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Introduction: Studying Muslim Women in Ethnographic Discourse—A Background

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Ethnographic Discourses on Women and Islam in Turkey

Part of the book series: Modernity, Memory and Identity in South-East Europe ((MOMEIDSEE))

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Abstract

This chapter describes the social and political background and context of ethnographic discourses on women and Islam in Turkey. Extending the scope beyond a mere chronological narrative, it highlights the main developments and milestones in the history of Turkish modernization on a secularization–Islamization axis, from the foundation of the Republic until 2020. It also explains the transformation of the feminist movement and the history of gender and women’s studies as an academic discipline in the country. It then briefly reviews the global context, starting from the end of the Cold War, focusing on cultural transformations, the emergence of local and global Islamist movements and phases of Islamophobia in global politics in the post-9/11 period and the Arab Spring.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Mohanty and Torres (1991) define the Third World as the “colonized, neo-colonized or decolonized countries (of Asia, Africa and Latin America) whose economic and political structures have been deformed within the colonial process, and to black, Asian, Latino, and indigenous peoples in North America, Europe and Australia” (Mohanty & Torres, 1991, p. ix)—a definition I apply throughout this study. I recognize that the term has been largely replaced by Global South in the academic and political discourses. However, my use of the term is deliberate, reflecting its use in the works, theories and concepts that I reference in this book.

  2. 2.

    While it is widely used and circulated in political, cultural and scholarly discourses in Turkey, the secular/Islamist divide is also subject to criticisms which I also find relevant. Kandiyoti’s (2012) analysis is particularly insightful, showing that this divide has been symbolically constructed by political actors to maintain their hegemony. The use of this dichotomy in my analysis is based on its prevalence in the discourses and the societal impact of the evolving constructions and changing interpretations of the secular/Islamist divide in Turkey. (I would like to thank the anonymous reviewer of the book proposal for pointing out this need for clarification).

  3. 3.

    For an account of Fatma Aliye’s (1862–1936) life and the gender debates in the Ottoman Empire of her time, see Direk (2018).

  4. 4.

    Nezihe Muhiddin (1889–1958) was an activist associating herself with the suffragette movement and was the Women’s People Party leader. The formal application for establishing the party was rejected. In 1924, she became the president of the Women’s Union (Coşkun, 2023).

  5. 5.

    There were previous attempts to initiate a multi-party regime during the 1920s and 1930, however the newly founded political parties rapidly attracted the reactionaries who were against the Kemalist elites and thus were soon closed by the CHP (Ahmad, 1993).

  6. 6.

    In 1992, Turkey’s rank in United Nations Development Program’s (UNDP) Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) was 98 among 116 countries (UNDP, 1995, p. 85). GEM index measures gender inequality in “women’s participation in political decision-making, their access to professional opportunities and their earning power” (p. 72).

  7. 7.

    For further discussions and accounts of feminism in Turkey in the 1990s, see Aksu, B. & Günal, A. (2002) 90’larda Türkiye’de Feminizm. İstanbul, İletişim Yayınları.

  8. 8.

    For an extensive study of the Islamic business and upper classes in the AKP era, see Yankaya, D. (2014). Yeni İslami burjuvazi: Türk modeli, İstanbul: İletişim and Akçaoğlu, A. (2018). Zarif ve dinen makbul: Muhafazakar üst-orta sınıf habitusu. İstanbul: İletişim.

  9. 9.

    Asuman Özgür Keysan illustrates this divergence in her research about women’s NGOs in Turkey and shows the opposing understandings of Kemalist and Islamist NGOs. See Keysan, A. (2019) Activism and Women’s NGOs in Turkey: Civil Society, Feminism and Politics (1st ed.). See also Marshall (2005) and Akboga (2014).

  10. 10.

    Turkey ranked 105th in 2006, 129th in 2009 and 133rd in 2021 of 145 countries in the Global Gender Gap Index. https://countryeconomy.com/demography/global-gender-gap-index/turkey

  11. 11.

    See Tokdoğan (2018, 2020) for an extended discussion of emotions of ressentiment and victimhood in the AKP’s and Erdoğan’s discourses.

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    Petek Onur

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Onur, P. (2024). Introduction: Studying Muslim Women in Ethnographic Discourse—A Background. In: Ethnographic Discourses on Women and Islam in Turkey. Modernity, Memory and Identity in South-East Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-50875-2_1

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