Abstract
Chile is undergoing the energy transition similar to many countries. However, there are key problems and in particular in the context of recognition and restorative justice. There are issues in relation to the Mapuche indigenous communities and their land in the context of clean energy development. Foreign investors need to realize the true cost of such investment which needs to be more ‘just.’ Reform in law and even potentially in the constitution would support the indigenous communities and ensure that development happens with energy justice at its core.
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Keywords
- Energy community
- Chile
- Energy policy failure
- Recognition justice
- Indigenous community
- Restorative justice
- Energy justice
1 Introduction
Throughout much of the twentieth century, energy policy failures were ubiquitous in Chile.Footnote 1 Indigenous groups have long been denied recognition and just outcomes were not delivered across the energy life cycle.Footnote 2 Even as Chile’s democracy reawakened in 1990, multi-national corporations usurped indigenous land and resources without the meaningful consent of affected groups.Footnote 3 Multi-national mining companies easily obtained mining permits or concessions on Chilean land.Footnote 4 The construction of hydroelectric dams along the Bio-Bio River disrupted and flooded Mapuche ancestral lands.Footnote 5 All the while, the richest 20 percent in Chile earn ten times more than the country’s poorest 20 percent.Footnote 6 Lacking recognitional and restorative justice, Mapuche’s ancestral ties to the land continue to go unrecognized and their harms unrestored.Footnote 7
Finally, after a rise in subway fares, and a number of other economic issues driven by Chile’s broader economic model, many Chileans took to the streets.Footnote 8 Protests and unrest came to a head in 2019 leading to the current redrafting of the constitution.Footnote 9 Violence and arson in the 2019 protests lead to a military deployment, where 1000 people were injured and 20 dead.Footnote 10 Months of instability ensued, until formal efforts to craft a constitution were made.Footnote 11 President Sebastian Pinera agreed to hold a referendum, wherein the people voted overwhelmingly to draft a new constitution, and to have a body elected by popular vote draft the document.Footnote 12
Chile elected 155 delegates to a Constitutional Convention tasked to draft a new constitution for the country with social equity and inclusion in mind.Footnote 13 Of the 155 seats, 17 were expressly reserved for indigenous groups.Footnote 14 A key feature of the rejected constitution involved a guarantee that Chile’s land, water, and air resources would be protected and accessible to the people.Footnote 15 The Mapuche’s long-standing resistance to the Chilean state flared even more violent toward mining and logging crews as the country contemplated the draft.Footnote 16 In the end, the new, progressive proposal was rejected by 68 percent of the voters.Footnote 17
Chile finds itself at a crossroads, hungry for a more equitable future, and the Mapuche still without formal recognition.Footnote 18 Comes now the just transition framework to achieve recognition and restorative justice in Chile.Footnote 19 Despite the harm of energy development in Chile, so often shouldered by indigenous groups, Chile has the opportunity to include diverse Mapuche opinions on an even playing field and make right the past wrongs.Footnote 20
2 Chile is Ripe for Change
The failed constitutional convention last year comes after decades of failed energy policy in the Bio-Bio region.Footnote 21 The Mapuche insist ‘water for us is the veins of Mother Earth. We cannot cut our body’s veins just like we cannot cut or intervene in the veins of Mother Earth to build hydroelectric plants.’Footnote 22 And yet, the threats of climate change are more pervasive than ever.Footnote 23 The need for efficient and reliable low-carbon energy sources, like hydropower, is mounting, and Chile is ripe for a change that will offer a balance and just way forward.Footnote 24
Energy justice provides a way to transform and improve clean energy development in the Bio-Bio region. Recognitional justice forges a path to include the Mapuche in the development of renewable energy and possibly even integrate indigenous wisdom into the energy life cycle.Footnote 25 Likewise, restorative justice could engender goodwill between the Mapuche and developers, encouraging more cooperative clean energy for year to come.Footnote 26
To start, a new constitution infused with energy justice principles could facilitate historic cooperation between indigenous groups and foreign investors. Here, Chile has an opportunity to implement just, unambiguous procedures to facilitate the cooperation of indigenous groups, the Chilean government, and foreign investors.Footnote 27 And, by weaving in principles of recognitional and restorative justice, Chile’s second attempt to move a new constitution forward could garner more support from indigenous communities.Footnote 28 A new, collaborative modus operandi can and must be established between the Mapuche, the Chilean government, and clean energy developers to promote environmental justice for all people and a sustainable future for the world.
3 Challenges in Defining Indigenous Ancestral Lands within Chile
A critical first step in pursuing recognitional and restorative justice, however, involves overcoming challenges to define Mapuche ancestral land. Put simply, recognition justice ensures that no one is left behind and that the rights of affected groups are not ignored as energy developers blaze forward toward ever-increasing profits.Footnote 29 Once a group has been left behind, another aspect of energy justice comes into focus: restorative justice.Footnote 30 This involves rectifying harms done and taking preventative action to mitigate future harms.Footnote 31 To recognize an indigenous right to land in Chile and restore land losses, however, the bounds of that land must be known.
As we have seen throughout the twentieth century, the Mapuche’s legal relationship to their ancestral land changed in tandem with political regimes.Footnote 32 In 1972, the Chilean people elected Salvador Allende from the Popular Unity party.Footnote 33 Allende overturned the expropriation of the Mapuche lands and restored much of the Mapuche’s ancestral land to the tribes.Footnote 34 Almost immediately after the Chilean government reestablished Mapuche possession of their lands, though, Augusto Pinochet led a violent coup that overtook the government.Footnote 35 Once in power, Pinochet divided the Mapuche’s communal ‘reducciones,’ which means ‘reductions’ in English, into individual plots of land that would be reappropriated to wealthy Chilean farmers.Footnote 36
While some law exists to provide recourse for the dispossessed Mapuche, recognitional justice is necessary to articulate a clear legal standing for the Mapuche to lay claim to their ancestral land.Footnote 37 Passed in 1993, the Indigenous Peoples Law established protections for indigenous land and water.Footnote 38 While this law provided an institutional and legal framework for indigenous groups to assert their rights, it came with limitations to Mapuche self-determination and required the consent of each family prior to transferring their land rights, as well as approval from the Comision Nacional de Desarrollo Indigena.Footnote 39
Aligned with the energy justice framework, the International Labour Organization (ILO) Convention 169 provided a basis to include indigenous people in the management, use, and conservation of their land’s natural resources.Footnote 40 Still, these laws are insufficient to resolve disputes regarding indigenous sovereignty, land claims, and disputes surrounding natural resource development in disputed lands.Footnote 41 In at least one hydroelectric dispute, the Court of Appeal of Temuco and the Supreme Court of Chile found the government liable for beaching the Mapuche right to consultation.Footnote 42 But, other disputes surrounding Mapuche land claims have yielded different results in the courts.Footnote 43 Therefore, there is no established legal precedence to determine what claim, if any, the Mapuche have over their ancestral lands.Footnote 44 Year in and year out, the Mapuche raise their voices in protest of the disturbance of their land.Footnote 45 Those voices muted by the lack of recognitional and restorative justice in Chile.
4 Conclusion
Despite challenges in defining Mapuche land, just outcomes for clean energy development in Chile are possible within an energy justice framework, and specifically by pursuing recognitional and restorative justice. To meet global decarbonization goals, new investment in hydropower, wind, and solar will require the use of indigenous ancestral land.Footnote 46 Thus, there is no better time to heed the energy justice call for fairness, inclusion, restitution, and acknowledgment of rights in the global transition to a low-carbon economy.Footnote 47 To start, foreign investors should consider the true cost of developing indigenous ancestral land and adequately compensate the Mapuche for their losses.Footnote 48 Next, consent and mutual respect must feature as common practice for clean energy developers.Footnote 49 And finally, Chile’s next constitutional convention would be wise to incorporate principles of energy justice principles in its next draft to the benefit of all.
Notes
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“[E]nergy policy failure: Energy policy failure is any energy policy which does not meet local, national, and international energy and climate goals across the activities of the energy life-cycle and where just outcomes are not delivered.” R.J. Heffron, M.M. Sokołowski. 2022. Defining and conceptualising energy policy failure: The when, where, why, and how. Energy Policy, 161, 4.
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‘Chile installs new constitutional assembly after delay caused by protests’ (France 24, 4 July 2021) <https://www.france24.com/en/americas/20210704-demonstrations-delay-launch-of-chile-s-new-constitutional-assembly> accessed 12 May 2023; Jane Chambers, ‘Chile’s Mapuche indigenous group fights for rights’ (BBC, 26 November 2020) <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-55042838> accessed 12 May 2023; Patricia Rodriguez, ‘Chilean protesters are waving the Mapuche flag. What’s the Mapuche flag, and who’s hoisting it?’ (The Washington Post, 11 November, 2019) <https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/11/11/chilean-protesters-are-waving-mapucho-flag-whats-mapucho-flag-whos-hoisting-it/> accessed 12 May 2023.
- 3.
Jane Chambers, ‘Chile’s Mapuche indigenous group fights for rights’ (BBC, 26 November 2020) <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-55042838> accessed 12 May 2023; Patricia Rodriguez, ‘Chilean protesters are waving the Mapuche flag. What’s the Mapuche flag, and who’s hoisting it?’ (The Washington Post, 11 November, 2019) <https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/11/11/chilean-protesters-are-waving-mapucho-flag-whats-mapucho-flag-whos-hoisting-it/> accessed 12 May 2023.
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L. B. Masters. 2012. Free market environmentalism: Desalination of a solution to limited water resources in northern Chile’s mining industry. Colorado Journal of International Environmental Law and Policy, 23, 268.
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R. Ranjan et al., Mapuche cosmovision and territorial rights: An interdisciplinary approach to understand the conflict of Wallmapu, Chile, 2021. Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities, 13, 9; H. Brady, ‘Native community fights to defend their sacred river from Dam’ (National Geographic, 27 July 2018) <https://www.nationalgeographic.com/culture/article/sacred-san-pedro-river-dam-mapuche-chile> accessed 12 May 2023.
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‘Chile protests: Is inequality becoming worse?’ (BBC, July 31, 2021) <https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-50123494> accessed 12 May 2023.
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Salome Garnier, ‘From dictatorship to democracy: Chile’s outdated constitution’ (Harvard International Review, 15 February 2020) <https://hir.harvard.edu/from-dictatorship-to-democracy/> accessed 13 May 2023.
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R.J. Heffron, L. De Fontenelle. 2023. Implementing energy justice through a new social contract. Journal of Energy & Natural Resources Law, 41, 145.
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“To achieve and maintain an [Social Licence to Operate], the company must be committed not only to restoring the community’s environment and ecosystem to the condition prior to the project, but also make it a better place to live. In addition, if a company leaves a community with various harms and without restoring them, it will negatively affect its SLO for further projects in the same area.” M. Hazratia, R.J. Heffron. 2021. Conceptualising restorative justice in the energy Transition: Changing the perspectives of fossil fuels. Energy Research and Social Science, 78, 11.
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See Alex Ward, ‘Chileans want a more equal society. They’re about the rewrite their constitution to have it’ (Vox, 26 October 2020) <https://www.vox.com/21534338/chile-constitution-plebiscite-vote-pinochet> accessed 13 May 2023.
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See generally Veronica Figueroa Huencho, ‘Mapuche movements in Chile: From resistance to political recognition’ (Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, 21 May 2021) <https://gjia.georgetown.edu/2021/05/21/mapuche-movements-in-chile-from-resistance-to-political-recognition/#:~:text=Most%20of%20the%20lands%20claimed,thousand%20hectares%20in%20this%20region> accessed 13 May 2023.
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M. Hazrati, R.J. Heffron. 2021. Conceptualising restorative justice in the energy Transition: Changing the perspectives of fossil fuels. Energy Research and Social Science, 78, 1.
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R.J. Heffron, ‘The challenge for energy justice: Correcting human rights abuses’ (Palgrave Macmillan, 2021), 20; ‘5 natural disasters that beg for climate action’ (OXFAM International) <https://www.oxfam.org/en/5-natural-disasters-beg-climate-action> accessed 13 May 2023.
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See ‘How-to-guide: Hydropower and indigenous peoples’ (IHA, 2021), 80. https://www.hydropower.org/publications/how-to-guide-on-hydropower-and-indigenous-peoples.
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Stephani, E. (2024). A Pivotal Moment for Energy Community Cooperation in Chile. In: Heffron, R.J., de Fontenelle, L. (eds) The Power of Energy Justice & the Social Contract. Just Transitions. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-46282-5_19
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