Understanding Social Recognition of Cooperatives from a Bourdieusian Perspective: The Cases of Kalkbreite in Zurich (CH) and Exeter Street Hall in Brighton (UK)

Abstract

Cooperatives, characterized as autonomous associations of individuals who voluntarily come together to address shared economic, social, and cultural needs, hold a pivotal position in both local and global economies. Despite their significant presence, research on cooperatives has often been fragmented, focusing either on economic or social aspects. This study employs Bourdieu’s theory of forms of capital as a relational framework to bridge the gap between economic capital and non-economic capitals (social, cultural, and symbolic) in order to comprehensively examine the intricate and distinctive attributes of cooperatives. Through longitudinal case studies of a housing cooperative in Switzerland and a cultural cooperative in the UK, this research focuses on the strategic accumulation of diverse forms of capital (economic, social, cultural, and symbolic) by cooperatives and examines the mechanisms through which they convert these forms of capital. By tracing this transformative journey, we seek to understand the dynamics of capital accumulation and conversion that empower cooperatives to operate effectively and gain recognition from local communities to broader regional contexts.

1 Introduction

As per the definition provided by the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA) in 2012, a cooperative, commonly referred to as a co-op, is defined as “an autonomous association of persons united voluntary to meet their common economic, social, and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly-owned and democratically-controlled enterprise” (ICA, 2012). In essence, cooperatives are structured and managed by individuals (members) driven by a common requirement, working collaboratively for the betterment of their community while simultaneously pursuing economic objectives akin to conventional businesses (Castilla-Polo et al., 2017; Castilla-Polo & Sánchez-Hernández, 2022).

Cooperatives hold a significant position in both global and local economies. Globally, there are 3 million cooperatives collectively boasting 1.2 billion members and employing a workforce of 280 million individuals worldwide, which accounts for a notable 10% share of the global employed population.¹ In the context of the United Kingdom, the activities of over 7000 cooperatives significantly impact the economy with a cumulative contribution surpassing £40 billion.² In Switzerland, the count of registered cooperatives has surged to over 9600, with approximately 500 of these establishments boasting a recorded turnover that surpasses CHF 1 billion (Summermatter, 2012) (see also Chap. 2).

The evolution of cooperative organizations spans a significant historical timeline and encompasses diverse global contexts (Boone & Özcan, 2016) (see Chap. 5). Through an economic lens, cooperatives grapple with multifaceted challenges, including elevated coordination costs (Boone & Özcan, 2016) and economic disincentives (Aldrich & Stern, 1983). From a socio-cultural perspective, cooperatives tend to operate in close proximity to communities, engaging in collective endeavors to advance local and communal welfare (Shrivastava & Kennelly, 2013: Valentinov, 2004). These entities follow an unconventional organizational approach, setting them apart from both conventional businesses and non-profit organizations (Borzaga & Defourny, 2004; Florin & Schmidt, 2011). This distinctiveness is largely attributed to their models of shared governance, decision-making processes, and goal-setting mechanisms.

Thus, scholars have highlighted the potential of cooperatives to build social capital, a dynamic that strengthens individual and collective capacities through collaborative practices, thus furnishing a competitive edge (Bretos & Marcuello, 2017; Faccin et al., 2017). Simultaneously, many cooperatives confront the ongoing dilemma of balancing expansion and competitive management with the unwavering adherence to their societal and community-focused objectives (Ajates, 2020). However, existing research often tends to compartmentalize the understanding of cooperatives into distinct categories, separating the strategic and economic aspects from the more social approaches.

In this chapter, our objective is to understand the interaction of economic and social aspects in the functioning of cooperatives by examining these organizations through the Bourdieusian framework of forms of capital. Pierre Bourdieu defines four different forms of capital (cultural, social, economic, and symbolic) and two mechanisms of accumulation and conversion of these forms. This framework encompasses not only economic capital but also non-economic dimensions. Employing two illustrative case studies: a housing cooperative in Switzerland and a cultural cooperative situated in the UK, we explore the intricate processes by which cooperatives strategically leverage and accumulate diverse forms of capital. Additionally, we investigate the mechanisms by which they convert these various forms of capital to sustain their functioning in order to shed light on the dynamics that enable cooperatives to gain recognition from local communities to broader regional contexts.

2 A Relational Approach to Understand Cooperatives

2.1 Cooperatives at a Glance

Cooperatives are part of the Third/Fourth³ sector due to their primary mission of pursuing social objectives, wherein surplus profits are systematically reinvested to advance these objectives rather than being used to maximize returns to shareholders (Mancino & Thomas, 2005). Traditionally regarded as a distinctive manifestation of social enterprises, cooperatives are renowned for their unique features of economic and social purposes and their distinctive governance structures (Mazzarol et al., 2011). However, a significant proportion of cooperatives are established with the primary intent of addressing and surmounting pressing economic challenges.

For instance, in response to rising costs of living and inflation, the emergence of food cooperatives has been observed. Notably, amidst the pandemic, cooperative growth in the UK persisted, experiencing a 1.2% expansion (Co-operatives UK, 2021). Furthermore, the establishment of housing cooperatives has sought to address the persistent housing challenges, particularly evident in urban centers, offering affordable rental options while simultaneously enabling local councils to conserve social resources. An intriguing facet of cooperatives lies in the dual role their members occupy—that of both customers and members.

Prior research often emphasizes the evolution of cooperatives across diverse local and global contexts, delving into aspects such as their governance structures and collective decision-making processes (Mazzarol et al., 2018), business models (Mazzarol et al., 2018), innovative strategies to ensure competitiveness (Muñoz et al., 2020), and the overarching global challenges confronting these entities (Ajates, 2020). For instance, the study of Muñoz et al. (2020) focuses on cooperatives within the context of the “New Normal,” spotlighting their resurgence as agents addressing social and environmental issues while adopting novel value sets and transformative practices. Predominantly, studies on organization have mainly highlighted the mobilization of cooperative capital in the economic and social dimensions.

Social capital serves as the foundational root of cooperatives, intertwining their democratic structures and community-based ownership, thereby shaping their core principles and identity (Bretos et al., 2018). For instance, beyond the overarching social capital generated by member engagement, each individual member contributes a distinctive reservoir of cultural capital encompassing knowledge, skills, and educational attainment—all of which can be harnessed to advance the social organization’s mission (Cotterlaz-Rannard & Ferrary, 2021).

Simultaneously, certain cooperatives might find themselves in competitive arenas (sometimes with traditional businesses). For instance, agricultural or food cooperatives strive for superior product quality, while housing cooperatives are striving to defend sustainability and distinguish themselves as leaders in implementing social diversity within their structures, thereby increasing their competitiveness.

In parallel, economic capital takes on a dual role—as both the means and the prerequisite for survival. Like their traditional business counterparts, cooperatives must navigate economic imperatives to fulfill their objectives (Castilla-Polo & Sánchez-Hernández, 2022). Nonetheless, the intricacies inherent to cooperatives warrant a more profound exploration of their functioning dynamics.

Delving into cooperatives through the lens of Bourdieu’s theory of forms of capital holds the potential to significantly enrich our comprehension of these entities. This avenue of inquiry offers the prospect of explaining how cooperatives accumulate diverse forms of capital and the mechanisms through which they convert one form into another, ultimately culminating in enhanced social recognition within their respective fields. This approach has the potential to provide a novel perspective on cooperatives’ dynamics, shedding light on their strategic capital accumulation and conversion processes, while concurrently enhancing the understanding of how cooperatives strategically maneuver within their operational environments.

2.2 The Bourdieu’s Theory of Forms of Capital

Bourdieu’s theoretical and empirical work underscores the significance of different forms of capital: economic, social, cultural, and symbolic capital. Within the realm of management studies, Bourdieu’s theory of forms of capital has found notable application (e.g., Burgess & Shaw, 2010; Karataş-Özkan & Chell, 2015; Śliwa et al., 2021; Tatli et al., 2015), offering a theoretical framework capable of illuminating the field structuring and power dynamics of interlinking organizations. However, while there are a handful of studies investigating cooperatives through the lens of social capital and invoking Bourdieu’s constructs (alongside contributions from authors like Putnam) (e.g., Saz-Gil et al., 2021), Bourdieu’s framework remains relatively unexplored within cooperative research, partially due to the persistent notion that capital is a domain exclusive to individuals (Greenspan, 2014).

According to Pierre Bourdieu (1989), the position of an organization in a field depends on the accumulation of capital (economic, social, cultural, and symbolic). A “field” is a structured system of social relations in which individuals or organizations struggle with one another in pursuit of resources and status (Bourdieu, 1993). For example, Bourdieu (1989) explores the structuration of the higher education field, and how a few of the most prestigious universities maintain the dominant position through the accumulation and conversion of the forms of capital. A form of capital is a resource, the accumulation of which can provide holders an advantageous position in the field where they are produced and reproduced (Bourdieu, 1979).

Bourdieu’s (1986) study on the forms of capital narrows the notion down to three fundamental types. Economic capital refers to material assets, which include financial resources or property (Bourdieu, 1986). Bourdieu (1986) conceptualizes cultural capital with three dimensions. The first is the embodied form or “long-lasting dispositions of the mind and body” (Bourdieu, 1986: 47). The second dimension is the objectified state: cultural goods, such as pictures, books, instruments, etc., and the last is the institutionalized state: educational qualifications, such as academic degrees. Social capital, the third form of capital, is defined as: “the volume of social capital possessed by a given agent…depends on the size of the network connections that he can effectively mobilize” (Bourdieu, 1986: 249). Involvement in social networks and in the social relations from the membership can be utilized in efforts to improve the social position of the actor in a specific field. Voluntary associations, political parties are examples of embodiments of social capital.

At the same time, though, Bourdieu proposes that these forms of capital may be apprehended as symbolic capital (prestige, honor). Symbolic capital is the recognition of other forms of capital (through their conversion) and is materialized by a set of signs, more or less material, which may take the form of distinctions conferred by legitimate bodies or authorities such as prizes, awards, or nominations (Bourdieu, 1993). The attribution of these signs of recognition bestows the organization with recognized prestige and legitimacy in a given field. Bourdieu’s central argument revolves around the idea that economic, cultural, and social capital attain true significance and societal recognition when they convert them into symbolic capital. Embedded within Bourdieu’s theory of forms of capital is the idea that accumulating one or more types of capital isn’t an ultimate objective; rather, it serves as a mechanism for converting one form of capital into another, ultimately fostering the acquisition of societal recognition within a field (Bourdieu, 1986, 1993).

Bourdieu underscores the dynamic relational nature of capital, unveiling two distinct pathways for capital accumulation. The former is the direct accumulation of singular or multiple forms of capital. For instance, cooperatives can initially accumulate social capital through the networks formed by their members. The latter pathway involves the conversion of one form of capital into another. To illustrate, cooperatives can convert their social capital into economic capital as members contribute shares.

3 A Bourdieusian Analysis of Housing and Cultural Cooperatives

Drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of forms of capital, we analyze the different forms of capital that cooperatives mobilize and build on and how they convert their forms of capital in order to be recognized at the local or more regional level. Building on Siggelkow’s (2007) argument that emphasizes the role of illustrative case studies in conceptual demonstration, we use two longitudinal case studies to unravel the underlying mechanisms of capital accumulation and conversion that play out over time, facilitating a closer alignment with the realm of theoretical constructs (Siggelkow, 2007).

Our initial objective was to identify cooperatives from various sectors operating in distinct socio-economic and legal contexts. Our secondary objective was to ensure that these cooperatives have been in operation for several years and have achieved success. These criteria align closely with the study’s overarching goal of longitudinally exploring the mechanisms of capital accumulation and conversion within cooperatives. By analyzing cooperatives within different socio-economic contexts, this approach enables us to compare the forms of capital and mechanisms used. We selected two case studies, one housing cooperative in Switzerland (Zurich) and one cultural cooperative in the UK (Brighton).

We conducted three interviews with collaborators working in the management of each cooperative. The purpose of these interviews was to identify the different forms of capital and their mechanisms of accumulation and conversation. In addition, we also exploited secondary data (websites, press articles, videos, etc.) to obtain a general perspective on the cooperatives’ histories, missions, and structure in order to understand the dynamics of the organization over time. In the case of the cultural cooperative, various audiovisual testimonies of the process of creation and functioning of the cooperative were analyzed from its website, which helped us to identify and analyze the different forms of capital and their dynamics in the organization.

The interviews, testimonies, and secondary information collected were analyzed through discourse analysis (Ruiz, 2009). In this way, three categories of analysis were established:

• 1. The description of the cooperative;

• 2. A comprehensive exploration of the cooperatives’ forms of capital: the social (including the network of the cooperative and members), cultural (including the diversity of members, training, etc.), economic (including the main sources of income, etc.), and symbolic strategy (including communication strategy, impact, prizes, etc.) of the cooperative;

• 3. The main and future challenges that the cooperative currently and will face.

Below, we will present the main finding.

3.1 Housing Cooperative: The Case of Kalkbreite in Zurich

3.1.1 The Housing Market in Zurich

Confronted with an acute housing scarcity during the formative years of the twentieth century, the City of Zurich embarked on a proactive strategy to amass land reserves and assets encircling the historic city center, strategically earmarked for prospective expansion. A recent study reports that the housing shortage in Switzerland has reached levels unseen since 2013 and Zurich has not, only some of the most expensive apartments in the world.⁴

In this context, the prevalent approach primarily involves extending interest-free loans to housing cooperatives, facilitating their land acquisitions. The city of Zurich offers enduring, renewable leases on land it holds ownership of, thereby conferring not only tenure but also development entitlements to building cooperatives, all without any financial encumbrance. This leasehold paradigm effectively retains a substantial degree of enduring influence over the city’s forthcoming urban evolution within the realm of public administration. This spectrum of provision underscores the flexibility and inclusivity of Zurich’s housing initiative, accommodating a diverse range of initiatives aimed at meeting the city’s evolving habitation demands.⁵

Currently, around one quarter of the City’s entire housing stock consists of not-for-profit accommodation. About one fifth of these units are provided by either the city of Zurich alone or by charitable foundations while the other four fifths are provided by private housing cooperatives. Predominantly self-sustaining in nature, these cooperatives are established and operated through equity deposits and membership fees contributed by residents and private investors. These financial inputs are complemented by rentals of apartments at rates below the market prices, structured to align with the overarching objective of meeting the cooperative’s financial obligations. These encompass a spectrum of expenditures such as building upkeep, interest repayment on initial loans, administrative and maintenance outlays, alongside the accumulation of capital earmarked for forthcoming undertakings.

In addition to the apparent communal benefits, the city garners substantial annual savings by actively nurturing the operations of cooperatives. This outcome ensues from the cooperatives’ facilitation of economically viable rental alternatives, adapted to mid and low-income demographic segments. This strategic congruence substantially mitigates the fiscal outlays attributed to social welfare commitments, encompassing provisions such as eldercare expenditures and the associated entitlements. Consequently, these cooperatives assume a pivotal and multifaceted role, not only in improving housing affordability but also in curbing the financial exigencies tied to governmental support for residents’ subsistence needs.

3.1.2 From a Squat to a Cooperative

The Kalkbreite Cooperative originated from an initial squat, which later evolved when the City of Zurich, via a council resolution, officially designated a 6350 m2 parcel of land for cooperative housing development. Its inception traces back to the 1970s when squatters, local residents, and professionals advocated for the transformation of an outdoor tram depot into a residential space. This transformative vision gradually gained momentum and eventually materialized as a cooperative endeavor. In 2007, after a protracted period marked by intermittent progress, the city issued a call for proposals aimed at realizing this multifaceted development.⁶

Through a decisive council resolution, the City exhibited its commitment to fostering cooperative housing by offering the land at a price lower than market value, ensuring accessibility for the cooperative initiative (Informant). Remarkably, a mere 2 months following the establishment of the cooperative, they emerged victorious in securing the developmental contract.⁷ This success was soon followed by a city-administered public competition, leading to the engagement of Zurich-based architects tasked with the design realization of the project.

Subsequently, a highly participatory process unfolded, entailing the delineation of a cohesive shared vision and the formulation of a sustainable project design for the novel structure. This diligent endeavor culminated in the inauguration of the edifice in 2014. Notably, the top of the building has been transformed into a vast 2500 m² terrace, offering an expansive green recreational space for the residents. Complementing this, the ground floor has been allocated for commercial and cultural pursuits. These encompass local boutiques, restaurants, corporate offices, medical facilities, childcare, and a cinema. This interplay between the building’s functional levels underscores the multifaceted nature of its design, catering adeptly to both the immediate residential needs and the broader community dynamics.

Currently, the housing cooperative has around 2500 members, 500 people live in the building, and between 200 and 400 people are working in the local shops. The pathway to becoming a member of the cooperative is notably straightforward. As a first step, prospective tenants are required to pay a membership fee of CHF 1000, thereby gaining eligibility to rent apartments as they become available. Subsequently, upon the opening of a unit, the prospective occupants commit to purchasing shares within the cooperative, commensurate with the unit’s size, serving as a refundable deposit. For instance, a 100-square-meter (1076-square-foot) unit costs approximately CHF 2000 per month.⁸

3.1.3 The Functioning of Kalkbreite Through a Bourdieusian Lens

The Dynamic of Capital Accumulation and Conversion

The establishment of the Kalkbreite housing cooperative has primarily arisen from the collective imperative of diverse stakeholders, driven by the need to develop a previously abandoned land. This initiative seeks to transform the area into a livable and communal space in response to the pressing housing crisis in Zurich, while providing an avenue for accessible and sustainable housing solutions. Subsequently, the resolute political stance of the city of Zurich has steered away from involving private property developers. Instead, the focus has shifted toward exploring alternative, democratic, and non-speculative pathways, predominantly through the adoption of cooperative models. This pivotal decision marked the inception of an extensive participatory (Informant) endeavor that engaged a heterogeneous group of stakeholders, including site inhabitants (squatters), local residents, and professionals. Unified by a shared vision, these once-disparate actors participated in a collaborative process aimed at the metamorphosis of the locality into a focal point for both habitation and socio-cultural interaction.

This cooperative creation distinguishes itself by the fact that its founding members—prior to the formal establishment of the cooperative—originated from disparate networks (social capital), each associated with distinct resources. Despite these initial disparities, a collective purpose galvanized these actors, transcending the confines of their preexisting social networks. Through shared objectives, these individuals leveraged their existing affiliations and converged to create a novel space, forging connections that bridged traditional divides of social class, education, and personal interests.

This underscores the strength of networking, exchange, and collaboration among participants, which crystallized into an emergent participatory network. Within this dynamic, participants are extending their network beyond their traditional boundaries. In essence, this shared aspiration—ultimately giving rise to the cooperative entity—propelled a participatory evolution that united individuals in pursuit of a collective ambition: the creation of an innovative residential space. In this context, social capital emerges as a collaborative phenomenon stemming from a mutual understanding of shared values and joint endeavors among various stakeholders, exemplified by the establishment of this cooperative.

Therefore, the pivotal driving force that led to the establishment of the cooperative finds its roots within the social capital, as explored earlier and previously identified in the literature. However, following Bourdieu’s framework, the accumulation of one form of capital is not the ultimate objective; rather, it serves as a mechanism for capital conversion. This prompts an in-depth investigation into how, subsequent to its inception, the cooperative orchestrated the transformation of its originally endowed social capital into alternative forms of capital.

In direct response to the critical need for housing, the city of Zurich initiated a competition to develop a housing project on the site of the abandoned tram depot. In light of this opportunity, the cooperative’s members harnessed their cultural capital in order to formulate a comprehensive proposal for the competitive bidding process, with the primary objective of persuading municipal authorities of the viability of their visionary undertaking—a conceived living space deeply anchored in the values of social diversity and sustainability.

The cooperative subsequently won the competition, not only demonstrating the feasibility of the cooperative’s initiative for the abandoned area, but also translating into a social recognition that underscored the conversion of its previously accumulated social and cultural capital into symbolic capital. Through the selection of the cooperative’s project, the city of Zurich legitimized its project and the principles and ethical foundation of the cooperative. This act of recognition and legitimization by the city underscores the cooperative’s social and sustainable value-driven actions. Informant states:

The Kalkbreite cooperative offers more than just housing compared to other housing cooperatives that are merely replicating market logic and are simply providing slightly cheaper flats without cultivating a cultural and social spirit.

The Kalkbreite cooperative cultivates a cultural and social cohesiveness through its facilitation of resident social diversity, coupled with the provision of cultural, social, and health services; these values have been publicly recognized by the award.

After the cooperative secured the competition award, an exchange of economic capital ensued, transitioning from the city of Zurich to the cooperative. The city of Zurich extended preferential terms to the cooperative for the acquisition of the land, pricing it significantly below market value. Nevertheless, as highlighted by our informant, while the City of Zurich might initially incur a reduced sale price for the land, the cooperative’s self-management and provision of social, cultural, and health services translate into long-term cost savings for the city. Drawing from Bourdieu’s theoretical framework, the accumulation of symbolic capital, facilitated through the allocation of the project to this specific cooperative, subsequently facilitated the acquisition of economic capital. This acquisition occurred firstly through negotiations with the city of Zurich, which resulted in a reduced land purchase cost, and secondly through the acquisition of share capital contributed by its members. The cooperative’s core foundation lies in the share capital of its members. Open to both individuals and legal entities, membership entails application to the Executive Board. Benefits include discounted reservations for guest house accommodations and flexible meeting spaces, as well as access to information concerning available flats and shared rooms, among other privileges.

Replicating the Project Through Identical Mechanisms

Based on the same mechanisms of accumulating and converting various forms of capital, the cooperative translated its accumulated symbolic capital from the Kalkbreite project into a successful bid for the Zollhaus project. In February 2013, it emerged as the victor amidst its competitors (other cooperatives), securing the opportunity to repurpose the building to align with the Kalkbreite project’s principles. The jury expressed notable admiration for “their expertise in developing commercial and public spaces” as well as “their approach to curating an apt blend of functionalities.”⁹ Informant states that there is a kind of competition among cooperatives to be perceived as “the coolest one” and win new housing projects.

In contrast to the cooperative’s initial project, this subsequent undertaking didn’t necessitate the accumulation of new forms of capital; instead, it served as an extension of the ongoing cycle of capital accumulation and conversion. The cooperative has garnered significant social recognition through the Kalkbreite project and, within the perspective of the Zurich City Council, emerged as the most credible entity to conduct this new project. In this manner, the cooperative adeptly harnessed its symbolic capital to secure another project and sustain its ongoing trajectory of accumulating diverse forms of capital with the intention of offering a community-focused initiative at the local level.

Looking for the Right Balance

According to our informant, the cooperative’s recognition has reached a point where the challenge lies not in attracting new members or securing contractors for commercial spaces, but in efficiently managing the considerable influx of individuals seeking membership. The cooperative finds itself in a situation where it is unable to accommodate the surge in demand. While a substantial number of people express a desire to become cooperative members, the cooperative is determined to preserve its commitment to sustainability and social diversity. Consequently, it must navigate the delicate equilibrium between expansion and upholding its core values, guarding against adopting a narrow focus solely on offering housing at rates below the market average.

From the inception of these projects to their culmination, the accumulation of symbolic capital has been substantial. Informant conveyed that:

While feedback from current members and residents of the cooperative has been extremely positive, input from external stakeholders—such as the local community, Zurich's citizens, and municipal authorities—holds even greater significance.

The cooperative consistently garners recognition from external organizations for its architectural achievements, its excellence as a co-living space, and other notable accomplishments. In essence, the cooperative finds itself in a pivotal phase where its well-established recognition necessitates a mindful approach to growth. The challenge for the cooperative is to avoid becoming “less authentic” while simultaneously becoming “more adapted to the system” (Informant). Balancing this expansion with the preservation of its fundamental values remains a critical endeavor for the cooperative.

3.2 Cultural Cooperative: The Case of Exeter Street Hall in Brighton

3.2.1 Saving the Place to “Get-Together”

The Hall is a red brick building of Gothic design located in the middle of a residential zone in Prestonville, Brighton. This Hall was built by the Diocese of Chichester in 1884 to house the Sunday School of the local Church of St Luke’s and the first name of the building was “Saint Luke’s Hall.” The Sunday Schools were institutions, mostly linked to Catholic churches, which offered moral, writing, reading, and basic arithmetic education to working and/or poor children (Power, 1863).

By the beginning of the twentieth century, the spread of universal public education and the great changes in English society resulted in a major crisis in attendance to Sunday Schools. In this context, churches began to organize different activities in connection with local communities in order to spread their values, especially among young people (Smale, 2023).

In the historical scenario described above, the earliest accounts consulted of Exeter Street Hall (mid-twentieth century) are associated with groups of young people who attended the Hall to take part in various church-related activities: choir, The Life Boys, The Boys Life brigade, teenage clubs, sports clubs, etc.¹⁰ In addition to these groups, the Hall became a meeting place for other activities that were not directly associated with the church: local and national celebrations, birthdays, association parties, afternoon teas, scouts, and stay-and-play-groups, among others.

In this way, Exeter Street Hall went from being a space exclusively associated with the activities of the church (Sunday School, catechism groups, and boys brigades) to being a space of community meaning, where part of the local social history of Prestonville evolved over the last century, turning it into a place to get-together.

After more than 125 years of church administration, Exeter Street Hall began to develop serious structural problems, which required large sums of money to repair. Moreover, as the Hall was no longer fulfilling an important role for the local church, the Diocese of Chichester decided to sell the building at the end of 2011.

Following this decision, the local community organized to collect signatures to maintain the community use of the Hall and prevent the transformation of this space into apartments. This campaign aroused great interest and commitment in the local community, which resulted in dozens of people working together to collect signatures and “save the Hall.” However, after a few weeks of campaigning, the community realized that their efforts could not prevent the sale, so they started working on a new idea: to buy the Hall.

In order to purchase the Hall, a legal structure had to be set up that could raise funds on a community basis and purchase the building. Thus, “The Hall Get Involved Ltd” organization was created as an Industrial and Provident Society. Through this legal status, this society had the ability to sell shares and to purchase an asset under a non-profit scheme.

Under the model of selling £50 shares and accepting donations, the organization fundraised over £180,000 in five months of campaigning (the organization currently has around 900 shareholders). At this point, the community started a long negotiation with the Diocese of Chichester, which ended with an agreement and the purchase of the Hall on August 8, 2013.

After 18 months of self-organization, the first and most important objective of the community had been accomplished. Immediately after the acquisition of the Hall, the organization began to raise funds to undertake the considerable repair work on the building. Since the purchase of the building, several projects have been completed, including a complete renovation of the roof, the creation of a community room, the construction of accessible entries and bathrooms, the restoration of windows, and the remodeling and equipping of a commercial kitchen.

Hall Organization and Soul

In administrative terms, the Exeter Street Community Hall (ESCH) is run by a manager and a board of directors (4) part of which is renewed at each annual shareholders’ meeting. In addition, there are different working groups that organize the different tasks and actions of the association and events at the Hall (Informant). In this regard, all decisions regarding investments in major repairs and/or activities are presented and voted on at the annual general meetings. All persons directly and indirectly involved in the operation of the Hall are volunteers, except for the manager and the cleaning staff.

Moreover, the organization has set itself a framework for action through the establishment of a list of objectives, values, and priorities structured along two axes: first, to promote the advancement of citizenship, learning and self-improvement for the individual and collective benefit of the inhabitants of the Prestonville locality in the City of Brighton and Hove and its surrounding area, and second, to improve the social welfare and the physical and mental well-being of the said inhabitants by providing facilities for recreation, leisure, and related beneficial activities.¹¹

The main source of funding for the operation of the ESCH is the rental of the central hall for private and/or community activities. The second source of income is internal and external fundraising. Other sources of funding are the grants received after applying for competitive funds, which are mainly used for structural improvement works at the Hall. In addition, the association maintains a permanent sale of shares in its non-profit society (Informant).

At the beginning of 2019, during the preparation of a new fundraising campaign, the board of directors noticed some legal problems with the status under which the organization was created (Industrial and Provident Society Act), which threatened its charitable nature. At this moment a new society was established, the “Exeter Street Community Hall Ltd.” This new legal organization operates under the status of a Community Benefit Society and continues to manage the Hall to this day.

Over the last few years, the organization has set itself the goal of creating its own “social justice agenda.” To this end, it is working to provide an alternative space for local and national community associations that do not have sufficient support elsewhere, as well as working on an agenda of activities that represent social interests beyond the Prestonville community (Informant).

During the month of September 2023, the community celebrated the 10-year anniversary of the purchase of the Hall. During this decade of community administration, the board of directors, in conjunction with the members of the association, have continued to raise funds for the ongoing repair and improvement of the Hall. In addition, they have established a wide offer of weekly activities such as sports clubs, stay-and-play groups, art classes and exhibitions, a repair cafe, quizzes, and a variety of other community-oriented activities.

3.2.2 The Functioning of Exeter Street Hall Through a Bourdieusian Lens

A Locally Rooted Community

Since the first self-organized community meetings at the end of 2011, testimonies collected attest to the enthusiasm and commitment of those participating in efforts to maintain the Hall for the community, in addition to the large number of people who have consistently participated in the organization (at times, more than 100 people).¹²

In this sense, some of the testimonies highlight that with the loss of the social relevance of large cultural institutions, such as the Church or the welfare state, the human need to come together, to help one another, and to converge socially, requires a modern dedicated space, “a place to get-together.”

This desire to get together in order to create and maintain the local community became the focus of the community’s mobilization. Within a few weeks after the church’s decision to sell the Hall, the enthusiasm, engagement, and commitment of the community to maintain this common space increased the intensity of community interaction. In the words of one the volunteers for the first meetings:

It was so full, lots and lots of people, something we’d never seen before, and we felt same but each other thing, realizing that we were neighbors but haven’t really met before, and just that fact makes me feel we can't let this space go¹³

Thus, the social capital that emerges from the community’s self-organization is galvanized into a symbolic capital that places, first and foremost, the social good of togetherness as the leitmotiv of the association.

Another aspect that is recurrently highlighted in the interviews and testimonies regarding the formation and functioning of the association is the level of skill and knowledge possessed by the organization’s participants, among whom were lawyers, academics, accountants, event production and communication specialists, economists, journalists, and a host of other skilled individuals. Thus, the individual skills of the members have contributed to the accumulation of cultural capital in the organization. For instance, when the need arose for the creation of their website, those members with IT or web design competencies offered their expertise. Furthermore, the social capital of the ESCH was enhanced by members who introduced new members into the association from their personal networks, including friends and colleagues.

In this way, with the help of the personal knowledge, skills (cultural capital), and social networks (social capital) that members brought to the organization, various strategies were developed to obtain economic capital to buy the Hall. The first was a legal strategy, as it was necessary to identify, choose, and create the legal status that best suited the association in order to acquire the Hall. The second, and most important strategy, was communicational, as the aims of the organization had to be shared with a wider population, with the aim of acquiring sufficient funds to purchase the Hall. Drawing from a Bourdieusian perspective, this strategic approach involves a mechanism whereby the conversion and social recognition of the association’s social and cultural capital were converted into symbolic capital through the dissemination of its activities and initiatives to external stakeholders. This communication strategy, in turn, facilitated the acquisition of economic capital through fundraising campaigns, among other endeavors. This was supported by the involvement and collaborative work of the community to publicize the objectives of the association beyond the neighborhood. To this end, local schools, shops, and businesses were involved through various activities, information stands were set up in busy parts of the neighborhood, leaflets were distributed throughout the Brighton and Hove communities, and networks were mobilized in the local government and media.

From the very beginning of the association, the social capital that grew from the creation of a community objective, as well as the cultural and social capital of its members, enabled ESCH to organize successful public information campaigns and fundraising activities, reaching audiences beyond the local level, as well as succeeding in developing broader community recognition (symbolic capital).

A Growing and Wider Community Recognition

Immediately after acquiring the Hall, the organization continued to raise funds, this time to carry out the massive repair work on the roof structure, which had not been touched in the 130 years of the Hall’s existence.

Just three months after purchasing the Hall, the organization took part in a national competition (The People’s Millions) to raise charitable funds from the National Lottery. This competition consisted of a televised campaign on the national channel ITV, followed by a one-day telephone vote. The main feature of the contest was that the voting number was only announced on the morning of the voting.

Facing this great challenge, the organization began a massive communication campaign, which included printing and mailing thousands of leaflets, posters, and stickers, contacting local newspaper, radio, and television, sharing on social media, doing door-to-door talks about the roof of the Hall, engaging with local businesses and schools, hiring street reps, and talking with local politicians and community leaders. The message to the people of Brighton and Hove was clear: help us with your vote to “raise the roof.”

The collective efforts of the Exeter Street Hall community resulted in 11,325 votes, achieving fourth place nationally (out of 114 proposals), which enabled them to win the £50,000 grant. In this way, the combination of the social capital of the organization together with the cultural capital of its members strengthened the symbolic capital of the association and their actions, which enabled them to obtain the grant (economic capital).

Following the receipt of this important grant from the National Lottery, the organization has continued preparing projects to apply for private funding. In this way, ESCH has obtained several other grants through competitions, including two Aviva Community Fund grants to improve the Community Room and buy audiovisual material (2015), a project from the Veolia Foundation to build accessible entries and restrooms (2017), and an Enjoolata Foundation grant to raise the standard of the Hall’s kitchen to a professional category. Since its founding, the organization has received more than £120,000 in grants and fundraising.¹⁴

In this way, the social and cultural capital of the association has allowed it to continue to gain social recognition within the community itself, as well as at the level of the Brighton & Hove community (symbolic capital). Thus, the combination of these capitals has allowed the association to accumulate sufficient economic capital to grow both in terms of material (improvement of the building) and community (greater offerings of socio-cultural activities).

4 Discussion and Conclusion

By using illustrative case studies on housing and cultural cooperatives, this chapter aims to highlight through a longitudinal analysis the mechanisms of accumulation and conversion of forms of capital that underlie the functioning of the cooperatives.

Firstly, while our two case studies of cooperatives operate in different socio-economic realities (sectors and countries), similarities emerge in the ways in which cooperatives accumulate and convert the different forms of capital. Indeed, these organizations start to create and accumulate one or more forms of capital (social and/or cultural). Individuals with their own networks unite to establish a cooperative due to their shared interests, aspirations, and common needs. Through this collective endeavor and their involvement in the same organization, new connections among members are forged, enhancing both individual and cooperative social capital in pursuit of a shared social objective (Fig. 17.1a).

Fig. 17.1

Social and cultural capital endowment in cooperatives

Concurrently, the inception of the cooperative brings together the cultural capital held by its members, derived from their education, qualifications, and experiences. As they become cooperative members, they make available their expertise and skills to support the organization’s objectives, such as drafting project proposals, creating communication campaigns, among others (Fig. 17.1b).

Then, once the organization has acquired its first forms of capital (Fig. 17.2a), their actions trigger a mechanism of initial social recognition through the conversion of social and cultural capital into economic and symbolic capital (Fig. 17.2b). This initial recognition, in turn, fosters the accumulation of more forms of capital, illustrating a virtuous cycle of accumulation and conversion of forms of capital (Fig. 17.2c). These mechanisms of accumulation and conversion can take place within the cooperative or through external actors, particularly in the case of the accumulation of one form of capital and its conversion into symbolic capital. According to Bourdieu, symbolic capital is the recognition of the other forms of capital as soon as they are known and recognized.

Fig. 17.2

Virtuous cycle of accumulation and conversion of forms of capital

Another interesting aspect raised by this study is the reproduction of the dynamics of accumulation and conversion of forms of capital within cooperatives, at least among those we examined. Although initial capital endowment can vary, for example, some cooperatives may initially mobilize their cultural or social capital and then convert it into other forms of capital, the objective of social recognition is a common denominator. Social recognition appears to be the final purpose that guarantees the cooperative to accumulate more social, cultural, and economic capital and fully fulfill their social mission.

Moreover, our study raises an important point, the notion of balance between growth and authenticity. It emphasizes that while the studied cooperatives aspire to grow in pursuit of their (social) mission, they are striving to achieve this growth without compromising their authenticity, to avoid replicating the patterns and practices typically associated with conventional businesses. However, how can they continue to grow while preserving their founding values and principles? Do some cooperatives choose to moderate the conversion of their symbolic capital into other forms of capital at a certain stage to slow down their growth and maintain their authenticity and social mission? This notion of equilibrium within cooperatives needs to be further investigated.

While our two illustrative case studies of cooperatives highlight virtuous circles of accumulation and conversion of forms of capital, not all cooperatives enter into this dynamic and some may encounter difficulties in accumulating and converting forms of capital (Cotterlaz-Rannard & Ferrary, 2021). Further studies should be developed to analyze cooperatives that are less successful than our case studies.

Furthermore, this research introduces novel inquiries and considerations. We present herein a selection of questions that is by no means exhaustive. For instance, do disparities exist in the patterns of capital accumulation and conversion based on the size and age of cooperatives? Are any cooperatives in decline or caught up in a detrimental cycle that is forcing them to reduce their capital (economic, social, cultural, and/or symbolic)? How can an optimal equilibrium be struck between capital accumulation and the upholding of core values (such as authenticity and sustainability)?

Overall, the adoption of the Bourdieusian framework to study the functioning of cooperatives highlights the interdependent nature of economic and non-economic forms of capital providing a more comprehensive and complex understanding of the organizations. Above all, we hope that this research provides material for future research on this topic.