] CHF 4,000 then buying a car worth EURO 30,000 and coming back here [to BiH] to show off as somebody who’s “made it.” Me, I am not interested in that. I want to create a product and a brand, so that I can say. “This is my creation.”

Author::

How do you view this type of behavior [buying a luxury car]?

Draško::

This is a bit to do with our mentality and let’s say the individual’s vision on what they want to do in life. In a financial sense, I consider this person to be putting a huge rock in his path. He’ll have a very hard time getting rid of this rock.

Author::

You mean the EURO 30,000 car is the rock?

Draško::

Yes, because it [the car] comes with a loan to be repaid. He could have put that money to much better use. He could have invested it much better. That is how I see it.

Some parts of Draško’s story are consistent with the literature, and others are radically different. For example, mentioning limited competition and taking advantage of this aspect of a post-conflict market can be seen in studies of voluntary return migration to Afghanistan (van Houte & Davids, 2014; van Houte, 2016). However, Draško’s pragmatic attitude towards investment radically departs from findings (Pedersen, 2003; Şirin, 2008; Cassarino, 2004) emphasizing the returnees’ tendency towards conspicuous consumption and particularly the “building of big houses and the purchase of luxury cars” (emphasis mine, Cassarino, 2004, p. 260).

3.1.2 Emotional Reasons as the Primary Motivation for Return

The motivation for voluntary return migration to a post-conflict society primarily comprises a variety of emotional reasons. The participants did not identify particular emotions motivating their return, but discussed emotionally charged factors which could not be directly linked to pursuing economic self-interest.

3.1.2.1 Giving Back

The dominant emotional reason the returnees expressed is having a higher purpose, a mission, or simply a strong sense of responsibility to give back to the country of their birth. Depending on their profession and field, this sense of responsibility was expressed in different ways, such as cross-cultural cooperation and peace activism, job creation and economic development, participation in the local academic community and the educational sector, or helping family members. The responsibility of “giving back” to the home country has been recognized in the literature, particularly in post-conflict settings (Carling et al., 2015; Paasche, 2016), however, knowledge of the specific BiH context is useful for better informed interpretation. Anastasija saw an opportunity for making her contribution in the field of cultural development, the civic sector and peace activism, and returned from Serbia to her native Mostar.

Anastasija::

Anyway, I thought it was my responsibility to make sure that I contribute to my local community my, my city, my country. So, I chose culture as a channel, since culture is a universal mechanism to connect people, to regenerate torn ties, to create some new connections…well…damn, we do not all have to be politicians! I thought that, if I prove how serious I am in all of that, you know it would all fall into place and it would be feasible. However, as I became more and more effective and as the results improved, doors kept closing and funding sources dried up. The last straw was this club “Aleksa”, with which I really suffered, because you know Aleksa is a Serb. We are also Serbs…so…what was I thinking??? My dad told me, “don’t call the club “Aleksa,” they will all say that this is because they are Serb….you know what people will say” And I told him: “Listen, why don’t you google this a little bit…you have your phone. Aleksa is not just a Serb! Aleksa Šantić is the true paradigm of life in Mostar, representing the civic option. This is the path I have chosen, and my path does not need to go through a political party. It can just be a healthy civic option.

Anastasija’s story is set against a historical background in which the “collapse of Yugoslavia was destructive in Mostar” (Hromadzic, 2012, p. 33). At the beginning of the war the mainly Serb JNA (Yugoslav National Army) launched attacks at the city from the East, encouraging Serbs to leave the city and forcing the city’s other inhabitants to search for protection in the Western parts of the city. At the start of the war, Bosniak and Croat forces fought the JNA together, but clashes between them finally led to the complete separation of Mostar between its eastern side dominated by Bosniaks and the western side held by Bosnian Croats (Vetters, 2007). Most Mostarian Serbs left the city at the beginning of the conflict, leaving the Serb community in Mostar “marginal” (Vetters, 2007, p. 188) and the city effectively divided between the Bosniaks and Croats.

By returning to Mostar Anastasija was hoping to make a difference and contribute to the city’s reunification and revival of its pre-war multiethnic and multicultural social composition. Her work in peace activism was recognized by multiple international awards, but she does not feel that this type of engagement has the potential of reversing entrenched divisions. The failure of her “Aleksa” club, named after the famed Mostarian poet, Aleksa Šantić, seems to prove this point. Interestingly, Aleksa Šantić is the author of “Stay Here,” a poem devoted entirely to discourage emigration from Bosnia and Herzegovina. “Stay Here”Footnote 2 was written in 1896 and addressed to Bosniak citizens of Mostar who were leaving en masse for Ottoman lands after Bosnia and Herzegovina was annexed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1878 (Mihailovich, 1988).

Other study participants saw their role in improving the home state’s economy by creating jobs and spurring economic growth. Damir, who now employs over 100 workers in the metal-producing sector, saw his role in rebuilding the war-torn BiH economy.

Damir::

And…I told myself, “Germany is a developed country and this country [BiH] needs people to build it.” Simply, circumstances were such. I was only 18 years old when the war started and I hadn’t even served in the military. But, I said to myself: ‘When the war ends. I will make a difference.’ This country needs people to build it and I decided to contribute to making things better in BiH with my own work. This is my work and I hope that what I have done so far is good. Of course, it can always be better, but my mission is one of building and making things better. I could not stop the war and I could do nothing about it at that time. Thank God that it [the war] has ended.

Damir left Sanski Most at an age when he could have been conscripted to the BH Army. Instead, his parents sent him first to Serbia and later to Germany. Several times throughout the interview, he mentioned his feelings of regret at not being able to help with armed resistance in BiH and his need to compensate for this omission once the war ended. The desire to assist in economic development, particularly in post-conflict settings, has been recognized within the literature, such as Paasche (2016).

Many of the returnees were educated abroad and view their contribution to be most meaningful in academia and the educational sector. After completing an M.A. and Ph.D. degree in Belgium, Mahir continued his academic career in BiH.

Mahir::

I felt more that my role is one of an educator, under quotation marks, in BiH society. As a person who has been abroad and who has learnt much, seen much and experienced a lot in a certain period of my life…as such I have a lot to give in a professional sense. I believe it is better to make use of my educational role here, in this society and that this would have a much greater impact on my life and on the meaningfulness of what I am doing. The alternative would have been for me to have stayed in the West, within the competition of Western mainstream academia. I believe that what I am doing here is much more meaningful. I feel a calling. I feel that I have been given life and I ask that it has meaning. Simply put, in the analysis of whether I should or should not return, there was really no dilemma, because I never actually left emotionally. My return here represented just my physical relocation and never an emotional one. I always lived two lives–one on Skype with my mom and family and another, physical and bureaucratic life, somewhere over there [in the host state].

Mahir’s experience fits within migration studies debates in which returnees are increasingly seen as “brokers of knowledge transfer and capacity building” (Kuschminder, 2017, p.2). Also, they are believed to have gained skills and education abroad, all of which situate them “in between” the home and host countries and thus enable them to act as mediators between cultures and as negotiators of change (King, 1978; Sørensen et al., 2002; van Houte & Davids, 2014).

3.1.2.2 Personalizing Collective Tragedy and Trauma Recovery

Besides the rather abstract notion of “the higher good” or “making an altruistic contribution,” which could apply to other contexts of collective tragedy and disadvantage, the returnees are specific in making Bosnia and Herzegovina as their sole focus of attention. Alma returned from Germany to start a Waldorf kindergarten in BiH and views the education of children to be the area of her contribution.

Alma::

Well, this is because I saw how much, how horribly this, this misfortune disfigured me and that one simply could not pretend that you did not go through all of that. You have to confront it all. In some way, this was a confrontation for me and I wanted to try and see what could be done. I was never part of politics and I did not want to be. Also, I was not some big businessman or something like that. Within my own limitations, I wanted to contribute to something positive happening here. This is what I wanted.

Author::

Where do you get the desire to contribute?

Alma::

Well, everybody kept asking me the same question. The only thing I can say in response is that such questions are more telling of the person asking them. It is not my problem to explain myself to anybody, because I was never one of those totally self -interested types.Footnote 3 I was always interested in the world around me -an altruist, a humanitarian.

Author::

Well, why could you not go somewhere else to continue with your altruistic work?

Alma::

Ok, that could have also been good. That is true. But, for me, this particular misfortune is what was closest to me. It is also my personal tragedy and I do not want to place myself at a distance from it.

Alma views her contribution to BiH society as a form of “giving back” and fulfilling a “higher purpose,” but, like many other participants, she is specific in her contribution because of her own experience of the BiH tragedy. Similarly to returnees who discussed their individual processes of confronting traumatization, Alma’s fulfillment of a “higher purpose” is bundled with a deeply personal quest for healing from wartime trauma.

A number of respondents view return as part of their recovery from traumatization incurred during the war, forced migration, and life abroad. Senad felt that he would recover from the loss of control over his life with his return to BiH.

Senad::

Well, emotions supported the rational calculation. There was a dominant feeling that I left Sarajevo against my own will. I left under extreme conditions and my question is as follows: ‘if peace has returned to Sarajevo and that has been the case for a long time, why wouldn’t I live in my city, with my group of friends, with my family? With more frequent visits, the desire intensified to spend time with my family, with my sister, with my friends. Why would I not try to move there when I left against my own will? I want to see what would happen in Bosnia and Herzegovina.’ I wanted to live there and if I decided to leave again, I wanted this decision to be my own. I wanted to be in the position to say ‘I am leaving now, not because of a three-year military siege, but because I want to leave.’ I wanted to reprogram history and to decide for myself.

Arif, who survived three concentration camps,Footnote 4 now has an office overlooking a road sign for the notorious Trnopolje camp. He explains the de-traumatizing effect constant exposure to places of unimaginable pain has on his psyche.

Arif::

The “Trnopolje Camp,” my third concentration camp, is located three kilometers from here. People ask me ‘why did you return to live in the neighborhood of a concentration camp?’ and I tell them: ‘well, it would be like a Jewish person returning to start a business next to Auschwitz.’ I pass by Keraterm each and every day and I see images of past events: the killings of people and the torture, but I keep in touch with all that. You keep seeing these images wherever you are. You can leave, but you cannot escape these images. Within the human psyche, it is impossible to escape your own experience. You could even go to Tasmania, but these images stay alive in front of your eyes. When you close your eyes and start talking to the dead, you wake up in the morning, exhausted from the long conversations you had with them in your sleep. You feel no fear. When you return here, you retain physical contact and you can see everything directly.

Diagnosed with PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) and later becoming a certified trauma release therapist, Lejla discusses the impact of return on her ability to recover from traumatization.

Lejla::

And then, all of a sudden, what came back to me is everything we went through and how deprived we were. Somehow, this caused me so much pain that I just wanted to give love to all people in Bosnia. I felt so much pain, which we all carry inside and as I realized the pain, I wanted to come and hug everybody (laughter). I just wanted to share my feelings with people here and this is mainly how I decided to return and start my yoga studio here [in BiH].

The finding that wartime experience features prominently in the returnees’ motivation to return confirms previous studies of voluntary return to BiH, such as Porobić (2012) and Porobić (2017). In her more recent study, Porobić finds “clear inter-linkages between trauma, remembrance, and return motivations and experiences” (p. 120) and creates connections to her previous work with Bosnian refugees in Sweden, where she found that resilience was directed towards a state of “in-betweenness” and that attitudes toward return varied from viewing it is a form of healing the trauma of displacement to seeing it as a possible source of new traumatization. The stories of Senad, Arif, and Lejla are consistent with the former interpretation where return to the place of originally induced trauma seems to bring about recovery.

3.1.2.3 Closeness to Family Members and Religious Traditions

Connections with family members and a desire to be close to them were also reported as an important reason for return. Being close to aging parents and extended family members is of great significance to Adnan, who returned to BiH from Turkey.

Adnan::

I don’t have a single regret about returning. In fact, I am very happy about it. I believe I have done the best thing that I could have done. I even wish I had taken this step earlier, because my family, my children, and my parents are here, together. I now see my parents and friends much more. Also, the work that I do reaches people in ways that I have provided jobs to many. All of this gives me a sort of energy that I am really very happy that I have returned.

I considered whether the returnee’s parents require special care and whether they are able to live independently to be of such importance that I included it in the demographic section of the interview. This question was so important to me because it might present a constraint which would interfere with one of the most important sampling criteria, i.e. “voluntariness” of return. Given the close-knit structure of the typical Bosnian family, parents in need of assisted living could present a constraint which would deem the return to be somewhat “compelled” and thus not entirely voluntary. An overwhelming majority of the returnees replied their parents are capable of independent living, however, that their proximity has great significance for their lives. Adnan’s story is typical and to a large extent recognized in the return migration literature as “life stages and transitions not only of the migrants, but of their family members” (p.20) where ageing parents in the home country can “incentivize return” (Carling et al., 2015, p.20).

Having the opportunity to raise their children in smaller towns and close to the family’s religious traditions is an important factor in deciding to return. Siniša, who grew up in Argentina within a dominant Catholic societal religious tradition, is happy to provide his seven children with an Orthodox Christian upbringing in BiH.

Siniša::

Actually, as I said, this huge assimilation down there, in Argentina, never really happened to us. So that, although I was born there, my parents have always, let’s say, left a certain feeling that we belong to a different, let’s say, a different nation. They always spoke Serbian in the house and we always celebrated the “SlavaFootnote 5” and we celebrated Christmas according to our own Orthodox traditions, although we lived in a Catholic country. What does this mean? They could not give up any of that and they just transferred it to us, so at one point I asked myself, ok ‘Who am I?’ Also, there is my wife, whose background is also from these parts and the question of educating our children came up. We have lots of children!

Author::

You have seven children?

Siniša::

Yes! And then we said that we would try to secure different living conditions. As our current living conditions [in Argentina] had become…how should I say. You know, that [Buenos Aires] was a big city, too big with a certain level of insecurity, so that we could not really follow our children around. Where do they go? What do they do? This and that. And then we [Siniša and his wife] thought to ourselves, let’s go over there [to BiH] to see how things are over there.

Siniša’s story resonates with the finding of Carling et al. (2015), who note that the decision to return is often not just a personal issue, but one concerning primarily the re-integration of children, particularly if they are of school age. Also, since Siniša’s returnFootnote 6 is technically “ancestral,” (Sardinha, 2008), making him a “root migrant” (Wessendorf, 2007) or a “counter-diasporic returnee” (King & Christou, 2009), what also corresponds to the literature is a “return ideology” (Sardinha, 2008, p. 322), which seems to have been present in Siniša’s family while they were growing up in Argentina. Sardinha (2008) cites Chamberlain (1995), whose study of Barbadian families living in the U.K outlines the major family characteristics necessary for the development of a “return ideology.” Sardinha (2008) points to the importance of regular instilling of a “sense of ethnonationalist feeling” (p. 322) in the second-generation by their parents.

Similarly to Siniša, Gavrilo discusses the importance of being close to his family members in connection with a religious mission to help his community. Gavrilo is also an Orthodox Christian, but similar views combining religiosity and familial bonds are present in participants of other religious traditions.

Gavrilo::

There are another ten people employed in our dairy farm, so our entire family is together. Also, I have given a chance to several people around me. If they want to work, they could also be financially sustainable. In my opinion, this is some kind of contribution, a kind of God’s mission. I have managed to do something for myself and for others.

Author::

Religion is important to you?

Gavrilo::

Very important! We are all God’s souls, and we all have our missions to fulfill. We all need to be good and to help people.

To some extent, Gavrilo’s story could be placed within the “return as fulfillment of a higher purpose” category, except that the spiritual dimension is more directly articulated through the profession of a particular religious tradition and tied to proximity to family members.

3.1.2.4 Postmaterialist Value System

Attaching little value to materialism and material goods was an important factor in their decision to return. In deciding to return, Ema did not prioritize the comfort of her corporate job in Austria. Instead, she sees her return as meaning-making from the collective tragedy of war.

Ema::

Hmmm…this thing constantly kept reappearing in my mind and this emotional reason was mixing with the one rational reason I did this. If we look at this emotional reason only, ahm, so many young people died in this war and I kept thinking about what is that they died for exactly? For thornsFootnote 7! They fought for a piece of land, because in the end, that is what it comes down to. It is as if ‘I protected my home. I was defending it from whomever…Footnote 8” All these young people, they are no longer with us and I thought to myself…wait a second. Now, these fields lie empty, overgrown and untilled, used by nobody. The village is empty. Everybody is gone. Let’s try to give all of this [the victims’ deaths] some sort of meaning. Somebody died for some ideals. We don’t need to get philosophical about whether these ideals were good or bad. They gave their life for that small piece of land and now we don’t have the ability to recognize that and make use of it. The apple trees are unpicked. The fruit lie scattered on the ground. Nobody collects them. Nobody cares anymore. Somebody, somebody gave their life for that and this needs to be respected.

Elvis contrasts human relations in BiH and the West to conclude that they are more developed in the home state. These strong social bonds are what he values most.

Elvis::

And then if we focus again on the meaning of life…Does this include having coffee with our friend today, chatting about all our troubles for an hour, waving hello from across the street…If something were to happen, God forbid, there would be thousands of people around you, ready to help you. Does this mean that, for me as a Bosnian-Herzegovinian, people here, regardless of their ethnicity, are more important to me than somebody from the West? I don’t know, but I guess each person needs to answer this question for themselves. I think that we here still have a much greater sense of ethics and that the friendships are much stronger. We get back to the meaning of life, and again, those small moments of happiness make a man happy.

Life in New York, according to Lejla, was devoted to the acquisition of greater material wealth and she simply did not see herself as part of that lifestyle.

Lejla::

Honestly, I believe that I just started getting really depressed over there [in New York City]. This is actually completely normal for New York, as everybody is depressed. They all take some sort of anti-depressant. I started to feel that it was only yoga that kept me away from this general mood around me. I was spending so much time by myself and for everybody around me, the meaning of life was contained in being ambitious and expressing these ambitions. Simply, when I faced this crossroad in my life to ask myself whether I would continue living this way or whether I would return…when I projected my life 10–15 years into the future in New York, this was not fulfilling to me. I could see the direction in which my life was going – making money, spending money, the life of money and materialism. My spirit was being killed.

The decision to return could be conceived as premised on assigning relatively lower value to materialist concerns such as “economic and physical security” and higher worth to postmaterialist values such as “freedom, self-expression and the quality of life” (Inglehart, 1971; Inglehart & Abramson, 1994). It is important to note that although the consequences of their decision are evident in a post-conflict society, the returnees originally made their decision in societies (with Ema, Elvis and Lejla, it was Austria, and the U.S. respectively) which qualify as “advanced industrial” (Inglehart, 1971; Inglehart & Abramson, 1994) and therefore, the value change argument originally advanced by Ronald Inglehart could apply to their decision-making processes.

In addition, although Ema’s reasoning which assigns lower value to material comfort is directly related to wartime events, Elvis’s and Lejla’s views, at least in this instance, seem quite typical of “lifestyle migration” (Kılınç & King, 2017). Particularly in Ema’s case, as she has returned to a rural community outside of Derventa, the “rural idyll” as a type of “lifestyle migration” seems to provide a good fit. Benson and O’Reilly (2009) discuss rural areas as offering lifestyle migrants an “image of the ‘simple’ or ‘good life,’ stepping back in time, getting back to the land, and experiencing the ‘traditional’ and ‘authentic’ values of rural community cohesion which have been lost in urban-industrial modernity (p. 611 as cited by Kılınç & King, 2017, p. 1495). Olsson and King (2008) make a similar observation in commenting Sardinha (2008) and “specifically the tradeoff between economic downsizing (“The only thing for me to do here was to milk cows”) and the feelings of belonging and spiritual proximity to a landscape, society and lifestyle” (p. 258). It is worth re-emphasizing that the particular nature of post-conflict return prevents direct and one-to-one comparisons with “lifestyle migration”. However, there are some shared characteristics and those are also important to note. The crucial and defining aspect of post-conflict return, however, is the incurrence of wartime trauma and subsequent recovery.

3.1.2.5 Initial Enthusiasm

Respondents were, at least initially, highly enthusiastic about their decision to return. Admir, a jazz musician, talks about a gradual decrease in enthusiasm about his return.

Admir::

When I first came here, everything was interesting to me and I was full of enthusiasm. I had been away for a long time and it took me almost two years to experience life here in a more realistic sense. Well, because I lived in a different system for ten years, a completely different country. Many things here changed, and you hadn’t seen your friends in such a long time. That sort of beginner’s enthusiasm exists in the sense ‘I am having a good time. I missed so many things…It’s all so wonderful.’ And then, after a while, this period passes as you mature. Then, you begin to live real life as a citizen of this country and then you take life a little more seriously. You worry about things, your family…you know…You worry about economic survival. In a business sense, you understand how is it that things work.

Ervin, an IT expert, discusses the difficulties inherent in return, but is also cautiously optimistic about the future.

Ervin::

We [Ervin and his wife] have lots of small victories, which together are big victories for me…So we are pushing an agenda on an infinite number of different levels in government. We are creating a type of ripple effectFootnote 9 So, our initial focus is the IT industry, for this critical mass to be created, for these companies to get serious and turn Bosnia and Herzegovina into a serious destination for IT services, which are extremely well-paid and which could be a strategic industry for Bosnia…And then, also to stop these kids from running away, going abroad, because, you know they [IT experts] can all find jobs in Berlin and London, for twice the money. So, we have to create the conditions for them to stay here, for things to be comfortable for them here, making a kind of Disneyland for them here. I like to say, an IT Disneyland. Perhaps in the beginning we had more enthusiasm in the sense that we had more…. Actually, no..not really. We still have the same level of enthusiasm or it might have even increased when we decided this to be the priority. Because in the beginning, we were not exactly sure 100% that we need to stay here until retirement. Actually, we are still not completely certain that we want to stay here all the way, ‘til death. But, we are trying. We are working on it. That is the thing.

Initial enthusiasm at seeing friends and family and a return “home,” followed by subsequent disappointment and disillusionment, is widely reported in the return migration literature. Bovenkerk (1974) ascribes the loss of enthusiasm and onset of disappointment to the idealization of the home country during emigration. He cites examples ranging from Italians returning from the U.S. (Nelli, 1970), Greek returnees (Saloutos, 1956) or the Pakistanis returning from Britain (Dahaya, 1973). More recently, King et al. (2008) discuss the disillusionment felt by second-generation Greek Cypriots returnees and Paasche (2016) elaborates feelings of disappointment particularly related to post-conflict return to Iraqi Kurdistan. Although most participants in my study discussed feeling enthusiastic about their return, they seemed to have quickly developed a rather mature attitude toward BiH, re-adjusting their expectations and thus avoiding major disillusionment.

3.2 Encountering Obstacles Upon Return

The greatest obstacle faced by returnees is the overwhelming presence of corruption and other types of unethical behavior, such as nepotism in employment practices. Scholarship on return migration, particularly to post-conflict societies with inherent weaknesses in the rule of law, agrees with this assertion, claiming corruption to be even more of an obstacle to return than insecurity (Oeppen, 2009). In the case of returnees to BiH, this obstacle most often co-occurs with the general difficulties in conducting business. Alija, who works on promoting and facilitating investment made in BiH from diaspora members, discusses the debilitating effects corruption has on general economic growth.

Alija::

Corruption is more of a problem when making investment decisions. People want to start a business and then they get pushed around from one government office to the next. They lose patience and go back abroad in 3 weeks. Then, they become frustrated and disappointed and they discuss their experience with others in the diaspora. I tell them please don’t do that. That is the worst thing that could happen.

Corruption has been discussed as the greatest obstacle for the returnees, with effects of discouraging those in the diaspora who might contemplate their return to BiH. This finding is consistent with Carling et al. (2015) who discuss its presence across various contexts and transnational fields, where “the realities of return for some individuals are connected to the possibility of return for others” (p. 1). This is because transnational communication is lively and by sharing their experiences with other diaspora members, the returnees take part in “shaping imaginations and decisions about return in diaspora” (p. 1) Alija’s work is devoted to attracting investment from diaspora members and as a result he is fully aware of the importance of such information transfers. To support his concerns, Carling et al. (2015) consider the role of rumors to be so important that analyzing their substance “provides insights into the information gaps, hypotheses, collective sense-making and conflicting truth claims that affect migration processes” (p. 18). Of course, the spread of rumors about different aspects of return can either encourage or discourage it, but this is true for levels of corruption, mainly because of their pervasive and decisive effect on the return decision.

Faced with racketeering and constant bribe requests, the returnees turn to the law and attempt to fight for their rights using the available legal means, thus rejecting the corruptive business culture. While aware of the realities of doing business in BiH, Ema has no desire to participate in widespread bribery, and instead follows the law, fully realizing how difficult it is actually to put legal principles in practice.

Ema::

This is just horrible! So many things function through bribes, but I don’t want to have any part in that type of thing. No chance! Somebody needs to change how things work. I have my principles and I simply don’t want to be a part of it. This means that I am not prepared to pay bribes, and this is the reason everything I do takes suuuuch a long time. As far as the legal system is concerned, the laws here change so frequently that it is simply impossible to follow all of that and honestly, sometimes common sense blocks my efforts to follow each and every law and regulation 100%. This does not mean that I am cheating the state and finally I follow through, but in the beginning I felt blocked when I read about all the requirements, all the criteria, which need to be met. When I compare all that with the experience in Europe, just for a company to get started, to get a VAT number, this is incredible. It’s literally a madhouse what we have here. A total madhouse.

As reported by Carling et al. (2015) corruption in the home state is one of the leading reasons discouraging return migration, and it “cuts across social and economic spheres” (p. 22). Throughout the interview, Ema kept referring to EU standards and “the way things are run in Austria,” however, unlike the findings of Carling et al. (2015), the comparisons she makes between the low levels of corruption in the host state in absolute terms, but particularly relative to the home state, do not “produce a feeling of social alienation” (p.22). Pedersen (2003) finds that with return to Lebanon the “Northern European state came to symbolize a political system devoid of the corruption and clientelism that is so widespread in Lebanon” (p. 37) Instead of feeling “socially alienated” or idealizing Austria as a corruption-free state, Ema takes a more pragmatic and conciliatory attitude,Footnote 10 where she rejects the locally prevalent culture of bribery and corruption, but also somewhat adapts to BiH legal complexities and the lack of an effective rule of law.

The returnees experience the effects of bribery and corruption regardless of their ethnicity or their ethnic minority or majority status. Gavrilo is a Serb doing business in Nevesinje, which has been almost entirely “ethnically cleansed” of its prewar non-Serb residents. As he is not a part of the local oligarchy, he suffers from the effects of unethical business practices and crony-capitalism. He also finds some creative solutions to these obstacles by trying to attract local media attention.

Gavrilo::

Let me tell you how this happened in Nevesinje, who, what and how politics looks upon all of this. I will tell you about a case. I don’t care. I will tell this to anybody. For example, we, I, organized production…in my house. This is where we started our small crafts shop. My sister is the one who started doing this first and then we started expanding. Soon, we started running into the problem of lack of space. I looked around for land in the industrial zone to buy, so that we could move our factory. Believe me that, at the time, I could not buy anything from the municipality, because they distributed the entire industrial zone to some quasi business people, without any idea of what they could do on this empty lot. How were they allotted the land? I have no idea. They [the municipality officials] didn’t give me any land, so I asked for former military barracks, where I could move my storage refrigerators, because I keep increasing my production. They wouldn’t allot me land, so I asked for the barracks.

So, listen to this. I called a person from the media, a friend of ours, and asked if he could send a TV crew, because I wanted to tell people about what is happening to the economy of Nevesinje. He nicely said that he would send a TV crew, but that I need to call the municipality mayor to inform him we would pay a visit. After that call, two hours later, he [the municipality mayor] called my sister and said ‘you have the barracks, go over there and move your storage refrigerators.’ The media are incredibly powerful. They can play a very important role in everything. So, what happened next? I could not buy land from the municipality, but still everything was settled.

Gavrilo’s approach to solving the problems caused by crony-capitalisms shares Ema’s adaptability and pragmatism and counters the “feeling of social alienation” (Carling et al., 2015, p. 22) found elsewhere in the literature connecting corruption and return migration. However, although turning to the media can sometimes, as in the story Gavrilo narrated, have positive effects, media attention can in no way substitute for a functioning judicial system,Footnote 11 whether the issue is related to business, criminal or any other legal field.

Not only do the effects of corruption transcend ethnic boundaries, they are also counter-intuitive in terms of ethnic belonging. Arif, a Bosniak, returned to Kozarac in the RS, as a minority returnee. However, he experienced the worst cases of racketeering when he expanded his business operations to the Bosniak-dominated town of Bosanski Petrovac, in the FBiH.

Arif::

No, my Bosniaks in Petrovac allotted me the land. Two years later, when I started a project and moved my cows there, they then told me they would visit me so that we could ‘talk’ or that I should “visit” them. Since I don’t want to go anywhere, talk to criminals or pay any racket to anybody, they then took away all the allotted land. So, they put me in a situation where I have the cows and no way to feed them!

Author::

Would you say that this is racketeering?

Arif::

That is exactly what this is! The local SDA representative is responsible for this. Then you understand that in the whole chain you have a couple of people, five to six people, operating in the background and controlling the entire canton. You also understand that they have ties to the Ministry of Agriculture and then to the head of the SDA party, all the way to Bakir.Footnote 12 You simply understand that this is a chain. Perhaps there are 10% honest people, 10% of party members who are honest and who want what is best for their people and everybody else, but they are not given any space for action, because if they speak up they are simply eliminated, for example Šepić. So, you have a corrupt system, which, you finally understand, has enabled the systems of Milorad Dodik and Čović.

Although a number of authors (Carling et al., 2015; Pedersen, 2003) point to the importance of studying the specific effect corruption has on return migration, particularly to post-conflict societies, it is surprising that this field is in its “embryonic” stages (Carling et al., 2015, p. 33). A notable exception is Paasche (2016), whose study looks at the impact of corruption on return and reintegration in Iraqi Kurdistan.

A couple of points from Paasche (2016) resonate and connect strongly to Arif’s experience. First, as Paasche (2016) argues, returnees might be more likely to be subjected to bribery requests because of their relative and perceived wealth accumulated abroad. Second, their wealth could also represent a type of “social capital” (p. 1077), which would give the returnees a certain amount of independence from the local power structure. Finally, Paasche (2016) points to the necessity for returnee entrepreneurs to “cultivate personal ties with party officials” (p. 1087) and narrates the story of a returnee to Iraqi Kurdistan.

We had a business idea, but they wanted 75 percent of the profit to themselves. So I didn’t bother. Then I got a good idea for an import business in Kurdistan, but a potential business partner told me, ‘Someone from the Barzani family runs this business there. Don’t even think about it. Others have tried before you.’ I had gone through all the hassle planning my business, but when I heard this, I dropped it. All the big businesses there are run by the Talabani and Barzani families.

The similarities between Arif’s story and experiences of returnees to Iraqi Kurdistan are strikingly parallel, which points to the importance of considering social structure and context, in this case return to a post-conflict society combined with state weakness. Differently from returnees in the Paasche (2016) study, Arif still continues to battle the local racketeers, determined to continue living and working in Kozarac,Footnote 13 together with his family members.

Besides the cross-cutting effects of corruption, returnees of different ethnicities in different parts of the country faced ethnic divisions and discrimination based on their ethnicity. Vlado, a Serb returnee to Trebinje, speaks of the general state of social polarization along ethnic lines.

Vlado::

When I travel, for example, from Trebinje to Stolac, and as I drive through, I begin to feel the schizophrenia, although I have not been here during the war. I mean, there, somewhere along the lines of demarcation between the Bosniaks on one side and the Croats on the other side, this is where I begin to feel that unease and madness. I try meditating. I try emptying my mind, but nothing seems to work. The amount of human stupidity simply paralyzes me. Still, there is one flag on the Bosniak side and another one on the Croat side. When you add the Serbs as you start entering Republika Srpska that creates a total schizophrenia in my mind. A totally schizophrenic situation.

Elvis, a Bosniak minority returnee to Prijedor in Republika Srpska discusses direct and personal experiences of ethnic discrimination.

Elvis::

Well, this is about provocations on religious and ethnic grounds. This means that you cannot pass through the streets waving a BiH flag without somebody making insulting comments. All kinds of attacks happened too, it wasn’t just words. Blood was spilled and all kinds of other things. So, you feel powerless in all of this. You have no rights and nobody guarantees you any safety. You live here, but you feel entirely disenfranchised. Of course, this is not something that makes me happy. Also, there is legal discrimination, although the law should treat everybody equally. This is not the case!

Author::

Do you feel discriminated against under the law?

Elvis::

Of course, all of the time. For example, on the road, when you get stopped by the police, you can feel it. When they see your papers, you can see that you get discriminated against. You can also feel it in restaurants, although this type of thing can be avoided because you simply don’t go where you are ‘not supposed to go’. Let me tell you simply, your biggest obstacle is your ethnicity, your identity!

Hrvoje, a Croat returnee who divides his time between his native Sarajevo and the Herzegovinian town Ljubuški, is pessimistic about the future of ethnic demarcation.

Hrvoje::

Regardless of how much we focus on solving the problems, some people want it differently, and I am afraid that we have already lost the battle. All of this is going in a completely wrong direction, towards greater and greater separation. People are separating from each other territorially, more and more. The territories of segregation are becoming smaller and smaller and people are becoming more and more closed off. Looking at the situation from a geopolitical standpoint, people like me don’t have a bright future here. These are people who are used to living together in the brotherhood and unity of the past. I absolutely do not care who you are. I only care about what you are like.Footnote 14

The problems of ethnic discrimination inherent to minority return have been widely discussed in the literature on post-war BiH (among numerous examples, see Bieber, 2006, Bougarel et al., 2007; Keil, 2013; Lippman, 2019), so obviously this is a major obstacle for returnees. As Hromadzic (2012) points out, institutionalizing ethnicity in Bosnia and Herzegovina has long historical roots. Historically, BiH society has been multiethnic with ethnoreligious background always playing an important role (Bougarel, 1996; Kasapović, 2005), however the new addition of the DPA setup is in the territorializing of ethnic groups, created by brutal campaigns of ethnic cleansing conducted during the 1992–95 war. The DPA brought an end to the physical fighting, but in effect legitimized and strengthened ethnic divisions, ultimately creating a “spatial governmentality” — an ideological, political, and social mechanism of territorial segregation and disciplining of ethnically conceived peoples (Hromadzic, 2012, p. 32).

The stories of Vlado, a Serb returnee to the predominately Serb-populated Trebinje in Republika Srpska, who often travels to the Bosniak and Croat dominated areas of Stolac; Elvis, a Bosniak minority returnee to Prijedor, which has been almost entirely “cleansed” of all its non-Serb citizens and Hrvoje, an ethnic Croat and born Sarajevan, who now is considered a minority returnee in his native, now Bosniak-majority Sarajevo and a majority returnee to the Croat-dominated town of Ljubuški all speak to the same phenomenon of “spatial governmentality” with the resulting ethnic discrimination. In addition, as Hromadzic (2012) summarizes, “This marriage between consociational democracy, spatial govermentality, and cultural fundamentalism in BiH has led to the ethnicization of political and social life, generating “total exclusion of ‘others’ or ‘citizens’ from the power-sharing arrangement” (Bieber, 2006, p. 56)” (p. 32) Therefore, ethnic discrimination is not just directed towards members of an ethnic group in territories where they do not comprise the majority. It leads to the actual exclusion of all those who do not identify with a particular ethnic group and instead claim to be primarily citizens of BiH. The ethnocentric focus on the understanding of territory in BiH, obviates the creation of shared public spaces, which are instrumental for a functioning democracy (Barry, 1990; Young, 1990; Hromadzic, 2012).

A rather intangible, but very important, obstacle for the returnees is the general mentality in BiH and a sense of victimization. Badema, an inspirational young woman, who returned together with her family from Germany to live in their native Srebrenica, discusses the detrimental impact of the general atmosphere of postwar apathy.

Badema::

Disinterested people are the biggest obstacle. When I, or anybody else, get an idea on how to solve a problem, the tired, jaded, lethargic people become the biggest obstacle. These are people without goals, living each day as it comes. This is the greatest obstacle in our country. The youth, people my age, are apathetic. They simply don’t want anything to change. Let me give you an example! I get an idea of something we could do together and I talked about this in school. I get butterflies fluttering inside thinking about and talking about all the positive benefits of my idea. And what is the reaction? What do they say? They say: ‘You fool! What, for God’s sake, are you talking about?’ They literally brand you a fool and then you get so disappointed. You feel disappointed for even trying and inside you know, you know that the potential for making things better does exist. But, nothing can be done because of people like that.

Vedad was wounded during the war, and now only has 5% eyesight on one eye. Although he was an excellent student of electrical engineering, he had to change professions and become a physical therapist. Now, he has a successful practice, employing an assistant and feeding a family of six. When I asked him about his reaction to lethargy among the youth in BiH, instead of judgement, he showed compassion.

Vedad::

That person in question is perhaps physically healthy, but he is not fully mentally healthy. That is the main issue. To learn more, we need to investigate his psychological background, his mental health. We need to see what else is going on in his life. To move such a person, you need to know why is it he is in such a state. Is it his family? Is it his girlfriend? Perhaps he has some emotional problems. I mean, these are simple things, but these are just some examples. The worst happens when this young person sees himself as a victim.

The questions of victimization, victimhood and the subsequent moral claims in a post-conflict setting are undoubtedly complex (see Helms, 2013) and I do not intend to dwell on the multitude of layers they imply. Although the sentiment of a general “victim mentality” was echoed by many of the returnees and viewed as a serious impediment to progress, I highlighted the views of two individuals, a young Bosniak woman from Srebrenica, the site of the 1995 genocide perpetrated against the Bosniak people, and a middle-aged Bosniak man from Sarajevo, physically disabled during the 1992–95 siege of Sarajevo. Their stories present counter-examples to the analysis espoused by Helms (2013),Footnote 15 where victimhood and innocence in BiH are both gendered as female and ethnicized as Bosniak. With no traces of denial of wartime atrocities, their own tragedy or the crimes committed against their own people, Badema and Vedad actively reject the “victim role” and recoup their own agency. They are highly critical of this general tendency and search for compassionate venues to counter the destructive effects of the “victim philosophy” (Helms, 2013).

Two obstacles which often co-occur are complicated bureaucratic procedures and difficulties in conducting business. Hrvoje gives an illustrative example of the destructive effects of prolonged waiting periods on the overall economy.

Hrvoje::

Ok, I will give you a concrete example of obtaining an import permit. For example, you import some goods, which have been vetted under European standards. The imported products can be traded anywhere in Europe for the past couple of years. As far as this country is concerned, besides making all permit payments in advance, your application won’t even be considered in the next 6 or 7 months. During this time, you are in complete standby. Everything is frozen and you are at the mercy of the authorities. You wait and wait. They took your money in advance and then 6 months need to pass for you to find out whether you can do this job. Everybody loses during these 6 months. The state loses tax revenue for sure. Even the person living off of taxpayers’ money, he also loses, because his salary is paid from your taxes. Something needs to get taxed and with these waiting periods, nobody gains. Why? As I can’t sell anything, the state has nothing to tax [VAT tax] and everybody loses. This is absurd.

Alma expresses her frustration with the lack of understanding government employees show towards the returnees’ efforts, which sometimes seem to add inordinate changes in established practices.

Alma::

I mean, you go, for example, to the Cantonal Ministry of Education and you experience a trip in a time machine, going back 60 years in history. You have some people sitting there who do not care about anything. Even just visiting that place is frustrating, not to mention trying to explain that we are a Waldorf kindergarten and that we do things slightly differently. They [the Ministry staff] just look at you with distrust. Then they say something like…‘so, you bring something new…since that is the case, even longer and more complicated procedures apply to you.’ And what do you do? You just continue running around from one place to another, as they concoct new rules that you must obey.

In a study of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in BiH, Delalić and Oruč (2014) conclude that institutional factors, namely government bureaucracy, severely impede the growth of individual businesses and hamper the country’s general business climate. The authors point to the World Bank’s “Doing Business” reports, which consistently rank BiH at the bottom of European lists of favorable business climates.

The high unemployment rate coupled with low living standards and general stagnation are an obstacle the returnees confront. According to Elvis, widespread poverty contributes to deepening ethnic divisions.

Elvis::

This is because our economic situation, the poverty, has affected Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks equally. You would expect that poverty would be a motivator for people to cooperate. In the case of normal people, that is something to be expected, but here…poverty just keeps people stuck deeper and deeper in those unhealthy thought patterns.

Hrvoje finds the continued economic stagnation to be a source of great disappointment. He feels strongly about the inability of the BiH economy to rebound fully from the devastation of war.

Hrvoje::

What this means is that if you do not have a strong material base, the spiritual side simply cannot develop, regardless of how much we would like yoga to help us. Without an economic base, you cannot be emotionally and spiritually relaxed. There needs to be a material base, not just for you as an individual, but for all of society. I mean, we cannot lie to ourselves. The material base is foundational for everything. On the economic front, I am very disappointed. Why? Because I know that this country could have developed ten times faster and better, but we again turn to this ugly thing called politics and our political environment, which simply does not let you breathe.

Elvis’s, Hrvoje’s and other returnees’ perceptions of economic realities in BiH are not far from officially reported economic indicators. Wartime devastation had reduced the BiH GDP per capita to only 20% of its prewar level (Pugh, 2002) and subsequent economic growth was mainly fueled by donor programs. The unemployment rate, depending on the methods of measurement (see Efendić, 2016) ranges from 28% at the lower end of estimates to 45% at the higher end. Whatever unemployment rate estimate is considered, the problem of persistently high unemployment and particularly high youth unemployment remains as one of the greatest economic challenges in BiH.

Finally, a major obstacle the returnees experience is a constant sense of political uncertainty in the country. Mehmed returned from Australia to live and work in BiH, but like so many others, he is doubtful of a peaceful future.

Mehmed::

Uncertainty. Uncertainty caused by a number of things, such as what we talked about before: threats of a new independence referendum and the general political situation….the uncertainty of not knowing where all of this could be going. Nobody knows whether we might have a new war, as the secession threats keep coming all of the time. On our side, our politics…we see the incompetence of our politicians to manage their own affairs and to deal with the international scene, this entire complicated set of events in the region and that point to the possibility of new war, conflict…What exactly will happen…nobody seems to know.

Political uncertainty is a matter of daily life in BiH, most of which is rooted in the reality of institutionalized ethnic divisions, but also aided by consistent national and international media effortsFootnote 16 to keep alive an overall sense of political unpredictability characteristic of the general “Balkan powder keg” and the specificity of the fragile peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a study on emigration intentions in BiH, Efendić (2016) finds that, contrary to conventional expectations, high unemployment and low economic growth, although important, are not the most significant drivers of emigration from BiH. According to this study, the differences in emigration intentions between returnee and domicile population are not statistically significant, however, specifically post-conflict factors such as “perceptions of the country’s political prospects” (Efendić, 2016, p. 349) rank highest.

3.3 Strategies for Overcoming the Challenges of Return

The primary strategy for overcoming obstacles is self-reliance and resilience. The same qualities and skills which made it possible for them to succeed in the host societies are the ones best used in reintegration. Damir was only 18 years old when the war started in Sanski Most and he found refuge in Germany.

Damir::

And when I arrived there [Germany] and when I slept that night on a park bench, I told myself one thing–‘just give me the right to work!’

Author::

How did you feel on that bench?

Damir::

At that time, I did not think about feelings at all. Nothing. Emotions were completely irrelevant to me. I had no emotions. Survival was the only important thing for me. I felt happy that I was out of Bosnia at that moment, because even the park bench was better than a concentration camp or something even worse.

Author::

You always have a positive attitude?

Damir::

Yes, always! This is clear, because had I stayed, I would have ended up like any of my classmates – in a concentration camp or killed. Unfortunately, that was our situation. We didn’t have organized resistance in Sanski Most.

While in Germany, Damir worked for a metal manufacturing company for 4 years. He returned to his native Sanski Most in 1996 and started a similar company at the age of 22. Now, his company employs close to one hundred workers.

Damir::

First of all, I believe us to be very successful. Of course, we could always do better, but, God forbid, it could also be a lot worse. Now, that we have been successful throughout our 20 years of business is cause for celebration. Last year we celebrated 20 years of our company’s existence and we took a four-day road trip with two buses with all our workers. We had an excursion through all of BiH, starting from Sanski Most, getting to Jajce, where we had a coffee break. Next, we drove to Travnik where we had lunch on the Lašva. After Travnik we went to the source of the river Bosna close to Sarajevo, where we had coffee and cake and finally we went to Konjic for rafting on the river Neretva. We also visited Tito’s bunker close to Konjic and the Buna river source. This was a four-day trip. In the last 20 years we have been growing consistently, both in number of employees and our overall sales. I believe that is a wonderful success, with our goal in the past two years being an increase in worker salaries.

Author::

What is the average worker’s salary?

Damir::

It is now close to KM 1100 (EURO 550), net plus their daily warm meal addition. So, this brings the average worker monthly salary to be close to KM 1200 (EURO 600).Footnote 17

Damir’s story seems consistent with findings of other studies of voluntary return to post-conflict settings, such as van Houte and Davids (2014), who also emphasize the “voluntary returnees’ creativity, resilience and innovativeness, along with their entrepreneurial mentality” (p. 80), but are much more skeptical of the returnees’ capacities to impact actual social change. To some extent, Damir seems to contradict the second part of this conclusion. Perhaps it cannot be said that he has single-handedly “innovated” (Cerase, 1974) his native Sanski Most. Also, there has been considerable local push-back against many of his initiatives. But that he has continuously lived, worked and generated employment in BiH seems to attest to the possibility of personal resilience to have some positive societal effect.

Similarly to Damir, Gavrilo left Nevesinje during the war and went to Italy. Although trained with a degree in mechanical engineering, at times he found himself homeless in Italy, where he spent 7 years. Turning to resourcefulness he learnt Italian and using his engineering background he worked his way up to managerial positions in the dairy industry. Upon return to BiH, the same self-reliance which led to his success abroad helped him in overcoming the challenges of return and reintegration. He is disappointed at people leaving BiH and advocates for turning to creative problem-solving instead.

Gavrilo::

Why do people say ‘there is no life here,’ in this entire country? Do you know why? Do you know what the problem is? This country is perfect for anybody with even a bit of creativity. Here, you need to make something, create something out of thin air. We have nothing and we need to make something. What I see as one of our biggest burdens is our experience of communism. This system dragged us into a situation where everybody was given a job in some factory, placed there to fill some machine with something, given an apartment and taken care of. All this person needed to do was get married, have two, three kids and await his retirement. With all the resources we have–the sun, the water, the lumber, and everything else, all we need is creativity. Creativity and what we have been given by God, who said: ‘you need to live, suffer and work. Outside of that, there is nothing.’

Resilience and creativity are the defining features of various strategies for overcoming obstacles employed by the returnees. In reviewing Cerase’s (1974) typology of return, Cassarino (2004) also underlines the difficulties faced by the returnees when they assign themselves the role of “carriers of change” (p.258). In a later part of the interview, Gavrilo revealed his attitude succinctly: “The challenge here is creating something when there is nothing!” Although his optimistic outlook is certainly heartening, its second part is not entirely accurate. What is there is not nothing, but in fact, a web of “vested interests which prevent innovators from undertaking any initiatives that could jeopardize the established situation and the traditional power structure” (Cassarino, 2004, p. 258). Similarly to Damir and most others returnees, equipped with resilience, creativity and self-reliance, Gavrilo continues to confront that power structure.

Political activism, being proactive and organized are strategies to combat the negative effects of the post-war apathy, sense of victimization, as well as low living standards and stagnation. For example, Senad joined an opposition party and is now serving in the Sarajevo Canton Parliament as a representative.

Senad::

The strategy I use to overcome obstacles is to…hmm..is to help improve living standards in my microenvironment. This is the reason I entered politics. I started a political career because of water shortages. I simply could not believe that we have water shortages in the center of the city, the capital city of a European country. When I met the people, who are in charge of these companies [water supply companies] I saw the extent of their incompetence. I saw that there is a vacuous space, which I need to enter. That is when I joined the party.Footnote 18

Author::

So, your way of overcoming obstacles is..

Senad::

Political activism. A person needs to be active and not simply a passive observer of events occurring to him or her. It’s much better this way. For example, I don’t spend my time with friends, criticizing this or that. If they do that sort of thing I tell them ‘I entered politics and you can activate yourselves too. I don’t want to sit around with you talking about how horrible everything is. Let’s talk about other subjects.’ I am optimistic and I still believe that I have the capacity of making a positive difference, of having an impact in this society.

Senad found that entering party politics is the way for him to affect positive change, however there are other routes besides formal political engagement. Vedad is civically active in his local municipality.

Vedad::

For example, while the water shortages were going on, I frequently attended all our local municipal meetings on how we could solve this problem. I was active in all our local chapters handling this issue. I met with the head of our city water supply company to see what could be done and how I could contribute towards a better situation. This is how I see it. One needs to contribute and be active towards finding a solution.

The paradoxical nature of frequent water shortages occurring in a country known for its abundance of clean water supplies present an excellent illustration of the severity of mismanagement of public utilities in BiH. The water shortages were certainly not caused by a shortage of water supply, but by the inability of the corrupt, party-affiliated management to properly service the crumbling distribution infrastructure. As opposed to feeling despondent, victimized, or expecting somebody else to do the job instead of them, Senad and Vedad took an active role in bringing about a solution.

Self-employment is the response to the high unemployment rate in the country. Most of the returnees firstly created their own jobs and then started hiring others. Aware of the abysmal economic situation Bosnia and Herzegovina found itself right after the war ended, Damir had no expectations of “finding a job.” Instead, he came back from Germany with very little initial capital and the intention of employing himself.

Damir::

My first motivation when considering how I could return was not building a company that now employs 100 workers. This was not my primary motivation. When I first returned, my motivation was to create a job for myself and earn a monthly salary. My only concern was that I could have a source of monthly income, so that I could live from my labor. What happened later, how the company developed those are things I could not expect 20 years ago. In the beginning, I just wanted to create my job and nothing else.

Likewise, Alija returned from Holland to start a diaspora investment promotion agency. Instead of despairing about how high the unemployment rate is in BiH, he created his own job and help other returnees do the same.

Alija::

As far as the unemployment problem is concerned, my answer to that is job creation! I created my job and now we help others find jobs. This is something that we can do. When discussing the political situation, we [Alija’s investment promotion agency] simply don’t want any part in all of that. It’s a jungle! That is just how it is.

As was explained in the previous section, the tendency of returnees towards self-employment has been well-documented in the literature. Also, as was pointed out during the discussion on motivations driving the decision to return, all other forms of reintegration are “conditioned upon economic reintegration” (Paasche, 2016). Therefore, faced with close to a 40% unemployment rate, nepotistic employment practices based on party-affiliation and not qualifications, and losing many of the social contacts that could lead to job offers, self-employment seems to be the only viable option for the returnees. Therefore, self-employment does not seem to be a choice they make, but a necessity that enables return. In order to return, they need to provide employment for themselves. The returnees’ attitude towards self-employment is characterized by the same level of self-initiative, resilience and creativity noticed in other aspects of their reintegration.

Cultivating patience, persistence and politeness are seen as useful in overcoming general apathy, bureaucratic hurdles, as well as managing problems in day-to-day business practices. When discussing her frustration with apathetic reactions to her proposals for progressive change in Srebrenica, Badema believes that being patient is her best strategy.

Badema::

I really love philosophy and I don’t know exactly who had this teaching, but virtues can be taught. Virtues can be acquired. I believe this to be true. Whatever the problem might be, patience will lead the way towards a solution, step by step, one small step at a time. Have patience and time will tell, all the pieces will fall into place one day. The important thing is to continue building.

When being forced to wait 6 months for an import permit, Hrvoje had no other choice but to be patient with the customs and tax authorities.

Hrvoje::

Patience. Yes, you wait. There is nothing else that could be done. As a single individual I have no other way, except for being patient. In my opinion, this problem has a simple solution. All the taxpayers, registered within the tax system could say ‘dear ladies and gentlemen of the tax authorities, we reject paying any taxes for the next 2 months until you do the following. When you complete your tasks, we will pay our taxes to you retroactively.’

Being respectful of the opinions of others and an emphasis on conflict-resolution is Siniša’s best strategy for overcoming adversity.

Siniša::

I always, always use dialogue to solve any dispute. There are so many conflicts between people here and the way I see it, many people feel they are not being respected. Sometimes I need to talk and take extra care about how I talk. I believe this to be an issue of normal humanity and I sometimes see that it needs to be emphasized even more here–respecting the other. In the past ten years that I have lived here, I believe I lost my temper only once or perhaps twice.

Faced with the daily challenges of life in BiH and having decided to make their return a success, the returnees are not likely to quit easily.Footnote 19 Instead, they persist patiently and politely.

With ethnic divisions, discrimination and political uncertainty, some returnees are most likely to tune out, by actively staying outside of the daily news cycle, as they largely feel powerless to affect fundamental change. Vlado is an artist and feels that the surrounding environment is destructive.

Vlado::

I created my own fairy tale and my parallel world. The only people I allow to enter this world are those whom I find agreeable. The others, I see all of it as a catastrophe. I cannot allow this catastrophe to penetrate my world and dictate how things will be run in my life.

Emir has consciously secluded himself in his bed-and-breakfast located in a forested area outside of Sarajevo.

Emir::

One of the main reasons I live in my bubble – in this space where I do not consume the news and do not follow any daily politics – is that I am not interested. Of course, I am not completely isolated, although I should be. Even within the bubble, I know what is going on, but within it all, I feel as a hostage to a project.

By being highly selective about members of her social network, Mirela attempts to limit her exposure to the reality of life in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Mirela::

But I do live in a parallel universe. That is exactly the point! I am here physically, but in reality I am not here. I simply do not want to live the local lifestyle. I do not want to listen to all these stories of moaning and groaning and complaining all of the time! I have my story and that story is a literal copy-paste of the New York City lifestyle: you work, you create your life and your fun and nothing else enters my world.

“Tuning out” as a coping mechanism in many ways counters its opposite of “proactive engagement,” which speaks to the diversity of reintegration strategies employed. For some returnees, direct engagement with BiH political reality through party politics or civil society organizations is the preferred response, while others choose to ignore BiH complexities with the goal of focusing on outcomes, which are more directly within their control, such as their businesses, families or close circle of friends.

Political uncertainty is also the leading factor in returnees contemplating other alternatives for themselves and their families. Thinking of other alternatives is practiced by returnees, like Hrvoje, who consider their return to be a success.

Hrvoje::

There is always a Plan B. Let’s say my right foot is in BiH and my other foot is somewhere in between, waiting to see what will happen next, how will things develop. Unfortunately, this is how, I believe, most of the returnees think. They always keep another reserve option in the back because of the uncertainty of life in BiH.

Similarly to Hrvoje, Mensura is happy to be back in BiH and believes that her return is successful, but still keeps open the reserve option of re-emigrating to the host state.

Mensura::

Again, nobody knows exactly how life will evolve and how our country will develop. So, my Plan A is, normally, to stay in Bosnia, to raise my children here and to create my future in this country. However, if I see that there are no opportunities and that it is simply too difficult, I always have the option of going back to Norway. That is in case, this move becomes really, really necessary.

Nervan is one of the rare study participants who claim to be dissatisfied with his decision to return to BiH 2 years ago. For him, re-emigration is not just a reserve option while he continues to live in BiH. In fact, he is actively attempting to re-emigrate.

Nervan::

Well, I am constantly frustrated in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This frustration slowly turns into real anger and rage and finally, when it lasts too, too long it turns into indifference. At that point, the only thing that I truly want, since there is nothing I can do to change the situation here, the only thing that I want is simply to leave this place and go somewhere else.

Most of the returnees in my study consider their return projects to be successful. Nevertheless, constantly considering other alternatives is a frequently encountered coping mechanism, observed by other researchers and indicating an “open-ended return” (Porobić, 2017, p. 118), particularly of those with dual citizenship and access to the host state’s employment opportunities and social services (Stefansson, 2006).

Many of the returnees mentioned that they often use humor as a coping mechanism. Emir discusses the origin of what is often referred to as “specifically Bosnian humor”Footnote 20

Emir::

I channel my anger towards humor. This is what I do most! Humor comes from, I don’t know…it comes from desperation. It probably comes from despair. Dark humor, is always the best, in my opinion. The healthy kind of dark humor that we used to have during the war. I had a Slovene friend who could never understand how we could laugh about our misery during the war. But, for us in Bosnia, during the war, especially, humor was a way to escape from our horrid circumstances.

In an excellent analysis of the role dark humor plays in how memory is constructed in post-conflict BiH, Sheftel (2011) argues for the importance of treating dark or gallows humor as “an especially subversive form of counter-memory, that allows Bosnians to express dissent from dominant narratives of the Bosnian War they perceive as unproductive or divisive” (p. 145). To illustrate the argument, she draws on many examples from films such as Danis Tanović’s “No Man’s Land”, monuments, such as the ironic “Monument to the International Community, from the Grateful Citizens of Sarajevo” or other examples of cultural production, such as the Sarajevo Survival GuideFootnote 21 (FAMA, 1993), a mock guidebook for tourists visiting a besieged city, covering in Monty Pythonesque style the main topics of interest such as “running from sniper fire,” “dining with UN rations” or “shrapnel pieces as souvenirs.” Most significantly, the argument presented in Sheftel (2011) focuses on the role dark humor plays in escaping narratives of victimhood and victimization, mainly by contradicting an image of “downtrodden masses without agency” (Sheftel, 2011, p. 152) and thus restoring dignity to the people who are so willing to participate in self-mockery, making fun of their naivete and foolishness as opposed to wallowing in self-pity.Footnote 22

In other instances, humor is discussed in the context of affecting positive social change. Vedad even had an idea of creating a comedy program that would problematize the nearly infinite set of absurd daily life situations in post-Dayton BiH.

Vedad::

We were just talking, among friends, you know, about all the absurd situations we face each day in this country. For example, I went to our municipal health center and I was supposed to see a doctor. I was patiently waiting across from the counter and each time I would try to ask my question to the receptionist, her telephone would ring. I mean I would start talking; the phone would ring and she picked it up. I tried asking my question for four or five times, but was interrupted each time by the phone ringing. There I was, standing in complete disbelief. I couldn’t believe that the receptionist could be so rude that she would not let me finish my sentence even after my fifth attempt! I started to think that this could be a case of a candid camera filming, I mean it was that bizarre. Finally, I asked her: ‘Do you think that your behavior is polite. I mean you interrupted me with picking up the phone at least five times, while I patiently keep standing here, waiting to ask my question and get my doctor’s appointment?’ What she told me is that she has orders from her boss that she has to pick up the phone after it rings three times and that this is not her choice. I responded by asking her, whether it is better for me to go home now, call her and try to set up my appointment over the phone! (laughter) Actually, that is exactly what the woman standing in line behind me did. She walked across the ambulance office and hid behind the wall; used her mobile phone and got her appointment set way before me! Isn’t this absurd?!

Author::

Yes, it is…absurd, but it is also pretty hilarious.

Vedad::

(Laughter). Of course, this is the humor of absurdity that I was telling you about.

On one hand, humor might produce positive political change, such as with political satire, but it could also stifle it.

To a large extent, the direction of change affected by humor, could depend on one’s vantage point. Sheftel (2011) suggests “taking humor seriously” and viewing it in certain cases as political action itself. As a BiH citizen I do not share her optimism, because, if humor is overused it can also have an undesired effect of simply protecting the status quo and maintaining existing power relations. When I asked Emir about the positive and negative effects of turning to humor as a coping strategy, he was adamant about the possibility for a humorous response to prevent an actual resolution to an obviously problematic situation.

Emir::

Well, it [humor] is positive only in the sense that it keeps people afloat and sometimes outside the septic tank. It keeps them breathing; you know. But, it can be negative because it doesn’t solve anything. We keep making jokes and sinking deeper and deeper. Do you understand? There comes a point when it all stops being funny. The joke becomes cruel!

Alma laughed when she narrated the story of the different treatment her husband and one of their sons, who are dual Bosnian and Slovene citizens, would get each time when they crossed the Slovene border together as a family. Alma and their second son are solely BiH citizens and the two of them would often be made to wait, strip searched with their luggage checked and re-checked. As she told the story, her laughter quickly turned to a painful expression of mistreatment.

Alma::

We always used to make jokes about it, you know we [Alma and the elder son] are Bosnians and you [Alma’s husband and their younger son] are Slovenes (laughter). Yes, yes we used to make jokes about it, but it was clear to all of us that the main issue was one of direct discrimination.

Perhaps the most satisfactory answer to the role of humor as a coping strategy or its role in affecting actual political change comes from Payne (2005) and her work on memory in post-authoritarian regimes.Footnote 23 Although Payne (2005) recognizes the power of humor to be subversive and “make trouble” as well as give a voice to the individual, she views its actual potential to affect political change much more modestly. Humor, in this sense, can complement political action, but it cannot and should not substitute it.

3.4 “So, What Do You Think?”: Evaluating the Success of Return

Overall and so far, the returnees consider their return to Bosnia and Herzegovina to be successful. In fact, only three participants in the study expressed their dissatisfaction with having returned. From the outset, it is important to note that the evaluations of the success of each participant’s return is entirely subjective, meaning that they are based on their individual perception and not on some objectively set criteria. This distinction is important and has been recognized within the return migration literature. The “perceptions of the individual returnees themselves” (Black et al., 2004, p.26) are often used as the most reliable measure of the sustainability of return, because this measure includes the greatest respect toward the individual returnee’s agency. Ultimately, he or she decides if return has been successful and acts accordingly: remains in the home state or re-emigrates to the host state. This is particularly true in cases of truly “decided return” (Cassarino, 2008), e.g. return of dual citizens, who have kept the legal and social facility of re-emigration.

Although perceptions of the return’s success, failure or a combination of both, are highly subjective, data analysis revealed some consistent patterns linking the success of each individual returnee and their strategies for overcoming obstacles inherent in return migration to a post-conflict society. The dominant strategy for overcoming obstacles and achieving success with return seems to be resilience and self-reliance. After Ema told me about the difficulties, she experiences daily, including threats of physical violence, insults and fear of retribution, she discussed how happy she is to be back in BiH, summarizing her evaluation in one word: “Fantastic.” I found the contrast puzzling and wanted to know more.

Author::

Are you being serious?

Ema::

Yes [I am serious]! I am not being ironic. Yes, fantastic. Yes, because the realization of my idea has come so far and this is all because of my endurance, suffering and tears. Yes, there were lots of tears too, but I still think that there was nothing better I could have done for myself, nothing that would be better for my life. But, you see Aida, this medal has two sides. I am now telling you the entire story. This has been fantastic for me as a person, for me to grow, to develop with new experiences. My company and I grow together with different people, those which treat me nicely, as well as those, who are horrible.

The key characteristic I found to be in common with returnees who view their return to be successful is an in-built expectation of obstacles and a preparedness to resolve them, primarily relying on personal resilience. This finding is consistent with Cassarino (2004), who argues that the success of return ultimately depends on the returnees’ “preparedness”, which “refers to a voluntary act that must be supported by the gathering of sufficient resources and information about post-return conditions at home” (p. 271). In other words, “decidedness” of return is a necessary condition for success, but “preparedness” is what makes return successful and sustainable.

On the other hand, those participants who perceive their return to be unsuccessful also have expectations of others and general society. When these expectations remain unfulfilled, they are likely to characterize their return as unsuccessful. Nervan, who returned to Gračanica, BiH from Istanbul, Turkey is a young architect with a degree from one of Turkey’s most prestigious architecture schools. He expected to find a job in BiH that would satisfy his skill-level and income-earning potential. When confronted with the reality that this expectation will not be automatically met within the BiH context, he became disappointed, viewing his return as unsuccessful and contemplating the option of re-emigration.

Nervan::

My return has definitely lacked success, at least until now. This does not mean that the situation could not change, but still…I developed some scenarios for finding a well-paid job. A good salary is important, but this is only one element. There are other requirements too. My general quality of life was better abroad. Here…it will be difficult.

As was elaborated many times previously, all forms of reintegration depend on economic reintegration and without it return is not possible, regardless of any other emotional factors. Disappointment that follows unmet expectations in returnees has been documented in previous studies: Bovenkerk (1974); King and Christou (2009) or Paasche (2016), just to name a few. There could be many reasons returnees’ expectations remain unmet, thus jeopardizing the sustainability of return, and certainly “limited job opportunities with lower standards of living” (Bovenkerk, 1974, p. 26) in the home state occupies a prominent place. However, when placing the focus on the returnee’s individual agency, it again seems that “preparedness” (Cassarino, 2004) or lack thereof still plays a key role.

Stepping outside of the realm of returnees’ agency and instead turning to structure, the most important economic reasons co-occurring with success of return is an acute awareness of the characteristics of global capitalism, regardless of the actual country of residence, as well as the success of the business enterprise in the home state. When looking at the co-occurrence of economic reasons for return and the returnees’ evaluation of return as successful, Damir discusses both economic reasons and connects them to his successful return. When I asked him whether he thinks his business enterprise could have been more profitable in Germany, he compared and contrasted the potential business outcome in Germany to the actual outcome in BiH.

Damir::

I am not sure that it would be easier. I am not sure. Actually, I think it could have been much more difficult, regardless of the fact that Germany is a much better organized state. Let’s not discuss my own capabilities now, because we could assume that they are identical here and there. However, Germany has a completely different set of business conditions. First, the competition. The competition is very high. Second, costs of operation are very high.

Author::

Are you referring to taxes?

Damir::

Yes, taxes and labor costs and everything else. Of course, the market is also much more developed, so, if successful, your earning potential is much greater. But the way I started–without any capital and with lots of improvisation, that would not have had much chance for success in Germany.

As was noted previously, a key characteristic of returnees who deem their return to be successful is their resilience, self-reliance and a highly pragmatic attitude. Unlike previous studies (for example, Pedersen, 2003; Şirin, 2008; Cassarino, 2004), positioning return migrants mainly as relatively passive conspicuous consumers, my findings show much greater awareness, decidedness and pragmatism to characterize them both as producers and investors. These qualities seem to determine their success under conditions of global capitalism, regardless of the obvious gap in the level of economic development between a country like Germany and BiH.

When evaluating return, the most important emotional reason co-occurring with the success of return is the development and strengthening of family ties. Vedad was single while he lived in Germany. When he came back to BiH, he also got married. Within the first couple of years of his marriage, he and his wife welcomed a baby girl and then a set of triplets to their family. He evaluates his return as successful mainly because of getting married and, together with his wife, raising a family of four children.

Vedad::

First and foremost, I am happy because of my family. I got married and now we have four children. I now have that which I dreamed of having. I have a family life, which is what I wanted. My brother has children her [pointing to his five-year-old daughter riding her bike] age and they all love each other as cousins. They do everything together and are simply best friends.

Arif considers being close to his daughter, son-in-law and newborn grandson to be the biggest factor in the success of his return.

Arif::

I am overjoyed because my daughter also returned. I now have a grandson. He is growing up and growing each day. I am not the one to determine his destiny, because this child has the chance to choose where is it that he wants to live. He can live in Norway or the UK, his mother has the necessary citizenships and they can choose their place of residence. But, I think my daughter has also realized that this is a country [BiH] where production can be organized successfully. We can be a link between local production and foreign placement. We can secure foreign markets for our products, as this is actually a very difficult task for most people from BiH. She can live anywhere she wants in all of Europe and what I teach all my children is to be citizens of the world. My son-in-law is also here. He is a young attorney, who was valedictorian of his class in Banja Luka. He now acts as my deputy in our family business.

These findings are consistent with other studies of return to Bosnia and Herzegovina, such as Porobić (2017), who reports almost identical results. Porobić (2017) also surveys several other studies (Handlos et al., 2015; Eastmond, 2000; Ahearn, 2000) with strikingly similar results. To sum up, return migration to BiH is overwhelmingly characterized by “Bosnian values that involve a richer family-centered social life, in which the core family has quality time together every day, a situation not achieved in the settlement country” (Porobić, 2017, p. 114). The contribution my study makes to this overall, already well documented characterization, is that the success of return is also measured against the centrality of family ties.

Prioritizing the improvement of family ties over their business enterprise is a pattern noticed in many of the returnees who evaluate their return to be successful. Although Sanela came back to BiH to establish a scholarship foundation, she also got married and built her own family in the meantime. When I asked her about the success of her foundation, she was not entirely satisfied with its development, but her overall evaluation of return was mainly influenced by the progress of her family.

Sanela::

Well, when I came back I had a plan to get my foundation of the ground in the next year or so, but this has been unsuccessful so far. My foundation is still not entirely self-sustaining. I am still funding it from personal sources.

Author::

Do you mean to say that your foundation is still not self-funded?

Sanela::

Yes, yes, that is what I mean to say. We still do not generate an adequate income so that we could pay salaries or afford office space. That was my vision when I first came here. This has not been entirely successful, but I got something which I could not anticipate. I met somebody who changed my life, gave me a life here and a child. I mean, over time, I understood that these parts of life are much more important. While I was in the US, my career was my top priority and I was very successful. The environment over there [the US] dictates a certain understanding of success where your earning potential defines your level of overall quality of life. These values slowly became my own values. Now, my values here [BiH] are completely different, because I understood how wrong that previous lifestyle really was, at least for me. Looking at that other life from this perspective, I see it as wrong. I am not sure what my perspective will be five years from now, but my highest priorities right now are my family, my daughter, the time I spend with my husband and our friends. Each day I can spend an hour or two taking a walk or reading a book. In the States, this was simply unthinkable! If I honestly look at my happiness I can say that I am 100% happier now than I was before. In that sense, my return is a success.

As was explained previously, giving priority to the family over other aspects of social life, including the business enterprise has been well documented in the case of return to BiH. However, this tendency is certainly not exclusive to BiH, as it has been noticed in many other studies of return migration. For example, Kılınç and King (2017) find that a search for better work-life balance is a major factor motivating “lifestyle migration” of Turkish citizens from Germany to coastal areas, such as Antalya. King et al. (2008) note that return from the US is often motivated by the “wish to immerse oneself in the Greek (Cypriot) way of life, perceived as characterized by human warmth, family values, generosity and hospitality, a relaxed and slower pace of life” (p.269). King et al. (2008) are critical of the “romanticized, essentialized reading of the attractions of life in the homeland” (p. 269), but also report on the actual sense of wellbeing the returnees gain from a better work life balance, as well as stronger family bonds and a more active social life.

Although the returnees face different obstacles to their reintegration in BiH society, for the most part, they are satisfied with their decision to return, qualifying their return project as successful. However, political uncertainty and general economic conditions of life in BiH keep alive “open-ended return” (Porobić, 2017), characterized by a constant re-examination of alternatives and actual re-emigration. Ultimately, the success of this type of return migration will need to be evaluated primarily on the criteria of sustainability. The return migration literature offers several ways to measure sustainability (see Black et al., 2004), however, most of these measurement methods use the one-year benchmark. The purposive sampling did not include any returnees which have spent less than 1 year in BiH post return, but a conscious effort was made to recruit participants who have returned as early as 20 years ago, directly after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement, or as recently as 2 years prior to data collection (Summer of 2017). Referring to the sustainability measurement of the “perceptions of the individual returnees themselves” (Black et al., 2004, p.26), as was stated before, out of the 35 returnees only three participants regret their decision to return and are actively considering re-emigration. As most returnees are also dual citizens and thus have a higher level of mobility, their commitment to living and working in BiH will continue to be tested with time.

3.5 Conclusion

The argument I present in this chapter is that the decision to return to a post-conflict society, when legal, economic, socio-cultural and other opportunities of remaining abroad abound, is primarily driven by emotional factors. These factors range from a responsibility and duty to “give back” to their country of origin, a “mission” or a “higher purpose” expressed towards Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a place of the returnees’ own suffering, personal tragedy, and ultimately a place of recovery from trauma. The returnees are characterized by a post-materialistic value system, championing closeness to family members, daily encounters with friends and neighbors or the sense of community over wealth accumulation. Return in its initial phases is described with greater enthusiasm both to be back home and to pursue their stated mission of contributing to society. However, the decision to return cannot be considered without a satisfied economic minimum requirement, acting as a pull-factor from the home state.

The economic minimum prerequisite usually comes as a business opportunity leading to self-employment or a job offer. It is important to stress the difference between an economic minimum as a precondition for return, as opposed to the standard motivation for migration being the maximization of economic self-interest. Since, ceteris paribus, the returnees would have been economically better off had they stayed in the host state, their return decision is not motivated by a maximization of economic self-interest. However, without the economic minimum being satisfied, the return decision cannot be considered. An additional push factor from the host state, like job loss because of an economic downturn, makes the choice to go back seem less risky compared to staying in the host state. Having a good understanding of the dynamics between capital owners and workers in a global capitalist system allows the returnees to decide by comparing their situation in the home and host states.

Returning to live and work in a post-conflict society is fraught with obstacles, which the returnees keep overcoming with diverse strategies. The obstacles range from widespread corruption and a business culture based on racketeering and bribery, which affect all ethnicities including minority and majority returns, to direct ethnicity-based discrimination, particularly directed at minority returnees. Low living standards, high unemployment rates, overly complicated bureaucratic procedures and a lack of basic services are further difficulties associated with living in BiH. In addition, a general mentality of victimization coupled with ever present political uncertainty make it difficult for the returnees to build their businesses, careers, families and lives. Determined to make their return projects a success the returnees use various strategies to overcome the obstacles set on their path. Their dominant strategy is self-reliance and resilience, most directly demonstrated in their strong tendency towards self-employment. Their attitude towards the political reality of life in BiH ranges from being politically active, proactive and organized in their local communities all the way to tuning out from news and media reports of current events in order to preserve their sanity. They actively use strategies of patience, persistence, and politeness, while also turning to humor as a coping mechanism. Always keeping a reserve option open abroad while re-building their lives in Bosnia and Herzegovina in many ways improves their chances of a successful return. Thinking of alternatives and potential re-emigration can also be considered as a strategy for overcoming the obstacles of return.

The returnees’ own evaluations of the success of their return projects are taken as a measure of sustainability of this type of return migration. This measurement is particularly appropriate for the case of “decided return” (Cassarino, 2008), since the returnees keep the option of re-emigrating, given their dual citizenship status and their transnational positioning. The returnees’ own agency and volition is key to the success of their return, summarized in previous literature as “preparedness” (Cassarino, 2004). A crucial structural reason determining the returnees’ success of return is their keen awareness of capital-labor relations under conditions of global capitalism, whether in the home or the host state, and their pragmatic positioning as producers and investors, and not solely as relatively conspicuous consumers. The most important emotional reason co-occurring with the success and sustainability of return is the improvement and development of family ties and their prioritization over any economic concern, including the continued success of a started business enterprise.