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Identifying as Correctional Officer: A Relational Factor

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Doing Shifts

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology ((PSIPP))

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Abstract

This chapter argues that the process of correctional officers’ identification with their professional role relies on the crucial concept of juxtaposition, where the definition of self is affirmed through differentiation from the other. The chapter investigates how correctional officers’ identities are daily constructed and affirmed through their juxtaposition with inmates and the dominant gendered narratives. It also examines how stigma and preconceptions shape relationships within the penitentiary, and conversely, how these relational dynamics impact and solidify the roles within the prison system. Furthermore, since correctional officers conform to the image of the role that the penitentiary system consistently reproduces, and adhering to it implies a particular representation of inmates, the chapter explores whether this group of people is perceived as distant or part of the same world inhabited by correctional officers. The second part of the chapter shifts the focus from how correctional officers’ perceptions of prisoners impact the construction of their professional identity to their effects on their interactions with inmates. Finally, the chapter focuses on the relational aspect that influences correctional officers’ self-perception or, in other words, “the incredible power of deploying their authority through relational means.” Correctional officers derive satisfaction from being recognized as good professionals capable of earning respect and effectively managing the most challenging cases. Above all, they find contentment in being helpful and efficient. Within themselves and externally, their self-image remains secure. It may not be the role they initially expected, but they have discovered—and are happy to share—a different way to be socially acknowledged as exemplary officers.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The Third Wave was an experimental social movement created by Ron Jones in 1967 to explain how the German population could have accepted the actions of the Nazi regime during the rise of the Third Reich and the Second World War. “How could the Germans behave as they did after the war, claiming that they knew nothing about the Holocaust?” Ron Jones aimed to answer this question and decided to create a game that reproduced the rules of totalitarian societies. “I don't know. Let's try an experiment. I will be the dictator, and you will be the movement,” cited Mark Hancock, his ex-professor, in the interview (Linda Taffee/Palo Alto Weekly, March 2017). Thus, on the first day, Ron Jones initiated discipline by introducing a salute, wearing armbands, standing up, and addressing Professor Jones, all under the slogan “strength through discipline” (Podrug, 2019: 7).

  2. 2.

    Zimbardo writes, “In my own work, I wanted to explore the fictional notion from William Golding's Lord of the Flies about the power of anonymity to unleash violent behavior” (Zimbardo, 2016: 310).

  3. 3.

    The use of desacralized terminology as a coping mechanism through irony and sarcasm should not be underestimated. Dark and black humor is indeed used as a response to navigate difficult work situations in prison, by both correctional officers and prisoners (Bennett et al., 2008; Crawley & Crawley, 2008).

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Correspondence to Serena Franchi .

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Franchi, S. (2024). Identifying as Correctional Officer: A Relational Factor. In: Doing Shifts. Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44553-8_6

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-44553-8_6

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-031-44552-1

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-031-44553-8

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