Abstract
According to Martin Gurri, these are revolutionary times. Information revolutionary times, of which there have only been four in history, because “information has not grown incrementally over history, but has expanded in great pulses or waves.” The fight to secure freedom of expression has reached an exciting new stage. The internet, this brand new form of communication, can enable millions and billions to speak freely. The struggle for freedom of expression has only taken new directions with the advent of the internet, but old fears have remained with us in new guises. As technology advances, speech will prevail, and those who seek to suppress it will also prevail. It is vital for all of us that states do not push their citizens into the digital darkness. The complex framework—which combines legal, political and economic aspects of regulating the internet—is still to be established.
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Notes
- 1.
Gurri (2018), p. 27.
- 2.
Ibid.
- 3.
Balkin (2018), p. 1188.
- 4.
Friedmann (2014), p. 13.
- 5.
Cf. “The ECD provisions, rather than aligning state-level policies, created differences in interpretation during the national implementation process.” OSCE (2011), p. 32. “Under the DSA, the Internal Market will work in a unique and unified way, because up until now Member States have interpreted the e-Commerce Directive in very different ways.” Horváth (2022), p. 12.
- 6.
- 7.
Bennett and Naim (2015).
- 8.
Koebler and Cox (2018).
- 9.
Interpretative insert by the author.
- 10.
Hertig Randall (2016), p. 253.
- 11.
For details on the metaverse concept, see Ball (2021).
- 12.
Newton (2021).
- 13.
This follows the acquisition of Oculus, a VR games company, by Facebook in 2014 for $2 billion. Solomon (2014).
- 14.
- 15.
Tusikov (2017), pp. 400–402.
- 16.
- 17.
Gorwa (2019), p. 14.
- 18.
Ibid., p. 15.
- 19.
Public Service Media and Public Service Internet Manifesto; CM/Rec(2007)16.
- 20.
Lénárd (2021).
- 21.
However, opponents of the theory argue that this would make access significantly more expensive for users. Downes (2016).
- 22.
Kosseff (2017), p. 9.
- 23.
The reasoning was that they are giving space to false or misleading information about vaccinations. Even if the point could be valid, the wording of POTUS was definitely badly chosen. Rodriguez (2021).
- 24.
Bayer (2019), p. 19.
- 25.
Ibid., pp. 20–21.
- 26.
Keller and Leerssen (2020), p. 223.
- 27.
Oster (2015b), p. 367.
- 28.
Park (2013), pp. 946–947.
- 29.
Klonick (2020), p. 2448.
- 30.
LSETTTC (2018), pp. 36–38.
- 31.
Koltay (2017), p. 131.
- 32.
Szigeti and Simon (2016), p. 122.
- 33.
Maroni (2019), p. 17.
- 34.
Buiten et al. (2019), pp. 15–16.
- 35.
Ibid., p. 17.
- 36.
Ibid., p. 18.
- 37.
Helberger et al. (2018), pp. 1–14.
- 38.
Bourreau and Perrot (2020), p. 9.
- 39.
Polyák (2020), p. 140.
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
Of course, only if they did not contribute to the production of the content. I. b. Ibid. The same emphasises the maintenance of the general prohibition of monitoring. I. d), ibid.
- 43.
Although, as we have seen above, legislators and international courts have addressed the question of the justification for notifying service providers, the Manila Principles are clear on the minimum content of notifications:
-
1.
The legal basis for the assertion that the content is unlawful.
-
2.
The Internet identifier and description of the allegedly unlawful content.
-
3.
The consideration provided to limitations, exceptions, and defences available to the user content provider.
-
4.
Contact details of the issuing party or their agent, unless this is prohibited by law.
-
5.
Evidence sufficient to document legal standing to issue the request.
-
6.
A declaration of good faith that the information provided is accurate. Ibid., III. b).
-
1.
- 44.
- 45.
The Special Rapporteur cites the example of the Korean Communications Standards Commission, a quasi-public and quasi-private body established by the Republic of Korea to regulate online content. UNHRC (2011), p. 43.
- 46.
CM/Rec(2018)2.
- 47.
Ibid., 1.3.7.
- 48.
Ibid., 9.
- 49.
Commission Recommendation (EU) 2018/334, (3).
- 50.
UN – OSCE – OAS – ACHPR (2019).
- 51.
Ibid., 3. a.
- 52.
Ibid., 3. d.
- 53.
Bertolini (2021), p. IX.
- 54.
- 55.
However, on the limits of self-regulation, see Bayer (2019), p. 18.
- 56.
Bertolini (2021), pp. 74–83.
- 57.
COM/2021/118 final, p. 1.
- 58.
Ibid., p. 18.
- 59.
Török (2021).
- 60.
The presentation is available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rCplocVemjo/. Berners-Lee (2014), pp. 39–41. The issue is closely related to the issue of digital constitutionalism, which this book does not discuss. See Celeste (2019), pp. 76–99; De Gregorio (2021), pp. 41–70.
- 61.
Cf. “We need laws, not platform policies.” European Parliament News (2021).
- 62.
Wu (2015), p. 309.
- 63.
Gorwa (2019).
- 64.
“A blanket condemnation of self-regulation for being contaminated by the seed of censorship is as mistaken as the view that welcomes self-regulation on the sole grounds that it means (or appears to mean) less governmental intervention.” Tambini et al. (2008), p. 284.
- 65.
Bradford (2023)
- 66.
Fazekas (2020), pp. 907–931.
- 67.
FH (2021), p. 11.
- 68.
Badouard (2020), p. 13.
- 69.
Cf. “Now, however, it is entirely possible that the ultimate cyberlord is government itself.” Yen (2020), p. 145.
- 70.
Kaye (2019), p. 84.
- 71.
Culliford (2020).
- 72.
On the hypothetical demise of Facebook and its ethical and legal implications, see Öhman and Aggarwal (2020).
- 73.
Kaye (2019), p. 84.
- 74.
Dershowitz (2021), p. 44.
- 75.
CM/Rec(2016)5, p. 5.
- 76.
Sanders (2021), p. 171.
- 77.
Cf. “The power of such intermediaries as protagonists of online expression makes it imperative to clarify their role and impact on human rights, as well as their corresponding duties and responsibilities.” CM/Rec(2018)2, 7.
- 78.
CM/Rec(2016)5, 2.1.1.; UNESCO (2023), pp. 55–59.
- 79.
Suzor (2019), p. 114; A declaration for the future of the Internet.
- 80.
Oster (2015a), pp. 123–124.
- 81.
UNESCO (2023), p. 29.
- 82.
“Laws and policies relating to the Internet are developed by State authorities in an inclusive and transparent process which enables the participation of all stakeholders, including the private sector, civil society, academia and the technical community.” CM/Rec(2016)5, 1.4.
- 83.
Commission Recommendation (EU) 2018/334, (30).
- 84.
Puddephatt (2021), pp. 7–9.
- 85.
- 86.
Article-19 (2021), p. 19.
- 87.
Noorlander (2021), pp. 1–4.
- 88.
LSETTTC (2018), pp. 25–27.
- 89.
Sartor (2017), p. 12.
- 90.
“It remains challenging to establish criteria according to which intermediaries’ interventions can clearly be classified as active or passive. Plenty of interventions or activities, particularly regarding content moderation, remain in a grey area.” Barata (2021).
- 91.
Article-19 (2013), p. 14.
- 92.
Sartor (2017), p. 15.
- 93.
Haraszti (1991), p. 25.
- 94.
Jain and Variath (2020).
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Gosztonyi, G. (2023). Possible Directions for the Future. In: Censorship from Plato to Social Media. Law, Governance and Technology Series, vol 61. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-46529-1_12
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