Abstract
The Amazon rainforest, the largest forest in the world which surpasses an area of 5,500,000 km2 (and an average drainage basin of 7,000,000 km2) and is home to a diverse and rich ecosystem is shared by Brazil with several South American countries, viz., Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, French Guiana, Guiana, Peru, Suriname and Venezuela. Since almost 60% of Amazon rainforest is within Brazilian borders, it is surprising that to date no climate cases related to Amazon deforestation have been judged. Approximately 17% of this biome has been lost due to logging, fires, illegal mining and the growing agricultural belt—from the State of Mato Grosso reaching the State of Amazonas—but only three cases concerning climate litigation have been presented before the Federal Supreme Court (in Portuguese “Supremo Tribunal Federal”), all of which are awaiting judgment: Allegation of Non-Compliance with a Fundamental Precept n° 708 (in Portuguese “ADPF”), also known as the Climate Fund Case; Direct Complaint of Unconstitutionality by Omission n° 59 (in Portuguese “ADO”), also known as the Amazon Fund Case; and the ADPF n° 760, also known as the Plan for Prevention and Control of Deforestation in the Amazon. Considering that 13,200 km2 was deforested between 2020 and 2021, the main question is why is it taking so long for Brazil to take more extreme measures towards environmental protection? Can climate litigation thrive in a country that has neglected its environment for so long? Therefore, the main purpose of this chapter is to address the future of climate litigation in Brazil, seeking to understand why Brazil is currently behind other countries in terms of sustainable development and environmental protection and why there is no environmental court within the country. Furthermore, this chapter aims to analyse the effectiveness of Article 225 of the Brazilian Constitution, which foresees environmental protection as a duty of the government as well as of its people—who can exercise this duty and right mainly through actio popularis—and to analyse the influence of the decisions issued by the Inter-American Court on the movement of climate litigation in the country, such as the Lhaka Honhat Case v. Argentina and the Advisory Opinion 23/2017.
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Notes
- 1.
IPCC (2021).
- 2.
Ministério das Relações Exteriores (2020).
- 3.
IPAM Amazônia (2022).
- 4.
Agência Brasil (2018).
- 5.
SOS Mata Atlântica (n.d.).
- 6.
Brazil (1988).
- 7.
See translated work of Steigleder (2017), pp. 173–174.
- 8.
- 9.
Wedy (2019), p. 102.
- 10.
See Shalders (2020).This term refers to one of the speeches of the former environment minister Ricardo Salles. In one of the government conferences, he meant that COVID should be used as a distraction to ease environmental laws in the country, favouring ranchers and farmers.
- 11.
STF. ADPF N° 708 (2020b).
- 12.
Sarlet and Fensterseifer (2020).
- 13.
Moura and Freitas (2021), p. 88.
- 14.
STF. ADPF N° 708 (2020b).
- 15.
STF. ADO n° 59 (2020a).
- 16.
Conectas Diretos Humanas (2020).
- 17.
STF (2022).
- 18.
STF. ADPF n° 760 (2020c).
- 19.
Wedy (2021).
- 20.
Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. OC-23/17 (2017).
- 21.
Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos (2020).
- 22.
Sarlet and Fensterseifer (2020).
- 23.
UN A/HRC/RES/48/13 (2021).
- 24.
- 25.
Spring (2020).
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de Aquino, V.E. (2023). The Future of Climate Litigation in Brazil. In: Talukdar, S., de Aquino, V.E. (eds) Judicial Responses to Climate Change in the Global South. Living Signs of Law, vol 2. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-46142-2_2
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