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The Leap Forward: The Benefits and Challenges of the Institutionalization of Macedonian Sociology (1960s–Early 1970s)

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A History of Macedonian Sociology

Part of the book series: Sociology Transformed ((SOTR))

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Abstract

The processes of professionalizing and institutionalizing Macedonian sociology progressed from the earliest such initiatives in the mid-1950s, the first sociological courses and empirical research in the late 1950s and the early 1960s, to the establishment of the first sociological research institute in Skopje in 1965. It took a bit more time, however, for Macedonian sociology to acquire the label of a resolute discipline and situate itself as an undisputed scientific discourse. In this chapter, I map all the major events against the background of the emerging anti-dogmatic sociology in and beyond Yugoslavia. I also highlight the episodes of cross-national sociological knowledge transfers in the 1960s and finish up with the formative sociological exchanges in Macedonia from the late 1960s and the early 1970s.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The altercation built upon a far more complex prehistory and unfolded in a series of political and legal maneuvers in the 1960s (a brief overview in Bešlin 2021).

  2. 2.

    Crvenkovski assumed high-profile positions in the wartime anti-fascist movement and was awarded an Order of People’s Hero in 1953. In the 1950s, he was a federal Minister of education and culture, while in 1963, he rose to the top of the Macedonian communists, serving as a Secretary of the Party from 1963 to 1969 (for an overview, see Radičeski 2013).

  3. 3.

    An all-Yugoslav sociological conference was held in Ohrid in May 1965, hosting more than 100 participants (Tomović 1968, 164–165).

  4. 4.

    Bojanovski-Dize signaled that he himself conducted similar surveys “during the previous years” (Bojanovski 1954, 467). Those exploratory attempts were formative for the research methodology of collective fieldwork in the course of 1952 and 1953: the major rationale was to allow the informants to speak uninterruptedly, while the interviewers were provided strict guidelines on when and how to intervene during the conversations, mostly concerning information related to quantitative data.

  5. 5.

    Taneski held degrees in philosophy and law from the Skopje University and was a journalist and an editor of the post-war Radio Skopje. He joined the Faculty of Economics in 1960 as a sociology instructor.

  6. 6.

    Joel Halpern (1929–2009), an American ethnographer and anthropologist, one of the forerunners of the second wave of family relations research in Yugoslavia mentioned in the first chapter, was considered to be part of the Greek research team due to his vast fieldwork experience in the country (Tolic 2019, 58–59).

  7. 7.

    From a similar background was Zbigniew Sufin (1932–2023), the other Polish sociologist on the team of four, who was also on the board of the initial Polish project-team for developing the Skopje plan. He also had experience in social surveying in several Polish towns during the late 1950s and early 1960s.

  8. 8.

    Some of the faculty of the PMF ended up cooperating with the ITCA and the UN, such as Mitko Panov, who authored a report about the history of Skopje. Stoilko Ivanovski proceeded with co-authoring a study about the functioning of the self-management system in the post-earthquake conditions, funded by the Ministry of Science and published in 1964 (Ivanovski et al. 1964).

  9. 9.

    The Macedonian instructors were chosen from the pool of ITCA’s associates, while the interviewers were students from different faculties in Skopje. Mimoza Nestorova-Tomiḱ (b. 1929), a Macedonian architect associated with the ITCA, appeared to be a fit for the co-head position for the social survey as she had attended an urban sociology course during her fellowship in the USA in the early 1960s and knew English. She also recalls the kindness and cooperativeness of the Poles, who supported her and provided her materials in urban sociology before the study (Trajanovski 2021a, 17).

  10. 10.

    Most illustrative is the case of Sinadinovski, anew, who pitched a research project about the political participation and integration of the Macedonian Albanians in the early 1960s, which was to be conducted by a team of 10 researchers and 30 interviewers of INI, whose director was Hristov at that point, “since there [was] no sociological institute in Skopje” (Sinadinovski 1988, 279–304).

  11. 11.

    The reinvigorated research agenda also allowed for a reconsideration of Cvijić’s work from a “sociological standpoint” (Kostić 1963, 13–14) as its methodological precursor, as well as a come-back of some scholars who had done corresponding research in the past, such as Erlich (e.g., Erlich 1964).

  12. 12.

    As a result of the 1953 Yugoslav-Turkish Gentlemen’s Agreement, a mass emigration of non-Slavic and Slavic Muslim populations from southern Yugoslavia and especially Macedonia to Turkey took place. Nearly 140,000 people emigrated in the course of the 1950s (more in Pezo 2018).

  13. 13.

    Trifunoski continued investigating the Macedonian zadrugas in the early 1970s, publishing a paper on this topic in Belgrade’s journal Etnološki pregled (in Taševa 1997, 65).

  14. 14.

    Such theoretical “eclecticisms” are in line with the observation of Halpern and Hammel about the leeways of the Yugoslav sociology of the 1960s (1969, 24).

  15. 15.

    Milosavlevski and the sociological circle at the Faculty of Law in Skopje found some of the ideas about workers’ democracy and self-management of Mito Hadži Vasilev-Jasmin (1922–1968) as a local precursor for their positions (Milosavlevski and Nedkov 1968). Hadži Vasilev-Jasmin was a high-profile Macedonian post-war communist, journalist, historian, and politician, and a member of the SKM’s Presidency and its section for ideology.

  16. 16.

    Milosavlevski’s Revolution and Democracy (1968) was translated into Serbo-Croatian in 1969 and Slovene in 1970. He supposedly rejected the position of a director of Belgrade’s Institute of Social Sciences in the late 1960s (Georgievski 2014).

  17. 17.

    Taškovski, as a director of the SKM’s training center, was aware of the minutes of the Yugoslav-Bulgarian meetings about the Macedonian nation. His archival fund contains such minutes starting from 1970. In MASA Archive “Haralampie Polenakoviḱ” in Skopje, Dragan Taškovski Fund, Stenografska beleška od razgovorite pomeǵu delegaciite na SFRJ i NR Bugarija, održani vo Sofija na den 9, 10. XI 1970. Interestingly enough, Taškovski’s earlier historiographic work about the medieval past was hinted at by the Bulgarian delegation as problematic in the late 1960s (Crvenkovski 1998, 65–91).

  18. 18.

    A thesis corresponding to Hroch’s non-simultaneity of phase B, that it the success of the national agitation (Hroch 2019). For a more detailed overview of the antiquization narrative of the Macedonian ethnogenesis, see Vangeli (2011) and Majewski (2013).

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    Naum Trajanovski

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Trajanovski, N. (2024). The Leap Forward: The Benefits and Challenges of the Institutionalization of Macedonian Sociology (1960s–Early 1970s). In: A History of Macedonian Sociology. Sociology Transformed. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-48869-6_3

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