“Fortunately, I Have My Field”: Changes and Permanencies in Kanak Family Farming

Abstract

In this chapter, we examine the main transformations that have marked Kanak family farming and describe in particular the ways that monetarisation and globalisation have influenced Kanak custom. First, we briefly recall the historical foundations of Kanak family farming. We then describe the transformations that have swept through it: changes in the functions associated with Kanak family farming, the magnitude, the technical evolutions and the methods of deriving value from products obtained from agricultural activities, hunting and fishing, embedded in wider relationships of exchange and territorial anchoring. We go on to explore the sustainability of the non-commercial dimension of these activities. We conclude with lessons we can learn from the practice of family farming in order to think about its place and its contribution to the rural New Caledonian world and more broadly in future economic models.

1 Introduction

In this chapter, we track the trajectory of Kanak family farming by taking into account the cultural foundations of clan (or tribal/community) organisation – largely hybridised today with settler, mainly European culture and language, but still playing a structuring role. Among these foundations are the marginalisation and relative confinement of Kanak people in reserves during the early days of colonisation, the still-present influence of those spatial logics and the way actors perceive and interact with labour and product markets while maintaining a continuity between the productive and domestic spheres.

Firstly, we briefly recall the historical foundations of Kanak family farming. We then examine the transformations that have swept through it: changes in the role of farming, the magnitude, the technical evolutions and the methods of deriving value from products obtained from agricultural activities, hunting and fishing and how these are embedded in wider relationships of exchange and territorial anchoring. We go on to explore the sustainability of the non-commercial dimension of these activities.

These themes exist in the literature. Several studies on Kanak society have noted not only the permanence and the resilience of customary values but also their transformations and their hybridisation with a market economy that was established and expanded with European settlement from the 1850s (Guiart 1998; Leblic 1993; Bensa and Leblic 2000; Demmer and Salaün 2006; Faugère 1998; Faugère and Merle 2010; Kowasch 2010). Other studies highlight the risks of a non-economic interpretation of Kanak social dynamics, while pointing out the Kanak specificities in New Caledonian society. These emphasise the Kanak world’s relationship to work and the detailed rationales behind accumulation by rural households (Mercoiret et al. 1999; Gorohouna 2011; Gaillard and Sourisseau 2009).

The available literature has little to say on the dynamics of microeconomic and social change, beyond the unresolved debate between those who fear the disintegration of Kanak society and its subsumption by the market economy and those seeing hope of innovation among New Caledonia’s indigenous population that will allow the maintenance of their societal foundations and preservation of clan relationships and their link to the natural environment. Bensa and Freyss (1994) concluded that “For the time being, money is more soluble in Kanak society than Kanak society in money ....” But they did not explore in any detailed way the possibility of maintaining agricultural activities, hunting and fishing or even continued residence in Kanak villages, on customary lands while in – or adjacent to – “western” society. They focused more on the capacity of tradition to control the consumption of consumer goods and to separate economic and political power. They noted the durability of this separation, as well as the maintenance of high levels of food self-sufficiency, which implied the maintenance of agricultural production and hunting, fishing and gathering activities. One of their original observations was to say that maintenance of tradition has an economic logic, as well as important social value. In the rationale of New Caledonia’s “assisted” economy (with substantial subsidies from France and overseas imports), it is difficult for products from Kanak family farming to find their place in a very narrow market dominated by large importers or European farmers. New Caledonia also has a high cost of living and wages that limit the interest in, and the profitability of, agricultural work. These activities therefore remain weakly monetarised. In the end, for Kanak households, money can only be earned through waged labour, mainly from public employment and more recently from mining opportunities. This situation does not favour the rise of agrarian capitalist entrepreneurs.

2 Recent History of Kanak Family Farming

2.1 From Segregation by Confiscation of Land and Confinement…

The structuring of Kanak society and its associated production systems were deeply modified by colonisation. The transformation started with the demographic and health shocks brought with the first contacts in the 1840s (mainly with Marist missionaries in the north of Grande Terre). Then, after the French takeover in 1854 and the prevarications between the various colonial projects (penal servitude, free colonisation from France and mining), the Feillet plan (1893–1905) marked the beginning of colonisation through settling European farmers, which displaced Kanak communities. In parallel with the expropriation of land for these free settlers, the French colonial administration organised and enforced the confinement of the Kanak, subjected to the Code de l’Indigénat (Indigenous Code; Merle and Muckle 2019). Thus, the reduction in available land due to confinement, and the need to find time to work at remunerative activities in order to be able to pay the colonial capitation tax, compelled the Kanak to radically simplify their agricultural production systems. Their bundles of land rights were either made irrelevant or overridden. The extensive pre-colonial agricultural techniques (terraces, ridges) declined, along with their mastery of tuber cultivation over thousands of years (Haudricourt 1964). The number of crop combinations, rotations and fallow periods all decreased. While horticultural know-how remained the foundation of the Kanak agricultural model, its refinements faded away (Barrau 1956), and fields requiring less attention and care made their appearance. The garden, still organised around the cultivation of taro and yam, continued to exist but at lower densities. Other plants, more rustic and requiring less husbandry (taro from New Hebrides, legumes), were incorporated into cropping systems (Barrau 1956; Saussol 1979). While cattle husbandry remained rare, pigs became part of livestock systems, especially in the Loyalty Islands. Hunting, ancestrally limited to the fruit bat, expanded to other species following the ill-controlled multiplication of pigs and wild deer, initially introduced for domestication.

The Kanak responded to the scarcity of land and the need to work with a simplification of crop management sequences and the rapid adoption of alternative solutions, but adaptation to the new circumstances also necessitated livelihood diversification. Households began combining agriculture, fishing and hunting with wage labour. The “mining boom” period in the late 1960s resulted in a diversification of activity systems towards employment in the mines. Subsequently, the French government decided to help manage the economic depression that followed the boom, with more provision of administrative or government jobs (Freyss 1995).

Despite the abolition of the Code de l’Indigénat, expansion of reserves and a mishmash of development efforts, Kanak agriculture was largely ignored by the public authorities until the 1970s. The Opération Café, to encourage the Kanak to cultivate coffee, is emblematic of the effort to improve the living conditions of community populations in response to rising demands for their independence in the late 1970s. This significant operation had mixed success despite the significant financial and human resources that were committed to it. In any case, agricultural and social policies did not reverse the feeling of marginalisation among Kanak people (Kohler and Pillon 1986).

Today, New Caledonia enjoys a specific political status, a result of the Matignon-Oudinot Accords (1988) and the Nouméa Accord (1998), signed in response to the violent expression of claims for Kanak independence in the 1980s. In addition to a programmed transition to independence, still in negotiation in 2023, this status created three provinces endowed with significant powers. After decades of marginalisation linked to the settlement of colonisers of European origin, these recent political changes have considerably improved the integration of the Kanak in the market economy.

2.2 … to Current Kanak Family Farming

Even though Kanak agriculture has been marginalised historically, confined to unfavourable soils by colonial land seizures and displacement of Kanak communities, it continues to play a key role in household food security, non-commercial exchanges and the local economy. Nowadays, family farming in communities still exists, but surveys and agricultural statistics show difficulties in measuring its non-commercial elements (self-consumption and exchanges) and the “informal” dimensions of agricultural production. For example, the general agricultural censuses (ISEE/DAVAR 2004, 2013; ITSEE 1993) propose snapshots of the agricultural sector and interesting diachronic syntheses, but the majority of Kanak households involved in agricultural production are invisible in them. This is because the information is largely based on the measurement of production for which accounting records are maintained. Also, a threshold is applied corresponding to a level of production and/or minimum surface area cultivated. The agricultural population is therefore only partially described, and the volume of its production is underestimated. A survey conducted in 2011 of 1786 Kanak households representing 12.5% of the population residing in communities (Guyard et al. 2013a) showed that almost all families have at least one field but that production varies considerably.

Harvested agricultural volumes (from fields and home gardens) reflect the importance of community agriculture. They amounted to 31,000 tonnes in 2010, with tubers and bananas accounting for more than half (respectively, 10,000 tonnes of tubers and 6000 tonnes of bananas, that is to say an average of 940 kg tubers/household and 550 kg bananas/household). The provinces do not all contribute equally to production: the North Province generates half of the community crop production, the Loyalty Islands Province one-third and the South Province only 13% where Kanak people living on customary land represented only 6% of the population (Guyard et al. 2014) and 9% of customary land (DITTT, ADRAF 2019). Specifically, the North Province produces half of the tubers (mainly on the Northern East Coast) and 80% of the bananas (mainly in the North). The Loyalty Islands produce half of the coconut crop (mainly on Ouvéa and Lifou) and 42% of fruit (excepting bananas) and field vegetables. Maré is conspicuous for its production of tubers. While almost every domestic group owns at least one field, the quantities harvested vary: 25% of domestic groups generate 60% of the total volume, each of them harvesting an average of 6.5 tonnes per year (with a minimum of 3.3 tonnes). On the other hand, 50% of the domestic groups contribute only 12% to the total agricultural production of Kanak people on customary lands (860 kg on average) (Guyard et al. 2014).

Most of all, this research confirmed the economic importance of farming and hunting/fishing activities for community populations: product sales make nearly 16.7 million € from a total of 276 million € of monetary income, which is just 6%. For each domestic group, the mean is 120 € from a mean total income of 2045 € per month. At first glance, this monthly income may seem high compared to the average disposable income in metropolitan France (36,740 € in 2017 or 3061/month), but the average cost of living is 33% higher than in France. Some items are considerably more expensive than in France (64% for communications and 73% for food) but only 2% more for transport. Furthermore, the average size of domestic groups is 4.9 people, compared to 2.2 in France in 2017. Agricultural monetary income is higher in the Loyalty Islands Province (166 €/month) than in the North Province (106 €) or in the South Province (91 €) (Guyard et al. 2014).

However, by including home consumption, gifts and customary transfers, the value of these agricultural activities rises to 65 million €. This figure is not insignificant when compared to the market agricultural production captured by official statistics: 87 million € (DAVAR, ISEE 2011). For domestic groups, their total income from agricultural and hunting/fishing activities thus amounts to 755 € on average from a total of 2677 € per month. It amounts to 825 € for the domestic groups of the Loyalty Islands Province, 816 € for those of the North Province and 500 € for those of the South Province. With this method of calculation, the ranking of provinces with the highest average income (agricultural and non-agricultural) varies. In terms of monetary income, it is in the South Province where the average monthly income is the highest, at 2305 € per month against 2103 € for the Loyalty Islands Province and 1902 € for the North Province. However, taking into account the non-market value of agricultural and hunting/fishing products, the Islands Province (2757 €) overtakes the South Province (2707 €) and the North Province (2606 €) (Guyard et al. 2013b).

Even though we cannot incorporate the value of social and cultural practices by putting a price on products given away, exchanged or consumed within the family, this calculation shows that the wealth generated by agricultural and hunting/fishing activities cannot be reduced to their commercial dimension. The amount of time devoted to these activities, the volumes produced and exchanged and their contribution to incomes, food and social capital leave no doubt: agriculture, hunting and fishing continue to occupy a central place in the economy (in its broader meaning) of the Kanak clans and communities in all parts of the territory, including of those in close proximity to urban centres and development hubs (Guyard et al. 2013a). Even though Kanak family farming has historically been marginalised and confined to unfavourable land, it continues to play a key role in household food security, non-commercial exchanges, the local economy and the maintenance of customary, family and social ties.

This study also revealed the prominent place of income from waged labour for households living in communities, which reflects a gradual transformation of activity systems over time. Wages and other incomes from “self-employment and odd jobs” now represent, on average, 60% of the monetary income of domestic units. We will now discuss the combination of family farming with hunting and fishing activities and other work activities (wage labour, entrepreneurship, etc.).

3 Rural Activities in Kanak Communities: A Way to Understand Recent Economic and Social Recompositions?

Throughout the archipelago’s precolonial and colonial history, agricultural, hunting and fishing activities constituted the economic core of Kanak organisation, to provide food for the households as well as to build power relationships and alliances within and between clans. These activities therefore have a social dimension and their implementation has adapted to the major historical periods. Today, the Kanak farming systems are very diverse, especially in technical terms and in the way in which production generates value. Nevertheless, Kanak family farming continues to rely on:

• The production of tubers (yam, taro and, more recently, cassava) as also other food plants (with a particular role for the banana), grown on small plots, mainly with manual labour. There is very limited access to inputs and hired labour.

• A sophisticated management of genetic material, based on the maintenance of diversity and the dissemination of knowledge and techniques and the exchange of clones and varieties.

• Geographical specialisations in the combination of agriculture, fishing, hunting and gathering, which more or less structure long-distance exchange systems.

• Very limited pig and poultry farming activities.

• Very often a distant and restricted relationship with markets: we observe the recent and limited appearance of one or two commercial farms per municipality by some Kanak agricultural entrepreneurs, most often on land allocated to groups subject to special local rules (groupement de droit particulier local, GDPL) or on rented land, but always separated from food and customary plots.

An element of durability is the involvement not only of domestic groups but also of the individuals who compose them. In 2010, 93% of Kanak domestic groups residing in communities owned at least one field, and 90% of all working-age people (85% of 39,000 workers over 16 years of age) reported farming, hunting, fishing or gathering activities, and for 56% of them, these were their only activities in the year. The survey also showed that 72% of individuals between the ages of 14 and 15 also took part in these activities and that, occasionally, even younger children did so. The changes therefore concern the intensity of involvement in community activities, more than this involvement itself (Guyard et al. 2014).

Figures specific to Kanak agriculture are hard to come by, but Françoise Brune (1993) studied the “food” fields of four communities located along the Koné-Tiwaka transversal route during the 1991–1992 agricultural season. She built on Jacques Barrau’s survey in 1952 (Barrau 1956), and the work is invaluable for tracking historical transformations. Both surveys were conducted prior to the inauguration of the current road (in 2000), which we can assume has greatly increased the mobility of these communities and therefore modified their activity systems. These four communities were chosen to be typical of a coastal environment on the leeward coast (Oundjo in the West), two contrasting inland settings (Atéou and Bopope) and a coastal environment on the windward coast (Kokengone in the East).

Representative results at the community level cannot be derived from the IAC survey realised in 2011 (Guyard et al. 2014), and therefore a strict comparison is not possible. However, case studies on the Koné-Tiwaka communities add to the data collected by the later statistical study. The communities in question straddle two areas of the North Province for which the IAC survey is representative: the area known as the Western Spaces (communes of Poya, Pouembout, Koné and Voh) and the area called the Ocean Coast (communes of Hienghène, Touho, Poindimié and Ponérihouen). These areas are much larger and add up to a population of 14,000, while the four communities of Tiwaka had a total of only 650 inhabitants in 1991 (Brune 1993). In both cases, the surface areas were calculated from the footprint of one plant of the crop concerned, using the same conversion scales. The number of plants is probably slightly underestimated by the IAC survey. Indeed, the method uses estimations, and some plots may have been overlooked, while Brune and Barrau were accurate and exhaustive in their assessments.

Between 1952 and 1991, per capita acreage of tubers plummeted from 461 to 136 m²/inhabitant. This drastic decline concerned all types of tubers, but taro was the most affected (from 170 to 25 m²/inhabitant, with a quasi-disappearance of irrigated taro). The yam, which has the most symbolic value, was the least affected, with the areas under cultivation appearing to bottom out at a low threshold of production necessary to meet household needs for food and customary donations; the quantity of the latter has been revised downward, notably because money and other foodstuffs could be used. For banana, the acreages decreased by half (from 128 to 57 m²/inhabitant), which is commensurate with the less demanding character of the plant and less rigorous management, although with more crop losses. Between 1991 and 2010, the area under cultivation continued to fall, but the pace had slowed down, and more importantly, the decline was mainly for cassava. Yam acreages per capita seemed to be stable, around 40 m² per inhabitant, especially if one considers the conditions of the comparison. We note that the surface areas were very similar, in aggregate, over the whole of the North Province and the two zones of the Western Spaces and the Ocean Coast. For bananas, on the other hand, the estimated areas increased significantly. At first glance, the decrease in cassava, which is not very demanding in terms of labour, means we can assume that the time devoted to tuber cultivation has not changed significantly over the last 20 years. The increase in banana acreages can be explained by the fact that this crop has low labour requirements and is valued for its culinary qualities. Bananas have also been used to “mark” or lay claim to land, in a context of competing land tenure claims and tensions. This may explain land use trends after the decline in cultivation observed between 1952 and 1991. Moreover, while other crops, especially fruit trees and open-field vegetables and fruits, occupied only 10% of the surface areas along the Koné-Tiwaka route in 1991, they represented nearly 25% in the North Province in 2010. Even though these other crops are less widespread, they nonetheless form part of the agriculture practised in Kanak villages.

With respect to Jean Freyss’s thoughts on diversification of household incomes resulting from New Caledonia’s “assisted economy” (1995), we find it difficult to judge the processes of attraction/repulsion to the labour market in the nickel sector or to paid work in public administration. We lack points of comparison or benchmark data on fishing and hunting for the 1990s. And yet, community agricultural activity seems to have endured despite an increase in off-farm options and was estimated in 2010 to be close to its 1991 level. This is despite the period being much more favourable economically, with high nickel prices and a level of foreign direct investment that boosted the economy (Geronimi and Blaise 2016) and also a much lower unemployment rate and considerable social progress (CEROM 2008).

The case of the communities around Voh, Koné, Pouembout (VKP) and Poya in the North Province is interesting. With the recent growth of VKP as a Kanak-dominated urban hub anchored by the Koniambo mine (see Chaps. 8 and 9 by Kowasch and Merlin, and Demmer in this book), with associated local economic development and subcontracting work, a decline in local activities in the communities located nearby would be expected. Indeed, the firm Émergence estimated that almost all of the households and domestic groups of the Koné and Pouembout communities had at least one of their members employed in 2008 (Emergence 2008). However, the IAC survey shows that domestic groups residing in this area maintain an above-average non-monetary income from agricultural, fishing, hunting and gathering activities (680 € against the average of 635 €). The region’s development does not seem to have had an impact on the time spent on these (Guyard et al. 2013a). Figure 6.1 shows that the time invested in agricultural and hunting/fishing work in the Espace de l’Ouest (Voh, Koné, Pouembout and Poya) is close to the time spent in agricultural activities by individuals in Kanak villages on the East Coast (Côte Océanienne), more distant from the mining and urban hub. Formal employment opportunities are much rarer on the East Coast. But the average hours spent on other activities are almost as great as for individuals in the South Province, while the average hours spent on other work activities is close to those of individuals in the South Province and Greater Nouméa.

Fig. 6.1

Time spent in agricultural work and in other activities by an individual. (Source: Guyard et al. 2013a)

4 Kanak Farming Systems: Still Complex and Responsive to Innovation

Historically, as we have outlined, the sale of crops produced on household gardens has been limited. The choice of crops, at least as far as tubers are concerned, has remained stable. Aside from rare exceptions, in 2010 the estimate by the IAC community survey of the proportion of products sold commercially is not high (13% of the products, see Fig. 6.2).

Fig. 6.2

Destination of food system products in 2010, the prevalence of the non-market. (Source: Guyard et al. 2013a)

The development of more intensive and specialised orchards, fruit and vegetable production using the cultivation techniques disseminated by agricultural services has only occurred among a small number of domestic groups (Fabert 2013; Guyard et al. 2014). This has been a hesitant change in farm configurations, marginally affecting the agricultural practices of the “core” of the food system, which consists of the tuber-banana combination, more specifically the yam-banana association. The banana, as already noted, retains a special place in Kanak agriculture and contributes to the permanence of agricultural activity. Growing bananas does not restrict pursuing other livelihood activities, so it is highly compatible with pluriactivity.

In the end, even if some diversification of cropping systems is underway, the surface areas devoted to the heart of the Kanak agricultural food system do not seem to be diminishing and nor is the proportion of yams in crop rotations. The strong economic development of the past two decades has not been accompanied by a decline in food cultivation. One hypothesis is that in a logic of social reproduction, it is strategically important to maintain a minimal productive base even as household income shifts to wages. There is a “threshold” – the lowest amount of activity necessary to activate social links via exchanges and an active relationship. Since the 1980s, the surface areas farmed and the labour mobilised have stabilised.

To understand the richness, diversity and complexity of technical systems and cropping practices, it is necessary to observe them directly, along with the composition of agricultural plots. Insights into this complexity are provided by a study by Gaillard (2007) on the different cropping practices of yam-based gardens, an extremely rich PhD and book by Godin (2009, 2015) on the yam cultivation calendar of the Tendo community (Hienghène) and an analysis of Kanak traditional gardens by Fabert (2013). As far as yams are concerned, the typology established by Gaillard (2007) defines five cropping systems which are part of three production systems (differentiated according to the degree of market integration of products), which are themselves included in three activity systems (differentiated by social anchoring to the producer’s clan and community) (Table 6.1).

Table 6.1 Typology of yam-based cropping systems

The first two cropping systems (“all manual” and “not very intensive”), emblematic of the “traditional” subsistence system, retain many of the attributes from those observed by Brune in 1991 or even by Barrau in 1952. They concern more than a third of all Kanak gardens (in all configurations, Fabert 2013) and almost three-quarters of plots dedicated to yams.

In the traditional cropping systems studied, two yam species – Dioscorea esculenta and, in particular, Dioscorea alata – dominate very widely. There is an average of more than ten varieties on each plot, a statistic confirmed by Fabert (2013). As noted by Barrau in the 1950s, these varieties are mainly hardy ones and require shallow planting and limited soil preparation. The focus on these varieties has led to the loss of the more delicate and demanding varieties present before colonisation, such as the old “batane”, which could reach three metres in length. Diversity has therefore altered, mainly through abandonment but also through the introduction of varieties from other archipelagos in the region, especially those originating from agronomic research institutes. But some diversity does exist and continues to follow the same rationales and objectives as in the past. Firstly, early first-crop varieties as well as varieties harvested later (second crop) are planted to spread consumption over the season and optimise conservation operations. Since the 1950s, third-crop varieties have become rarer, but despite proven increased hardiness, the staggering of crops still seems to work well with the genetic material available. Secondly, diversity makes it possible to distribute production according to the various functions assigned to it. A clear differentiation exists between yams for day-to-day consumption, yams for sale, yams for seeds and yams for customary purposes exists, as do differentiated cropping practices.

Today, the revival of new yam ceremonies, with an increase in attendance and the quantities that are exchanged, and the existence of seed fields dedicated to the conservation of clones and varieties at by clans or communities demonstrate the sustainability of practices that maintain a minimum level of cultivated biodiversity (Gaillard 2007).

The same logic is observed for the banana. For this crop, diversity is managed more at the territorial level ¬and less at the plot level. This is to adapt to the different conditions of the archipelago but also for strategic reasons (Fabert 2013). Furthermore, the distinction between the “real” old bananas with customary value and the “dessert” bananas introduced more recently shows the durability of the cultural aspects of Kanak agriculture and proves that Kanak farmers possess the fine knowledge required to cultivate the different varieties (Kagy and Carreel 2004).

The traditional yam cropping systems observed involve regular periods of agricultural work over the year. Pre-planting operations are especially important, with special attention paid to the making of ridges, and then digging holes, with extended tillage to loosen the soil. The richness of the various techniques of staking deserves mention: choice of poles and ties, the geometry, choice of knots according to the varieties, etc. They are all indicative of the special care that farmers take. In the same way, manual harvesting always follows strict rules concerning not only who is authorised to “pull out” the yam but also the techniques to use so that the tubers are not damaged and can be preserved. For the entirety of the technical itinerary of yam production, the erosion of knowledge and the loss of the genetic quality of the plants observed in 1991 by Brune does not seem to have worsened (Fabert 2013). Recent studies (Fabert 2013; Bouard et al. 2020) indicate instead a continuity in the care accorded to symbolic plants – the yams first and foremost among them – in conjunction with a diversification of production systems with an acceptance of other plants and other techniques, as long as they do not adversely affect the heart of the food system.

The practices also reflect changes and adaptations made over time, indicative of the ability of producers to innovate despite the codification imposed by customary requirements. For example, production systems now include different types of gardens, since crop diversification leads to the reallocation of cultivated spaces and new ways of managing fallows. Indeed, even if the latter have shortened in duration, the practice of fallowing is still widespread, especially because the use of fertilisers is still very marginal. Fabert (2013) distinguishes seven types of gardens, four specialised (tubers and banana) and three diversified. More than 90% of the domestic groups in the IAC survey cultivate a combination from these two categories of gardens. Depending on the type of gardens, producers draw on the availability of land in mountain areas or on riverbanks and manage five blocks of crops in an overall logic, as shown in the following figure.

Farming systems are increasingly incorporating small-scale motorisation, appreciated because it reduces drudgery and greatly decreases time spent on cultivation activities. Small tillers, tractors and pumps are important innovations because they facilitate pluriactivity and the combination of agricultural and wage labour. Even for the workers who do not earn income outside the community, the time saved can be devoted to collective work and other customary tasks. There is some commercialisation of cropping systems through leasing and contract services. We are even witnessing the emergence of a category of Kanak entrepreneurs who diversify the use of their machines, initially meant for soil levelling or for obtaining public road-maintenance contracts and now being offered for clearing and tilling fields (Bassuel 2013). Other innovations are also being adopted to save time, including a change in the method of yam staking/trellising (Figs. 6.3 and 6.4). The pressure of wild deer and pigs consuming crops is also leading changing plot location, with a tendency to group them together and move them closer to homes or at least to roads, where they are easier to monitor. It also encourages the proliferation of fences and traps, innovations that have specific support programmes from the provincial technical services. Fabert (2013) notes that “the evolution of Kanak gardens and their organisation shows the dynamic side of their traditional aspect through the use of modern tools and practices, ensuring that they are always up-to-date and always compatible with the new socio-economic constraints of today” [p. 1]. Similar conclusions can be reached for fishing and hunting activities, whose techniques have evolved through adaptation to time constraints. There have been technical innovations, like improvements to the quality and reliability of boats, new ways of managing fishing zones and understanding marine spaces and access rights to them (Léopold et al. 2009).

Fig. 6.3

Different organisations of yams on a ridge. Source: authors

Fig. 6.4

Yam on narrow ridges with simplified staking. (Credit: Fabert 2013)

An impression of diminishing community agriculture persists largely because of the inability of statistical techniques to adequately capture the underlying trends. Our observations put “the strong tendency towards regression” or a perceived reduction in time devoted to agriculture in context. While the surface area devoted to tubers has decreased and is not possible to estimate accurately the changes over time in Kanak gardening, we know that the time devoted to community activities has not reduced. It is not possible to capture the regulatory function in terms of employment attributed to community agriculture (as also in fishing and hunting), which provides workers during good economic times and reabsorbs them during less favourable ones. The sustainability of activities and the food system is evident from available data, and adaptive strategies are being implemented that incorporate anchoring to the land and maintaining its economic and social implications, while also participating in the wage labour market.

5 Conclusion

Recent transformations like the increase of monetary wages for Kanak households have rarely translated into the total abandonment of farming and hunting/fishing activities. The data collected for the year 2010 by IAC shows that a monetary wage is not systematically reinvested in agriculture and especially not in the purchase of equipment (Guyard et al. 2014). The unwillingness to do so confirms the importance that these families accord to the traditional identity and cultural dimension of family farming. From the perspective of cultural identity, agricultural activities have to be maintained, even if the time spent “in the community” is more and more reduced and fragmented. The following few quotes collected during the large statistical survey in 2010 illustrate the social and identity value accorded to agriculture: “Community agriculture is very important for our lives in order to perpetuate our culture and our traditions” (Galilée, Poindimié, 11/08/2011). “A Kanak must have his field of yam, taro, and banana” (Gohapin, Poya, 04/07/2011). In addition, as far as the destination of their products is concerned, domestic groups rarely “benefit” from a favourable local market. The market is often far from the house and the community, and 49% of households do not have a car. Moreover, in the context of the high prices that characterise the New Caledonian economy (Dalmas et al. 2016), self-consumption of cultivated, bred, hunted or fished products is of fundamental importance and perceived as such: “Fortunately, I have my field! There are bananas, yams... There is balance, no question of a great deal of shopping” (Baco, Koné 12/07/2011). [Given the] high cost of living: the field is indispensable for us!’ (Mou, Lifou, 27/09/2011). The following statement perfectly embodies this dual function attributed to Kanak agriculture: “Agriculture is sacred, it is something that comes to us from our ancestors, we must not forget to respect the earth that nourishes us ... the high cost of living will bring young people back to the field” (Unia, Yaté, 13/10/2011).

To conclude, these outcomes highlight that Kanak domestic groups continue to undertake agricultural and hunting/fishing activities, even though some members leave to work outside the community. The growth of development hubs, around mine sites like the large one around Vavouto, the increase in the level of education and the improvements in material conditions of life are not systematically synonymous with a decline in agricultural activities or with continuing to fish and hunt. The persistence of these activities is explained not only by their non-commercial dimension and relative independence from the commercial food system but also, perhaps, by the recentness of economic development. Furthermore, a strategy for conserving natural capital and for maintaining a high level of social capital through gifts of agricultural products could be relevant in the context of a fluctuating economy based on mining income. Previous generations still have not forgotten having to “return to the soil” during the nickel crash of the 1970s. Kanak family farming thus retains its roles, even in a context of major economic change, marked by the industrialisation of the local economy.