Abstract
The establishment of the Humboldtian university model and the decisive role allotted to the humanities within it permitted an ongoing formation of new specialized disciplines and subject areas which continually challenged the initial organization. During the nineteenth century, a number of new disciplines and faculties, such as the natural sciences, the life and health sciences, the social sciences, economics and the sciences of business economy and administration, began to establish themselves and assert their independence from the faculty of arts. Often originating in this faculty but also establishing alternative faculties, these disciplines began to offer all sorts of specific empirical and pragmatic forms of knowledge and know-how.
In so far as they investigate human modes of being, these disciplines also offer empirical and pragmatic knowledge that add to and may begin to compete with the understanding of the human provided by the traditional humanities. This development establishes not only a new, clear-cut distinction between letters and science, but also the conception of the humanities as a distinct activity in the shape of ‘Geisteswissenschaft’. The separation between forms of knowledge that concern themselves with nature and culture leads not only to subsequent interaction, but also to competition, clashes and science wars. If the humanities are to assert themselves in this context, they can hardly remain self-centred but are forced to study and interact with the ‘new-fangled’ important corpora of knowledge. Measuring up to the challenge constituted by competing knowledge has remained a task ever since.
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Notes
- 1.
Wallerstein et al. (1996): Open the Social Sciences: Report of the Gulbenkian Commission on the Restructuring of the Social Sciences, p. 6.
- 2.
Høyrup (1997): From Hesiod to Saussure, from Hippocrates to Jevons: An Introduction to the History of Scientific Thought, p. 609.
- 3.
Schmidt-Biggeman (2003): ‘New Structures of Knowledge’, pp. 527–30.
- 4.
Wallerstein et al. (1996): Open the Social Sciences, p. 7.
- 5.
Wallerstein et al. (1996): Open the Social Sciences, p. 7.
- 6.
Concerning mathematics and chemistry, this is also the case in their relation to the faculties of philosophy and medicine respectively, see Bockstaele (2004): ‘The Mathematical and the Exact Sciences’.
- 7.
Bockstaele (2004): ‘The Mathematical and the Exact Sciences’.
- 8.
Holmes (2011): The Age of Wonder: How the Romantic Generation Discovered the Beauty and Terror of Science.
- 9.
Whewell (2001): The Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences 1, p. cxii.
- 10.
- 11.
Collini (1993): ‘Introduction’, pp. vii-lxxiii.
- 12.
- 13.
- 14.
Canguilhem (1943/1966/1972/1992). Le normal et le pathologique.
- 15.
Foucault (1966): Les mots et les choses, pp. 137–176.
- 16.
Foucault (1966): Les mots et les choses, pp. 238–245, 275–293.
- 17.
Darwin (1859/2008): On the Origin of Species.
- 18.
Bynum (1994): Science and the Practice of Medicine in the Nineteenth Century.
- 19.
- 20.
- 21.
In 1833 and 1937–40, Professor Johannes Müller published the monumental Handbuch der Physiologie des Menschen in two volumes which contributed to make Berlin a European centre in the discipline (Leikola (2004): ‘Biology and the earth sciences’, p. 523–524).
- 22.
Prominent examples of this kind of turn towards a pathology are: Broussais (1821/2015): Examen des doctrines médicales et des systèmes de nosologie; Bernard (1865/1966): Introduction à l’étude de la médicine experimentale; Virchow (1871): Die Cellularpathologie in ihrer Begründung auf physiologische und pathologische Gewebelehre.
- 23.
See also Raffnsøe (2013): ‘Pathology and Human Existence’ for an exposition of how the new conception of sickness in medicine is tied to a notion of health as the ability to overcome and reassert existence in a new form when confronted with challenges but also to the notion of a morbid human existence that finds its particular expression in relating to and mirroring its own decomposition and death as ever-present challenges.
- 24.
Guagnini (2004): ‘Technology’, p. 603.
- 25.
Guagnini (2004): ‘Technology’, p. 608.
- 26.
Guagnini (2004): ‘Technology’, p. 608.
- 27.
Guagnini (2004): ‘Technology’, p. 597.
- 28.
Guagnini (2004): ‘Technology’, p. 599.
- 29.
Guagnini (2004): ‘Technology’, pp. 611–631.
- 30.
Wallerstein (1999): The End of the World as We Know it: Social Science for the Twenty-First Century, p. 14.
- 31.
Still, Comte also aired the possibility that sociology might, at the end of the day, be relocated and incorporated within what might prove to be ‘the last gradation in the grand hierarchy of sciences’, ‘Anthropology’, as the true and final science of the human being. This happened when Comte, towards the end of his life in his Systéme de politique positive, tried to follow through a ‘path (voie)’ ‘finally’ opened by his ‘eminent predecessor, Gall’ but ‘which had been previously prepared by Cabanis and Leroy’. ‘Definitively combining [combinant irrévocablement] our positive knowledge [connaissance] of the soul [l’âme] with that of the body [corps]’, the theoretical approach opened by these physiologists would seem to ‘lead to [aboutir à]’ and make it possible to ‘ultimately systematize the true study of man (la véritable étude de l’homme)’. According to Comte, the implications or bearings [la portée]’ of this ‘scientific revolution [révolution scientifique]’ had hitherto ‘hardly been sufficiently understood by physicians or priests’ since it had been inappreciable until he himself, by founding sociology, ‘had finalized the encyclopedic preparation [la preparation encyclopédique] which the systematic arrival of anthropology in the true sense of the word [l’avénement systématique de la véritable anthropologie], for which one should also retain the sacred name of morals, required’. ‘Only when this final condition [condition finale] was effected’ and had led him ‘to construct a sound cerebral theory on subjective conditions’, ‘the seventh and last gradation in the grand hierarchy of abstract sciences could be characterized as distinctly as all the others’ (Comte (1852/1970): Système de politique positive ou Traité de sociologie. Deuxième volume, p. 437).
- 32.
Durkheim (1894/1981): Les règles de la méthode sociologique, p. ix.
- 33.
- 34.
Wallerstein (1999): The End of the World as We Know it.
- 35.
For the articulation of a prehistory leading up to this stage, cf. also Foucault (2009): Security, Territory, Population: Lectures at the Collège de France 1977–1978, pp. 101–110. Cf. equally Raffnsøe and Eliassen (2020): ‘The Appearance of an Interminable Natural History and its Ends: Foucault’s Lectures on The Birth of Biopolitics at the Collège de France 1979’, pp. 35–39.
- 36.
Wallerstein et al. (1996): Open the Social Sciences, p. 18.
- 37.
Lepenies (1992): Between Literature and Science: The Rise of Sociology.
- 38.
- 39.
Wallerstein et al. (1996): Open the Social Sciences, p. 13.
- 40.
Lepenies (1992): Between Literature and Science: The Rise of Sociology, pp. 13–15.
- 41.
Backhouse (2002): The Penguin History of Economics, p. 164. Cf. also the discussion on the status of political economy in Foucault (2004): Naissance de la biopolitique. Cours au Collège de France, 1978–1979, pp. 15–25/Foucault (2008): The Birth of Biopolitics. Lectures at the Collège de France 1978–1979, pp. 13–21.
- 42.
Backhouse (2002): The Penguin History of Economics, p. 166.
- 43.
‘It was the French, apparently, who first made a practice of speaking of l’économie politique, and even they normally meant by it politics rather than economics until about 1750. By then a large body of writing had grown up on trade, money, national income and economic policy, and in the second half of the eighteenth century “political economy” at last acquired its familiar specialized sense, the science of the wealth of nations. The shorter “economics” is a late nineteenth-century innovation that did not capture the field until Marshall’s Principles of Economics in 1890’ (Finley (1979): The Ancient Economy, p. 21; italics in Finley’s text).
- 44.
Backhouse (2002): The Penguin History of Economics, p. 167.
- 45.
Fleck (1935/1980): Entstehung und Entwicklung einer wissenschaftlichen Tatsache, pp. 146–165.
- 46.
‘In its established usage, a paradigm is an accepted model or pattern. […] In grammar, for example, “amo, amas, amat” is a paradigm because it displays the pattern to be used in conjugating a large number of other Latin verbs […]’ (Kuhn (1962/2012): The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, p. 23).
- 47.
‘In a science, […] paradigms gain their status because they are more successful than their competitors in solving a few problems that the group of practitioners has come to regard as acute. To be more successful is not, however, to be either completely successful with a single problem or notably successful with any large number. The success of a paradigm – whether Aristotle’s analysis of motion, Ptolemy’s computations of planetary position, Lavoisier’s application of the balance, or Maxwell’s mathematization of the electromagnetic field – is at the start largely a promise of success discoverable in selected and still incomplete examples’ (Kuhn (1962/2012): The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, p. 24).
- 48.
According to Thomas Kuhn, the modern scientific ‘Copernican Revolution’ formed the blueprint for a scientific revolution in so far at it was ‘a revolution in ideas, a transformation in man’s conception of the universe and of his own relation to it’ (Kuhn (1957/1987): The Copernican Revolution, p. 1). Something similar can be said concerning the later upheaval in economic thought described here.
- 49.
- 50.
Estrup et al. (2004): Den økonomiske teoris historie – en introduktion, p. 65.
- 51.
Gossen’s early, only belatedly recognized, work serves as a counterexample to the general rule that contributions to the emerging independent discipline of economics were published by professionalized and specialized scientists since its author worked in the Prussian Civil Service until he retired in 1847 to work on the book and sell insurance until his death. Cf. also Walras (1874/1926): Éléments d’économie pure, p. vii.
- 52.
Backhouse (2002): The Penguin History of Economics, p. 166.
- 53.
Like Gossen’s Entwicklung der Gesetze des Menschlichen Verkehrs, Jevons’ paper ‘Brief Account of a General Mathematical Theory of Political Economy’, published in 1862, foreshadowed analytical approaches and insights that were later to become crucial, but raised limited interest when it was presented. The impact of the latter paper, however, was enhanced decisively when it was included as Appendix III to Jevons’ monograph The Theory of Political Economy, pp. 303–314.
- 54.
Walras (1874/1926): Éléments d’économie pure. Ou théorie de la richesse sociale. The monograph was published in consecutive editions revised by Walras. While the first edition was published in 1874 and 1877, the second, third and fourth came out in 1889, 1896 and 1900. The fifth and final edition was published in 1926. The English edition Walras (2014): Elements of Theoretical Economics. Or the Theory of Social Wealth follows the third edition.
- 55.
Cf. ‘Chapter 9: The Rise of American Economics, 1870–1939’ in Backhouse (2002): The Penguin History of Economics, pp. 185–210.
- 56.
Kuhn (1962/2012): The Structure of Scientific Revolutions.
- 57.
Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 1.
- 58.
‘Labour was the first price, the original purchase-money that was paid for all things. It was not by gold or by silver, but by labour, that all the wealth of the world was originally purchased; and its value, to those who possess it, and who want to exchange it for some new productions, is precisely equal to the quantity of labour which it can enable them to purchase or command’ (Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 26).
- 59.
‘Labour alone […] is the ultimate and real standard by which the value of all commodities can at all times and places be estimated and compared’ (Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 29).
- 60.
- 61.
Milgate and Stimson (2009): After Adam Smith. A Century of Transformation in Politics and Political Economy, p. 264; italics in original text.
- 62.
Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 25.
- 63.
Ricardo (1817/1977): On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation, p. 377.
- 64.
For a more nuanced picture of the complex relationship between the contributors to the school of marginalism situated in different parts of Europe than can be provided in this overview, please confer: Groenewegen (2007): ‘English marginalism: Jevons, Marshall and Pigou’; Horwitz (2007): ‘The Austrian Marginalists: Menger, Böhm-Bauwerk, and Wieser; Walker (2007): ‘Early General Equilibrium Economics: Walras, Pareto, and Cassel’. Inter alia, contributors and adherents to the new neoclassical paradigm differed with regard to the role attributed to history and mathematics in economics.
- 65.
Jevons (1871/1911): The Theory of Political Economy, pp. 75–76.
- 66.
Jevons (1871/1911): The Theory of Political Economy, p. 304; italics in citation.
- 67.
Jevons (1871/1911): The Theory of Political Economy, pp. 305–306.
- 68.
The marginalists also claimed that the general laws of marginal utility would apply to the productive sphere in so far as Jevons claimed that ‘labour will be exerted both in intensity and duration until a further increment will be more painful than the increment of produce thereby obtained is pleasurable. Here labour will stop, but up to this point it will always be accompanied by an excess of pleasure’ (Jevons (1871/1911): The Theory of Political Economy, p. 307).
- 69.
‘If a person has any useful object, but an object belonging to another person would have greater utility, he will be glad to give the one in return for the other. But it is a necessary condition that the other person will likewise gain, or at least not lose by the exchange. Whether the exchange will take place or not can only be ascertained by estimating the utility of the objects on either side, which is done by integrating the appropriate functions of utility up to the quantity of each object as limits. A balance of utility on both sides will lead to an exchange’ (Jevons (1871/1911): Theory of Political Economy, p. 308).
- 70.
Milgate and Stimson (2009): After Adam Smith. A Century of Transformation in Politics and Political Economy, p. 265.
- 71.
Walras (1874/1926): Éléments d’économie pure.
- 72.
To Walras, ‘the pure and perfect political economy [l’économie politique pure]’ that he aimed at establishing in his monograph was essentially to be understood as the theory of how prices are established or determined [‘la théorie de determination des prix’], but under the hypothetical assumption that a system of absolutely free competition existed [‘sous un regime hypothétique de libre concurrence absolue’] (Walras (1874/1926): Éléments d’économie pure, p. xi). Whereas Walras considered his pure economy to be an idealized model, he nevertheless regarded it as an abstract interpretation or modelling of the real existing economy.
- 73.
Walras (1874/1926): Éléments d’économie pure.
- 74.
Walras (1874/1926): Éléments d’économie pure, p. xi, italicized by Walras. Since goods would in and through the process of exchange be distributed in society, the theory of price and the theory of distribution could according to Walras be said to form two sides of the same coin.
- 75.
After first being printed in the Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. xxix, in 1866, the paper was later reissued as ‘Appendix III’ to Jevons (1871/1911): The Theory of Political Economy, pp. 303–314.
- 76.
Jevons (1871/1911): The Theory of Political Economy, pp. 303–304.
- 77.
Jevons (1871/1911): The Theory of Political Economy, pp. 303–304.
- 78.
Robbins (1932/2007): An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science, p. 15.
- 79.
Robbins (1932/2007): An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science, p. 16; italics in original text.
- 80.
Robbins (1932/2007): An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science, pp. 14–15.
- 81.
Idem.
- 82.
Robbins (1932/2007): An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science, p. 14.
- 83.
Cf. Raffnsøe and Staunæs (2024): Planetary Conversations on the Anthropocene, forthcoming.
- 84.
Especially contributors to human capital theory and related areas, among others Theodore William Schultz, Gary Stanley Becker and Richard Posner, have played a leading role in the application of economic analysis to map and explain patterns of human behaviour in a very broad sense. Cf. in particular Schultz (1971): Investment in Human Capital: The Role of Education and Research; Becker (1964/1993): Human Capital. A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis with Special Reference to Education; Becker (1976/1990): The Economic Approach to Human Behavior; Becker (1993): A Treatise on the Family; Becker (1996): Accounting for Tastes; Becker and Murphy (2000): Social Economics. Market Behavior in a Social Environment; Posner (1973): Economic Analysis of Law. For the development of and the discussion concerning the relationship between economics and economic sociology, cf. also Swedberg (2002): Principles of Economic Sociology.
- 85.
Becker in particular takes pains to stress the generalizability of the economic approach: ‘Indeed, I have come to the conclusion that the economic approach is a comprehensive one that is applicable to all human behavior, be it behavior involving money prices or imputed shadow prices, repeated or infrequent decisions, large or minor decisions, emotional or mechanical ends, rich or poor persons, men or women, adults or children, brilliant or stupid persons, patients or therapists, businessmen or politicians, teachers or students. The applications of the economic approach so conceived are as extensive as the scope of economics in the definition given earlier that emphasizes scarce means and competing ends’ (Becker (1976/1990): The Economic Approach to Human Behavior, p. 8. Becker also stresses that the economic approach is generalizable to the point that ‘even irrational decision units must accept reality and could not, for example, maintain a choice that was no longer within their opportunity set’ (Becker (1976/1990): The Economic Approach to Human Behavior, p. 167). The generalization of the economic approach and its application to aspects of human life and behaviour that had at an earlier stage seemed to lie outside the field of economics and to be inscrutable to economic analysis has also been termed ‘economics imperialism’. Already in 1933, Ralph William Souter predicted that the ‘salvation of Economic Science’ could be sought ‘in an enlightened and democratic ‘economic imperialism’, which invades the territories of its neighbours, not to enslave them or to swallow them up, but to aid and enrich them and promote their autonomous growth in the very process of aiding and enriching itself’ (Souter (1933): Prolegomena to Relativity Economics, p. 94). The remarkable enlightened imperialist expansion of economic sciences has allowed the subjection of a wide array of human behaviour to economic analysis, inter alia the fields of crime and law, tastes, morals and religion, science and research, culture and the family, and politics and sociology.
- 86.
For further discussion of the notion of dispositional influence, cf. Raffnsøe (2002): ‘English Summary’, in particular p. 396. Cf. also Raffnsøe et al. (2017): ‘Foucault’s dispositive: The Perspicacity of Dispositive Analytics in Organizational Research’ & Raffnsøe (2013): ‘Beyond Rule; Trust and Power as Capacities’.
- 87.
For Adam Smith, ‘political economy, considered as a branch of the science of a statesman or legislator, proposes two distinct objects: first, to provide a plentiful revenue or subsistence for the people, or more properly to enable them to provide such a revenue or subsistence for themselves; and secondly, to supple the state or commonwealth with a revenue sufficient for the public services. It proposes to enrich both the people and the sovereign’ (Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 375).
- 88.
Estrup et al. (2004): Den økonomiske teoris historie – en introduktion, p. 75.
- 89.
Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, pp. 397, 400.
- 90.
Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, pp. 400–401.
- 91.
Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 401.
- 92.
- 93.
‘As every individual […] endeavours as much as he can both to employ his capital in the support of domestic industry, and so to direct that industry that its produce may be of the greatest value; every individual necessarily labours to render the annual revenue of the society as great as he can […]’ (Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 400).
- 94.
As every individual is ‘continually exerting himself to find out the most advantageous employment for whatever capital he can command’ in order to promote his own advantage, ‘the study of his own advantage naturally, or rather necessarily, leads him to prefer the employment which is most advantageous to society’ (Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 398).
- 95.
Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, volume II, p. 126.
- 96.
Smith (1776/1991): An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, p. 400.
- 97.
Smith (1759/1982): The Theory of Moral Sentiments, pp. 184–185. In this connection, Smith not only points out how individuals’ persistent effort to further their own gain and attain wealth and greatness, as well as the interaction between these efforts, forms an important condition of possibility for the (re)distributive intervention of the invisible hand. Smith equally emphasizes that constant struggle is not simply a natural drive that can be taken for granted and at face value. Instead, it is an endeavour that calls for further illumination. According to Smith, the individual’s effort to obtain ‘the magnificence of wealth and greatness’ is on closer inspection predominantly motivated by its ‘vanity’ and its ‘love or distinction’, or its wish to stand out in ways that compel the admiration of the spectators, rather than by the need or the want to acquire the commodities in themselves: ‘To one who was to live alone in a desolate island it might be a matter of doubt, perhaps, whether a palace or a collections of such small conveniences as are commonly contained in a tweezer-case would contribute most to his happiness and enjoyment. If he is to live in society, indeed, there can be no comparison, because in this, as in all other cases, we constantly pay more regard to the sentiments of the spectator, than to those of the person principally concerned, and consider rather how his situation will appear to other people, than how it will appear to himself’ (Smith (1759/1982): Theory of Moral Sentiments, p. 182). Moreover, the reason why individuals admire and seek to emulate the condition of the rich and the great is not even that they imagine that the possession of wealth in itself provides the rich more pleasure and that ‘they are really happier than other people’. Instead, the individual agents picture to themselves only that the wealthy ‘possess more means of happiness’; and this possession of the means to happiness rather than the possession of happiness is the ‘principal source’ of ‘admiration’. In so far as this kind of ‘love of distinction’ and search for admiration in the eyes of the spectators is what drives the ongoing ambition to acquire wealth that calls for the intervention of the invisible hand, deception, self-deception and a certain tragic irony also come to form an important condition of possibility for the activation of the mechanism of the invisible hand: ‘Through the whole of his life’, the individual pursues the idea of a certain artificial and elegant repose which he may never arrive at, for which he sacrifices a real tranquillity that is at all times in his power, and which, if in the extremity of old age he should at last attain it, he will find it to be in no respect preferable to that humble security and contentment which he had abandoned for it’ (p. 181). ‘But in the languor of disease and the weariness of old age, the pleasures of vain and empty distinction of greatness disappear. […] To one, in this situation, they are no longer capable of recommending those toilsome pursuits in which they had formerly engaged him. In his heart he curses ambition, and vainly regrets the ease and indolence of youth, pleasures which are fled for ever, and which he has foolishly sacrificed for what […] can afford him no real satisfaction’. In this light, ‘power and riches’ begin to appear ‘to be, what they are, enormous and operose machines contrived to produce a few trifling conveniences to the body, […] immense fabrics, which it requires the labour of a life to raise, which threaten every moment to overwhelm the person that dwells in them, and which […] can protect him from none of the severer inclemencies […]. They keep of the summer shower, not the winter storm, but leave him always as much and sometime more exposed that before, to anxiety, to fear, and to sorrow, to diseases, to danger and to death’ (pp. 182–183). Despite these important drawbacks for the individuals and the tragic irony that they end up experiencing, it is nevertheless, according to Smith, at the end of the day ‘well that nature imposes upon us in this manner’ in so far as the progress of human civilization originates in the described mechanism. Deceiving itself by imagining that it toils in its own best interest, the individual human being ends up working to the benefit of the human species, and the cultivation of the earth: ‘It is this deception which rouses and keeps in continual motion the industry of mankind. It is this which first prompted them to cultivate the ground, to build houses, to found cities and commonwealths, and to invent and improve all the sciences and arts, which ennoble and embellish human life; which have entirely changed the whole face of the globe, have turned rude forests of nature into agreeable and fertile plains, and made the trackless and barren ocean a new fund, and the great high road of communication to the different nations of the earth. The earth by the labours of mankind has been obliged to redouble her natural fertility and to maintain a greater multitude of inhabitants’ (Smith (1759/1982): The Theory of Moral Sentiments, pp. 183–184).
- 98.
- 99.
- 100.
- 101.
Raffnsøe (2013): ‘Beyond Rule; Trust and Power as Capacities’, p. 256.
- 102.
While, on the one hand, emerging as an important new specialized and independent discipline and subject area at the university towards the end of the nineteenth century and at the beginning of the 20th, the science of business economics and administration, on the other hand, constituted itself by amalgamating approaches from various disciplines described in Chap. 4. In this way, the development that will be described in the present part also anticipates new overlaps between existing disciplines and faculties. This is an evolution that will become predominant from the beginning of the twentieth century and that will be described in Chap. 5.
- 103.
Roberts et al. (2004): ‘Exporting Models’, p. 256.
- 104.
Shils and Roberts (2004): ‘The Diffusion of European Models Outside Europe’, p. 164.
- 105.
Clark (2006): Academic Charisma and the Origins of the Research University, pp. 462–464. Cf. also Khurana (2007): From Higher Aims to Hired Hands. The Social Transformation of American Business Schools and the Unfulfilled Promise of Management as a Profession. Khurana stresses that ‘what emerged was not a simple transplant of the German system to American soil but rather a uniquely American hybrid. In one institution, a series of unanticipated combinations now coexisted: undergraduate education along with graduate education; teaching with research; the pursuit of ‘pure’ science with technical and vocational training; and service to society with the provision of opportunities for individual cultivation and economic advancement. The result constituted much more than an academic revolution, for it generated implications for virtually the entire American population and almost all of the nation’s major social institutions’ (p. 75). The description of the emergence of the American business school in this subchapter (Chap. 4.8.1) and the following two subchapters (Chap. 4.8.2 and 4.8.3) is indebted to Khurana’s comprehensive study. Of course, Khurana’s monograph provides a more detailed and satisfactory articulation of the development than the description in this and the following two subchapters.
- 106.
‘Well past 1850, the chief method of legal education was the apprenticeship: The student read law in an older lawyer’s office; he did much of the hand copying of legal instruments that had to be done before the day of the typewriter; and he did many small services in and about office, including service of process. Sometimes the older man might take these incidental services as his pay for his preceptorship’ (Hurst (1950): The Growth of American Law, p. 256).
- 107.
Medical schools ‘were essentially private ventures, money-making in spirit and object. […] No applicant for instruction who could pay his fees or sign his note was turned down. […] the man who had settled his tuition bill was thus practically assured of his degree whether he had regularly attended lectures or not’ (Flexner (1910): Medical Education in the United States and Canada, p. 7).
- 108.
Clark (2006): Academic Charisma and the Origins of the Research University, pp. 16–17.
- 109.
Mencken (1966): Supplement I. The American Language: An Inquiry into the Development of English in the United States, p. 529; italics by Mencken.
- 110.
Khurana (2007): From Higher Aims to Hired Hands, pp. 67–68.
- 111.
Khurana (2007): From Higher Aims to Hired Hands, pp. 51–85.
- 112.
Chandler (1977/1993): The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business.
- 113.
‘Modern business enterprise took the place of market mechanism in coordinating the activities of the economy and allocating its resources. In many sectors of the economy, the visible hand of management replaced what Adam Smith referred to as the invisible hand of the market forces. The market remained the generator of demand for goods and services, but modern business enterprise took over the functions of coordinating flows of goods through existing processes of production and distribution, and of allocating funds and personnel for future production and distribution. As the modern business enterprise acquired functions hitherto carried out by the market, it became the most powerful institution in the American economy and its managers the most influential group of economic decision makers. The rise of modern business enterprise in the United States, therefore, brought with it managerial capitalism’ (Chandler (1977/1993): The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business, p. 1). Cf. also Chandler (1994): Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism.
- 114.
While 80% of the gifts to universities exceeding 50,000 dollars in the period from 1869 to 1900 were given by individuals who had become wealthy as founders or top executives of large business concerns, a large part of these donations was specifically given to technical and practical education of relevance for functioning of the large corporations (Khurana (2007): From Higher Aims to Hired Hands, p. 47).
- 115.
Charles Eliot, The Atlantic Monthly (February 1869), quoted in Cited in Cruikshank (1986): A Delicate Experiment: The Harvard Business School, 1908–1945, p. 17.
- 116.
Wharton’s ‘aim was to replace the ad hoc nature of on-the-job business training with systematic cultivation of a perspective that would combine courses in the knowledge and arts of “modern finance and economy” with the broadening effect of the liberal arts, including a special focus on the then-new social sciences of economics and politics’ (Colby et al. (2011): Rethinking Undergraduate Business Education. Liberal Learning for the Profession, p. 15).
- 117.
Broehl (1999): Tuck and Tucker: The Origin of the Graduate Business School, pp. 32–33; italics in original text.
- 118.
Broehl (1999): Tuck and Tucker: The Origin of the Graduate Business School, p. 33.
- 119.
Broehl (1999): Tuck and Tucker: The Origin of the Graduate Business School, pp. 35–45.
- 120.
- 121.
Cited in Cruikshank (1986): A Delicate Experiment: The Harvard Business School, 1908–1945, p. 35.
- 122.
Donham (1926/1927): ‘The Social Significance of Business’, p. 406.
- 123.
Khurana (2007): From Higher Aims to Hired Hands, p. 137.
- 124.
‘The rise of modern educational systems brings an ideological resolution to the tension between universalistic principles and exclusive privilege embodied in the notion of expertise. Mass access to the lower echelons of the public school system allows the higher levels of de educational system to claim meritocratic legitimations for their selection of entrants. […] The unification of training and research in the modern university is a particularly significant development. As graduate and professional schools emerged at the top of the educational hierarchy, the professions acquired not only an institutional basis on which to develop and standardize knowledge and technologies; they also received, in university training, a most powerful legitimation for their claims to cognitive and technical superiority and to social and economic benefits’ (Larson (1977): The Rise of Professionalism. A Sociological Analysis, p. 136).
- 125.
Khurana (2007): From Higher Aims to Hired Hands, p. 7.
- 126.
‘The analogy business education was implicitly drawing upon here was to clinical training in medicine or to learning legal judgement. Indeed, the famous case method introduced into graduate business education at Harvard Business School by Dean Donham was adopted from the Harvard Law Schools famous case-dialogue pedagogy’ (Colby et al. (2011): Rethinking Undergraduate Business Education. Liberal Learning for the Profession, p. 20).
- 127.
A report issued in 1959 by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, a philanthropic foundation established in 1911 by Andrew Carnegie for the advancement and diffusion of knowledge and understanding, stresses how business schools in the early phase from 1881–1914 in a number of cases developed in conjunction with already existing academic programmes. The business school of Chicago, for example, was established in prolongation of existing courses in railway transportation, finance, banking and money and practical economics (Pierson et al. (1959): The Education of American Businessmen. A Study of University-College Programs in Business Administration. The Carnegie Series in American Education, pp. 35–26). A more recent report issued in 2011 by The Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching highlights that ‘business education began as an effort to establish university training as a way to instill in the then-new occupation of manager an understanding of purpose that was explicitly public in orientation’ (Colby et al. (2011): Rethinking Undergraduate Business Education. Liberal Learning for the Profession, p. 16). The 1959 report recommends that ‘American higher education should continue to strive for balance between’ ‘two traditions’: a tradition that pursues knowledge ‘for its own sake’ and a tradition that ‘would leave ample room for students desiring to prepare for particular careers’. ‘Clearly, they can be made to complement one another […]. Just as clearly, they can be carried to a point where each negates the other’ (Pierson et al. (1959): The Education of American Businessmen, pp. 17–18).
- 128.
Khurana (2007): From Higher Aims to Hired Hands, p. 48.
- 129.
‘As business education in an academic setting becomes an increasingly global phenomenon, the university-based business school in America remains a unique institution. This holds true despite the fact that the American business school, as it evolved in the post-World War era, has become the dominant model for business schools in Europe and elsewhere in the world’ (Khurana and Penrice (2011): ‘Business Education: The American Trajectory’, p. 3).
- 130.
For an examination of the establishment of economics as an independent and self-dependent discipline, cf. the previous Chap. 4.7 in this study.
- 131.
Cf. also the previous chapter (Chap. 4.7) in this study on the emergence of the science of economics as well as the chapter ‘The Professionalization of Economics’ in Backhouse (2002): The Penguin History of Economics, pp. 166–167.
- 132.
Colby et al. (2011): Rethinking Undergraduate Business Education. Liberal Learning for the Profession, pp. 15–16.
- 133.
- 134.
Cited on the web page ‘The Dedication’, Harvard Business School, Baker Library Historical Collections (https://www.library.hbs.edu/hc/buildinghbs/the-dedication.html).
- 135.
Donham (1926/1927): ‘The Social Significance of Business’, p. 415. Khurana also stresses how ‘educators such as Charles W. Eliot, Daniel Coit Gilman, Andrew Dickson White, and others’ ‘saw the university as nothing less than society’s best hope for achieving a humane and progressive social order in the modern world’ (Khurana (2007): From Higher Aims to Hired Hands, p. 367).
- 136.
Raffnsøe et al. (2014): ‘Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855)’.
- 137.
Taylor (1911/2007): The Principles of Scientific Management, p. 8.
- 138.
Taylor (1911/2007): The Principles of Scientific Management, pp. 49, 125.
- 139.
- 140.
Taylor (1911/2007): The Principles of Scientific Management, p. 7.
- 141.
Taylor (1911/2007): The Principles of Scientific Management, p. 9. Taylor also made it clear that ‘the words “maximum prosperity” are used, in their broadest sense, to mean not only large dividends for the company or owner, but the development of every branch of the business to its highest state of excellence, so that the prosperity may be permanent’ (p. 9).
- 142.
Taylor (1911/1919): The Principles of Scientific Management, p. 5.
- 143.
Taylor (1911/1919): The Principles of Scientific Management, p. 5.
- 144.
Rabinbach (1990): The Human Motor: Energy, Fatigue, and the Origins of Modernity.
- 145.
Please cf. the part ‘The Expansion and Inclusion of the Technical Sciences’ earlier in this chapter.
- 146.
Taylor (1911/2007): The Principles of Scientific Management, pp. 49, 51.
- 147.
Mayo (1922): Psychology and Religion, p. 63.
- 148.
Barley and Kunda (1992): ‘Design and Devotion: Surges of Rational and Normative Ideologies of Control in Managerial Discourse’. Donaldson (1995): American Anti-Management Theories of Organization: A Critique of a Paradigm Proliferation; Whyte (1955): Money and Motivation: An Analysis of Incentives in Industry.
- 149.
Mayo (1933): The Human Problems of an Industrial Civilization, pp. 73, 177.
- 150.
- 151.
Bernays (1923/1961) Crystallizing Public Opinion.
- 152.
Bernays (1928/2005): Propaganda.
- 153.
Bernays (1952): Public Relations.
- 154.
McGregor (1960): The Human Side of Enterprise, pp. 5, 7, 47.
- 155.
McGregor (1960): The Human Side of Enterprise, pp. 5–6.
- 156.
McGregor (1960): The Human Side of Enterprise, pp. 5–6.
- 157.
McGregor (1960): The Human Side of Enterprise, p. 47.
- 158.
McGregor (1960): The Human Side of Enterprise, pp. 45–46.
- 159.
McGregor (1960): The Human Side of Enterprise, p. 52.
- 160.
McGregor (1960): The Human Side of Enterprise, pp. 50–51.
- 161.
‘Motivation, the potential for development, the capacity for assuming responsibility, the readiness to direct behaviour towards organizational goals are all present in people. Management does not put them there. It is a responsibility for management to make it possible for people to recognize and develop these human characteristics themselves’ (McGregor (1960): The Human Side of Enterprise, p. 15). Giving his assent to the assertion that the problem of motivation is the only important one in human life, Leonard T. Troland had earlier attempted to draft a ‘systematic treatment of the facts and problems of human motivation’ in order to explain human behaviour (Troland (1928/1967): The Fundamentals of Human Motivation, p. v).
- 162.
- 163.
- 164.
Janet (1931): L’état mental des hystériques.
- 165.
Mayo (1951): The Psychology of Pierre Janet, p. v.
- 166.
Bandura (1994): Self-efficacy.
- 167.
Raffnsøe et al. (2014): ‘Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855)’.
- 168.
The constitution, development and influence of the science of management studies and management thought will be further examined in Raffnsøe (2024): The Human Turn in Management Thought, forthcoming.
- 169.
Académie française (1694/2015): Le dictionnaire de l’Académie françoise, dédié au Roy, p. 639.
- 170.
Balzac (2013): La Comédie humaine, p. 8.
- 171.
Lepenies (1992): Between Literature and Science, p. 5.
- 172.
Bonald (1819): Mélanges littéraires, politiques et philosophiques, pp. 108–15.
- 173.
Lepenies (1992): Between Literature and Science, p. 3.
- 174.
- 175.
- 176.
Riedel (1978): Verstehen oder Erklären? Zur Theorie und Geschichte der hermeneutischen Wissenschaften, pp. 19–27.
- 177.
Kjørup (1996): Menneskevidenskaberne, p. 13.
- 178.
Mill (1843/2011): A System of Logic Ratiocinative and Inductive: Being a Connected View of the Principles of Evidence and the Methods of Scientific Investigation.
- 179.
Dilthey (1883): Einleitung in die Geisteswissenschaften: Versuch einer Grundlegung für das Studium der Gesellschaft und der Geschichte, p. 7. As Gadamer points out in Wahrheit und Methode (1972), the human sciences are thereby ‘far removed from [weit davon entfernt] merely feeling inferior to the natural sciences [sich lediglich den naturwissenschaften unterlegen zu fühlen]. In spiritual imitation of the German classism [Klassik], they rather developed a proud auto-esteem as being the true guardians of humanism [Sachwalter des Humanismus]. […] The concept of formation [Bildung] […] was probably the greatest thought in the 1700s, and exactly this concept describes the element in which the science of the 1800s lives’ (Gadamer (1972): Wahrheit und Methode, pp. 6–7).
- 180.
- 181.
- 182.
- 183.
Snow (1956/1998): The Two Cultures: And a Second Look, p. 9.
- 184.
- 185.
Lepenies (1992): Between Literature and Science.
- 186.
- 187.
Lepenies (1992): Between Literature and Science: The Rise of Sociology.
- 188.
Foucault (1966): Les mots et les choses.
- 189.
For a description of a parallel development within the aesthetic field, see Raffnsøe (2024): Aestheticizing Society: A Philosophical History of Sensory Experience and Art (forthcoming).
- 190.
Hume (1738/1978): A Treatise of Human Nature.
- 191.
Kant (1781/1976): Kritik der reinen Vernunft 1. Kant (1781/1976): Kritik der reinen Vernunft 2. Kant (1785–1786/1978): Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten. Kant (1788/1976): Kritik der praktischen Vernunft. Kant (1800/1978): Logik.
- 192.
- 193.
- 194.
According to Foucault, ‘anthropology as an analytic of man [l’homme] has certainly played a constituting role in modern thought since to a large extent we are not free [detachés] from it. It became necessary at the moment when representation [la representation] lost the power to determine on itself and in a single movement the interplay [jeu] of its syntheses and analyses. It was necessary for empirical syntheses to be performed and ensured [assures] elsewhere than within the sovereignty of “I think”. They had to be required at precisely the point at which that sovereignty reached its limit, that is in man’s finitude [la finitude de l’homme]—a finitude that is as much that of conscience as that of the living, speaking, labouring individual. This had already been formulated by Kant in his Logic, when to his traditional trilogy of questions he added an ultimate one: The three critical questions (What can I know? What should I do? What am I permitted to hope?) then found themselves referred to a fourth, and inscribed, as it were, “to its account [son compte]”: Was ist der Mensch?’ (Foucault (1966): Les mots et les choses, pp. 351–352).
- 195.
Kant (1798/1978): Anthropologie in Pragmatischer Hinsicht. Wilson (2006): Kant’s Pragmatic Anthropology: Its Origin, Meaning, and Critical Significance. Foucault (1961/2008): ‘Introduction à L’Anthropologie’. Raffnsøe (2017): ‘What is Critique? The Critical State of Critique in the Age of Criticism’.
- 196.
Aristotle (circa 350 B.C./1994): Nicomachean Ethics/Ethikon nikomacheion, 1125a5.
- 197.
Luyendijk-Elshout (2004): ‘Medicine’.
- 198.
Calian (2008): Die Erfindung des Menschen: Kants Vorlesungen über die Pragmatische Anthropologie, 1772–1795.
- 199.
Linden (1976): Untersuchungen zum Anthropologiebegriff des 18. Jahrhunderts, p. 1.
- 200.
Kant (1798/1978): Anthropologie, p. 399.
- 201.
Kant (1798/1978): Anthropologie, p. 399.
- 202.
Kant (1798/1978): Anthropologie, pp. 399–402.
- 203.
- 204.
- 205.
Wallerstein et al. (1996): Open the Social Sciences, pp. 21–28.
- 206.
According to Hegel, the ideality of the spirit [die Idealität des Geistes] ‘is in the beginning necessarily given in a still unmediated [unvermittelt] form’. Consequently, the ideality of the spirit initially appears ‘through nature [durch die Natur]’ and in a form that is ‘extrinsic [äuβerlich] to the spirit’. ‘Therefore, we must start from the spirit as it exists captured or detained [befangen] in nature, related to its corporeality [Leiblichkeit], not yet existing by or close to itself [bei sich selbst seienden], not yet released [frei]. This basis for the human being (Grundlage des Menschen) is the object of anthropology [Gegenstand der Anthropologie]’ (Hegel (1830/1970): Enzyklopädie der philosophischen Wissenschaften III, p. 40).
- 207.
Kant (1798/1978): Anthropologie, p. 399.
- 208.
Nussbaum (2003): Cultivating Humanity.
- 209.
Nussbaum (2010): Not for Profit: Why Democracy Needs the Humanities.
- 210.
Dilthey (1883): Einleitung in die Geisteswissenschaften.
- 211.
Armstrong (2011): Reformation and Renaissance.
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Raffnsøe, S. (2024). The Division Between the Different Sciences on the Singularly and Emphatically Human and New Branches of Science. In: A History of the Humanities in the Modern University. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-46533-8_4
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