Abstract
Since Get Out came out in May 2017, it has been widely received as “political horror” for its strong commentary on race relations in the United States. The starting point for Peele’s exploration of race in the United States was the way the racialized structures of social environments produced and organized unequal race relations. This structural perspective on race allows Get Out to raise political questions that deeply resonated with the dominant concerns of the movement for racial justice at the time of its release. But the film is also political in the way that it uses its status as a cultural object to question and reshape the racialization of US cultural space. In this chapter, I focus on three aspects of the racial politics of Get Out: how the film exposes the past and present objectification and exploitation of Black bodies, how it ties such exploitation to the racialized power dynamics of social spaces in US society, and, finally, how Get Out seeks to rewrite the racial coordinates of US cultural history by reclaiming historically predominantly white cultural spaces—such as the horror genre—for Black narratives.
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Notes
- 1.
“The relationship between place and race represents one of Get Out’s most notable thematic concerns” (Murphy 2002, 72).
- 2.
In his analysis of the horror film, Robin Wood identifies the “true subject of the horror genre [as] the struggle for recognition of all that our civilization represses or oppresses” and sums up the formula of the genre as “normality is threatened by the Monster.” In Wood’s view, the genre is structured around the binary opposition of us versus the repressed/oppressed Other, the Other taking on various features of gender, racial, sexual, class, cultural, age difference (Wood 2003, 68;71).
- 3.
Building on the influence of Ira Levin, the author of Rosemary’s Baby and The Stepford Wives, on the horror genre and Get Out, Adam Lowenstein argues that Get Out finds its source within the horror genre rather than disrupts it, building on the genre’s power “as a vocabulary for the illumination, not the demonization, of the pain endured by social minorities” (Lowenstein 2020, 102). In her introduction to the same collection, Dawn Keetley also notes that “while Rosemary’s Baby, Stepford Wives, and Night of the Living Dead feature, respectively, demonic entities, animatronic doubles, and cannibalistic ghouls, they simultaneously represent societal structures—whether it be patriarchy or racism—as the monster. Indeed, characters in Rosemary’s Baby, Stepford Wives, Night of the Living Dead, and Get Out live in constant fear—and constant, vigilant watchfulness—because of those social structures, even as that same society tries to tell them they are paranoid for doing so” (Keetley 2020a, 4).
- 4.
- 5.
For a sociological perspective on the question, see Massey and Tannen (2018).
- 6.
“The song, which contains the lyrics ‘run far away’ and ‘save yourself’ …, signals both to Chris and to informed viewers that Swahili possesses social power and that his cultural heritage may protect him from threats within his current environment” (Ryan-Bryant 2020, 98).
- 7.
Here, Kyle Brett convincingly argues that Chris’s photographic eye does not so much seek to celebrate its human subjects as it decenters and dehumanizes them—the dog owner and pregnant woman have their faces cut out-of-frame, the balloon holder competes for attention with his balloons’ shadow on the wall. Chris’s photographic pursuits, while a celebration of African American artistic talents, also reproduce the objectifying violence that Chris himself will be subjected to and comment negatively on the ability of an institutional form of art, sought after by gallery owners such as Jim Hudson (Steven Root) who buys Chris for his “eye,” to bring about emancipation. Grace instead comes from a much more democratic form of art in the shape of a smartphone camera flash that briefly frees the victims of the Armitage from their enslavement (Brett 2020).
- 8.
“By offering a multicultural résumé—‘I voted for Obama,’ and ‘some of my best friends are black’—white people attempt individually to excuse themselves from the functioning of a racist society. Such microinvalidations allow white liberals to feel comparatively superior and, crucially, to do nothing, as they are not figured as part of the problem. This means that a more insidious systemic racism is allowed to proceed unchecked” (Ilott 2020, 115).
- 9.
Barker argues that this type of stalking camera places viewers in the position of the stalker even as they elicit dread that the character will be assaulted, investing viewers’ bodies in the film’s “gesture.” Such camerawork was also adopted in Halloween, whose introductory sequence famously adopts, and abandons, the killer’s perspective.
- 10.
“The other black people in the Armitage household do not talk, dress, and act like Chris and cannot understand him: Walter, Georgina, and Logan are racially uncanny. While Logan is literally familiar (Chris knew Logan as Andre), all three characters are repressed—enslaved and marginalized within their own bodies by a white consciousness” (Casey-Williams 2020, 66).
- 11.
An alternate ending available in the DVD bonus material shows the police arriving on the scene instead of Rod and Chris talking to Rod in jail. But test screenings and Trump’s election forced Peele to adopt a more cathartic tone (Nigatu and Clayton 2017).
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Mayer, H. (2024). Black Bodies/White Spaces: The Horrors of White Supremacy in Get Out (2017). In: Gregorio-Fernández, N., M. Méndez-García, C. (eds) Culture Wars and Horror Movies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-53836-0_2
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