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Part of the book series: Genders and Sexualities in History ((GSX))

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Abstract

To begin their work quickly, three of the four institutions began life in temporary rented premises. These experimental years tested inmates, staff and the reform process itself. Managing committees began to understand the link between the shape of built space and effective moral reform. Men and women contributed to the evolution of the four case studies in significant but different ways. Using those networks of knowledge exchange examined in Chap. 2, men and women committee representatives undertook fact-finding missions, visiting existing female moral reform institutions to inform themselves on spatial and material practices elsewhere. Having gathered ideas, committees launched funding appeals to garner support for new purpose-built premises. Local newspapers reported on these campaigns and marked significant stages in building construction as cause for municipal pride. Both form and style mattered, as institutional buildings served as metaphors. In bricks and mortar, they expressed and embodied their purpose and meaning as instruments of moral reform. Enclosed by boundary walls, buildings were discreet and modest but also mysterious. Evidence demonstrates that although intended to shield inmates from the public gaze and deter them from running away, boundary walls were permeable.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Residential Institutions in Britain, 1725–1970: Inmates and Environments ed. by Jane Hamlett, Lesley Hoskins and Rebecca Preston (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2013).

  2. 2.

    ‘Ground Rules and Social Maps for Women’ in Women and Space, ed. by Shirley Ardener, (Oxford; Providence RI: Berg, 1993), pp.1–30 (p.3).

  3. 3.

    Lynne Walker: ‘Home and Away: the Feminist Remapping of Public and Private Space in Victorian London’, in The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space ed.by Iain Borden, Joe Kerr, Jane Rendell and others (Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2001), pp.297–310 (p.298).

  4. 4.

    Joy Frith, ‘Pseudonuns’, p.8.

  5. 5.

    Susan Mumm, Stolen Daughters, Virgin Mothers: Anglican Sisterhoods in Victorian Britain (London: Leicester University Press, 1999), p.99. Claire Midgley shows how women’s religious commitment in denominations outside the established church shaped the type and practice of reform activity. See ‘Women, Religion and Reform’ in Morgan, Sue and Jacqueline de Vries, eds, Women, Gender and Religious Cultures in Britain, 1800–1940 (London; New York: Routledge, 2010), pp.138–158.

  6. 6.

    Frank Prochaska argues that philanthropic action was itself gendered, men providing ‘the intelligence and direction’ and women ‘the unflagging industry that kept the institution together’. Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), p.17.

  7. 7.

    For example, Revd Edmund Larken at Lincoln was also Chaplain to the county asylum at Bracebridge in Lincoln.

  8. 8.

    Stamford Mercury, 18 June 1847.

  9. 9.

    DIT Annual Report 1862, list of Council members.

  10. 10.

    Sir John Coleridge, later Attorney General, was visitor at Ditchingham and an early member of the CPA, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/5886, [accessed 1 July 2018]. The Bishops of St Albans, Rochester and Chelmsford were at different times the visitors at Maplestead and Council member Lewis Ashurst Majendie was MP for Canterbury, joining the CPA committee on 10 February 1868, ERO, D/DMh F29. See also CPA Council Minutes, LPL MS 3681. Lord Yarborough was the first President of the Lincoln Home and William John Monson (Lord Monson of Burton), Vice-President. Successive Earls of Yarborough served as President into the 1940s. Several senior members of the university were associated with the Cambridge Female Refuge over the period, such as Dr Edward Perowne, Master of Corpus Christi College, who chaired the managing committee from 1871 to 1888 and served as University Vice-Chancellor from 1879–1881. https://doi.org/10.1093/ref:odnb/35482, accessed 15 June 2019.

  11. 11.

    Sandra Burman Fit Work for Women ed. by Sandra Burman ((London: Croom Helm, 1979), pp.33.

  12. 12.

    Simon Morgan, A Victorian Woman’s Place: Public Culture in the Nineteenth Century (London: Tauris, 2007), p.101.

  13. 13.

    Sandra Burman, Fit Work (Taylor and Francis: London, 2013) DOI:10.4324/978020310416), pp.34–35.

  14. 14.

    Callum Brown, The Death of Christian Britain, pp.46–47.

  15. 15.

    The Ditchingham Council usually met in Norwich and Ipswich. The Maplestead Council met off-site, most often in Great George Street, Westminster.

  16. 16.

    See Alison Bashford, Purity and Pollution: Gender, Embodiment and Victorian Medicine (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998), p.xii, Simon Gunn ‘The Spatial Turn: Changing Histories of Space and Place’, in Identities in Space: Contested Terrains in the Western City Since 1850 ed. by Simon Gunn and Robert J. Morris (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), pp.1–14 (p.5, p.7). See also Dirt: New Geographies of Cleanliness and Contamination ed. by Ben Campkin and Rosie Cox (London: I.B. Tauris, 2007).

  17. 17.

    Michel de Certeau, Luce Giard and Pierre Mayol, The Practice of Everyday Life (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998), II: Living and Cooking, p.18, p.23, emphasis original.

  18. 18.

    Jane Rendell, ‘“Bazaar Beauties” or “Pleasure is Our Pursuit”: a Spatial Story of Exchange’ in The Unknown City: Contesting Architecture and Social Space ed.by Iain Borden, Joe Kerr, Jane Rendell and others (Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2001), pp.104–121 (p.110). See also Nina Attwood, The Prostitute’s Body: Rewriting Prostitution in Victorian Britain (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2011). See Philip Howell, ‘Afterword: Remapping the Terrain of Moral Regulation’, Journal of Historical Geography, 42 (2013), 193–202 (p.194), and Geographies of Regulation: Policing Prostitution in Nineteenth-Century Britain and the Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

  19. 19.

    PP.1831 (348). Population. A Comparative Account of the Population of Great Britain in the Years 1801, 1811, 1821, and 1831, p.34. Philip Howell notes the privacy of brothels and receiving houses, in contrast to the offensiveness of the ‘“public” manifestation of prostitution’ in Cambridge. See ‘A Private Contagious Diseases Act: Prostitution and Public Space in Victorian Cambridge’, Journal of Historical Geography, 26 (2000), 376–402 (pp.379–383).

  20. 20.

    Arthur Engel, ‘“Immoral intentions”: the University of Oxford and the Problem of Prostitution, 1827–1914’, Victorian Studies, 23 (1979), 79–107 (p.100). See also Janet Oswald, ‘The Spinning House Girls: Cambridge University’s Distinctive Policing of Prostitution, 1823–1894’, Urban History, 39 (2013), 453–470, p.459.

  21. 21.

    PP. 1837–1838 (134) Third report, p.173.

  22. 22.

    Letter to the Cambridge Chronicle, 16 September 1837, p.2.

  23. 23.

    As an undergraduate, Scholefield was influenced by the moderate Evangelical Anglican, Charles Simeon. Simeon’s emphasis on service to God ‘in the world’ fed into the establishment of the Refuge.

  24. 24.

    CFR, Agreement to let Dover Cottage, East Road 10 September 1838.

  25. 25.

    CFR AR, 1839, p.6.

  26. 26.

    Francis Hill, Victorian Lincoln (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), p.100, p.127.

  27. 27.

    Stamford Mercury, 1 January 1830, p.3. A letter of 1835 in defence of street preaching gives as an example of its effectiveness ‘the unhappy prostitute’ who had been ‘reclaimed from the error of her ways’ SM, 17 July 1835, p.4

  28. 28.

    Stamford Mercury16 October 1846, p.4.

  29. 29.

    Stamford Mercury, 4 December 1846, p.3.Ann Jane Carlile worked with temperance groups from 1830, including the Victoria Temperance Society in Belfast, described as ‘a women’s organisation’. See Maria Luddy, Women and Philanthropy, in Nineteenth-Century Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p.203. Involved in establishing the Dublin Female Penitentiary, Frederick Sherlock cites a tract stating that ‘when in England Mrs Carlile founded a similar institution in Lincoln’, See Ann Jane Carlile: a Temperance Pioneer (London: Frederick Sherlock, 1897), p.48.

  30. 30.

    Stamford Mercury, 5 March 1847, p.4.

  31. 31.

    Lincolnshire Times, 15 June 1847, p.7.

  32. 32.

    LPFH LC, 6 July 1848.

  33. 33.

    LPFH AR, 1848, p.7. See Cynthia Jolly, ‘Rescuing the Fallen’, Lincolnshire Life, November 2005, pp.62–63.

  34. 34.

    A meeting to plan for a Female Penitentiary was announced in the Ipswich Journal on16 April 1814, p.2. A letter from ‘Advena’ to the editor of the Norfolk Chronicle announced the opening of a House of Refuge and Reformation for Norwich, 24 March 1827, p.4.

  35. 35.

    Ipswich Journal, 11 March 1854, p.1.

  36. 36.

    Drawing on the prayer book of 1549, Scudamore wrote the Notitia Ecclesiastica, a guide on what kinds of church ceremonial were permitted in Anglican rituals.

  37. 37.

    Rev. Canon Brown, Supplement to the Norfolk Chronicle, 18 March 1854, p.3.

  38. 38.

    The Hon and Revd C. Harris, Supplement to the Norfolk Chronicle, 18 March 1854, p.3.

  39. 39.

    DIT Council Minutes, 27 September 1854, p.3.

  40. 40.

    Ibid., p.5.

  41. 41.

    CFR, Estates of the late Mr. Charles Newman, Cambridge, PSV.11.130, CUL.

  42. 42.

    CFR 18 June 1839.

  43. 43.

    LPFH AR, 1848, p.7.

  44. 44.

    Ibid., p.7.

  45. 45.

    LPFH LC 6 July 1848.

  46. 46.

    All Hallows Ditchingham: the Story of an East Anglican Community, Sr Violet CAH, p.11, also quoted in Joy Frith, ‘“Pseudonuns: Anglican Sisterhoods and the Politics of Victorian Identity’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Queen’s University, Canada, 2004), p.211. No details are given of this incident or of the girl concerned.

  47. 47.

    Supplement to the Norfolk Chronicle, 12 May 1855, p.3.

  48. 48.

    CFR 12 November 1839.

  49. 49.

    CFR 21 April 1840.

  50. 50.

    CFR AR, 1841, p.7. Prunty notes the same concern for situating magdalen asylums in the poorer areas of Dublin where women could gain access to them. See The Monasteries, Magdalen Asylums and Reformatory Schools of Our Lady of Charity in Ireland 1853–1973 (Dublin: Columba Press, 2017), p.107.

  51. 51.

    On the idea of a ‘heterotopia of deviation’, see Michel Foucault, ‘Of Other Spaces’, Diacritics, 16 (1986), pp.22–27(p.24), cited in Space, Place and Gendered Identities: Feminist History and the Spatial Turn ed. by Kathryne Beebe and Angela Davis (Abingdon, Routledge: 2015), p.526.

  52. 52.

    See Allan Brodie, Jane Croom and James O. Davies, English Prisons: an Architectural History (Swindon: English Heritage, 2003) and Kathryn Morrison, The Workhouse: a Study of Poor Law Buildings in England (Swindon: English Heritage at the National Monuments Record Centre, 1999).

  53. 53.

    See “Pentonville Road,” in Survey of London: Volume 47, Northern Clerkenwell and Pentonville, ed. Philip Temple (London: London County Council, 2008), 339–372. British History Online, accessed November 7, 2022, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol47/pp339-372.

  54. 54.

    CFR 23 June 1840.

  55. 55.

    CFR 28 July 1840. Cambridge Independent Press, 11 July 1840, p.2, CFR 14 July 1840. Poynter was a founder member of the Institute of British Architects and its secretary at the time of his work on the Refuge. See L. Cust and S. Bradley, ‘Poynter, Ambrose (1796–1886) architect’ Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2010), [accessed 2 June 2019].

  56. 56.

    CFR 7 August 1840.

  57. 57.

    CFR 17 November 1840. Ambrose Poynter also designed Christ Church.

  58. 58.

    CFR, 10 September 1844.

  59. 59.

    CFR AR, 1841 pp.7–8.

  60. 60.

    CFR 7 August 1840.

  61. 61.

    Lincoln, Rutland and Stamford Mercury, 22 February 1850. The same paper reported in March 1850 that the lowest tender, from local firm Barnes and Birch, was accepted and confirmed at a public meeting in March. Pearson Bellamy also designed the Town Hall in Louth, Lincolnshire. See William White, History Gazetteer and Directory of Lincolnshire and the City and Diocese of Lincoln (Sheffield: R. Leader, 1856), p.247.

  62. 62.

    Woodyer was a pupil of Gothic revival architect and designer William Butterfield. He also designed the Anglican penitentiaries at Horbury, Yorkshire and Bovey Tracy, Devon. See Anthony Quiney, ‘Altogether a Capital Fellow and a Serious Fellow too: a Brief Account of the Life and Work of Henry Woodyer’, Architectural History, 38 (1995), 192–219.

  63. 63.

    John Elliott, John Pritchard and Steve Atkinson, Henry Woodyer: a Gentleman Architect (University of Reading: Department of Continuing Education, 2002), p.202.

  64. 64.

    Essays on Church Penitentiaries, John Armstrong, D.D. late Lord Bishop of Grahamstown, edited by Thomas Thellusson Carter, 1858, Essay II, pp.40–80, ‘The Church and her Female Penitents’, first published 1849 in The Christian Remembrancer, p.58.

  65. 65.

    Work on Anglican penitentiaries has argued their significance as symbols female independence and defiance but has engaged less with women’s influence on the making of penitentiary space. See Martha Vicinus Independent Women: Work and Community for Single Women (London: Virago, 1985); Susan Mumm, Stolen Daughters, Virgin Mothers: Anglican Sisterhoods in Victorian Britain (London: Leicester University Press, 1999); Lori Miller ‘Femininities, Masculinities, National Identities: Anglican Religious Communities in Britain, 1845–1920’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Indiana, 2004).

  66. 66.

    See Carmen Mangion, ‘Women and Female Institution-Building’ in Women, Gender and Religious Cultures, ed. by Sue Morgan et al, pp.73–93, and Hope Campbell Barton Stone, ‘“Constraints on the Mother Foundresses”: Contrasts in Anglican and Religious Headship in Victorian England’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Leeds, 1993). See also John S. Reed, Glorious Battle: The Cultural Politics of Victorian Anglo-Catholicism (Nashville, TE: Vanderbilt University Press, 1996), pp.203–204.

  67. 67.

     Valerie Bonham, A Place in Life (Reading: Valerie Bonham, 1992, p.171.

  68. 68.

    Maria Luddy argues that sisters in Catholic convents enjoyed a degree of autonomy in financial management up until the 1860s, when clergy were given authority to take greater control. See ‘“Possessed of Fine Properties”: Power, Authority and Funding of Convents in Ireland, 1780–1900’in The Economics of Providence: Management, Finances and Patrimony of Religious Orders and Congregations in Europe 1773–1931, ed. by Maarten Van Dijck and others (Leuven, Belgium: Leuven University Press, 2013) pp.227–246. See ibid., Joy Frith, ‘Accounting for Souls: Anglican Sisters and the Economies of Moral Reform in England’, pp.185–204, p.199. Frith notes tensions at Ditchingham from the 1860s which eventually led to devolving financial management of the penitentiary household entirely to the Superior and sisters during the 1870s.

  69. 69.

    Bonham, A Place in Life  p.86.

  70. 70.

    DIT, Shipmeadow Building Committee Minutes, 7th February 1854, p.10.

  71. 71.

    Frith, ‘“Pseudonuns”’ p.204.

  72. 72.

    DIT Diary of Lavinia Crosse, 25 July.

  73. 73.

    Ibid., 19 and 20September 1854.

  74. 74.

    Valerie Bonham gives a detailed account of negotiations with Henry Woodyer and of the finished new building at Clewer. See A Place in Life, pp.162–185.

  75. 75.

    Ibid., 29 September 1854. St Saviour’s was the second home of the Society of the Holy Cross, another Anglican sisterhood community, first established at Park Village West in 1845 and in new premises in Osnaburgh Street, London from 1852. See Stone, ‘Constraints’, pp.108–109.

  76. 76.

    DIT Council Minutes, 31 July 1855, p.13.

  77. 77.

    Ibid., 9 May 1855, p.16, 31July 1855, pp.17–18.

  78. 78.

    Norfolk Chronicle, 11 August 1855, p.1.

  79. 79.

    DIT Council Minutes, 12 February 1856.

  80. 80.

    Revd Maurice Suckling, ibid., 29 April 1856. See also Frith, p.212.

  81. 81.

    For example, ‘Shipmeadow Penitentiary’ Norfolk Chronicle, 22 November 1856, p.3; The House of Mercy at Shipmeadow, near Beccles by a Lady [Crosse] (Oxford; London: J.H. and J. Parker, 1857); An Account of the Penitentiary at Shipmeadow in a Letter to the Rev. James Davies, Vicar of Abbenshall, Gloucestershire, by the Chaplain (London, Rivingtons, Waterloo Place; Norwich, Thomas Priest, 1857).

  82. 82.

    DIT Council Minutes 29 November 1856, 13 December 1856.

  83. 83.

    Henrietta Blackmore, ed., The Beginning of Women’s Ministry: the Revival of the Deaconess in the Nineteenth-Century Church of England (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press for the Church of England Record Society, 2007), p.25.

  84. 84.

    DIT AR, 1857, p.9.

  85. 85.

    CPA AR, 1865, p.5.

  86. 86.

    Jane Pearson and Maria Rayner, Prostitution in Victorian Colchester: Controlling the Uncontrollable (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2018), p.21.

  87. 87.

    30 June 1858, p.3.

  88. 88.

    27 and 28 Vict. cap.85.; see A. P. Baggs, B. Board, P. Crummy and others ‘Barracks’, in A History of the County of Essex: IX, the Borough of Colchester, ed. by J. Cooper and C. R. Elrington (London, 1994), pp.251–255, www.british-history.ac.uk.libezproxy.open.ac.uk/vch/essex/vol9/pp251-255 [accessed 18 January 2015].

  89. 89.

    Ibid., pp.284–290 [accessed 18 January 2015].

  90. 90.

    Essex Standard 18 September 1863, p.4.

  91. 91.

    Frith notes that Barter was one of eight professed sisters between 1867 and 1871, ‘“Pseudonuns”’, p.249. Barter is likely to be one of the earliest in this period; she briefly served as Superior at Maplestead following the resignation of Mrs Kempe in July 1869 until October that year, when she returned to Ditchingham.

  92. 92.

    Census 1851, HO/107/1784.

  93. 93.

    The estate included property and stocks and shares. MAP D/P 630/25/3 Copy will of Mary Gee 29 November 1862. Published Letter to Associates, 4 March 1911, MAP D/EX/1675/1/12/13/23.

  94. 94.

    Chelmsford Chronicle, 6 April 1866, p.1.

  95. 95.

    Kelly’s Directory of Essex, (Kelly & Co. Limited) 1894, pp.246–247.

  96. 96.

    MAP, D/CAc 6/5, A Refuge for Fallen Women, p.1; published Letter to Associates, 4 March 1911, MAP, D/EX/1675/1/12/13/23.

  97. 97.

    MAP AR, 1870, p.1.

  98. 98.

    DIT, AR 1868, p.7. In 1884 they established schools and missions in Yale, British Columbia. See Frith ‘Pseudonuns’ p.340 and Sister Violet CAH, All Hallows Ditchingham, p.37.

  99. 99.

    MAP AR, 1874, p.5. It may be coincidental, but worth noting that the hospital founded by the Ditchingham sisters had opened in the village a month earlier in July 1873.

  100. 100.

    Income from this source is recorded from 1881 to 1891.MAP Cashbook D/CAc6/4/1.Both the nursing and children’s ward initiatives might have originated from suggestions emerging from the Church Penitentiary Association. See ‘Employment for women in penitentiaries’ in Penitentiary Work in the Church of England: Papers Prepared for Discussion at the Anniversary Meeting of the Church Penitentiary Association, on S. Mark’s Day, 1873, at the Request of the Council (London: Harrison and Sons, 1873), pp.61–62.

  101. 101.

    MAP AR 1881, p.7.

  102. 102.

    MAP combined AR, 1875/6/7 p.8.

  103. 103.

    MAP AR 1881 p.7. The departure of the sisters of the Community of the Saving Name in July 1891was possibly the catalyst for ending work with children. MAP February 1892.

  104. 104.

    William Whyte, ‘How Do Buildings Mean? Some Issues of Interpretation in the History of Architecture’, History and Theory, 45 (2006), 153–177 (p.172).

  105. 105.

    Jeremy Taylor, ‘The Architect and the Pauper Asylum in Late Nineteenth-Century England’ in Madness, Architecture and the Built Environment: Psychiatric Spaces in Historical Context, ed. by Leslie Topp, James Moran and Jonathan Andrews (New York: London; Routledge, 2007), pp.263–284 (p.278).Original emphasis.

  106. 106.

    Metropolitan Commissioners for Lunacy, Report to the Lord Chancellor, London (House of Lords xxvi.i), 1844, p.12, quoted in Taylor, ‘The Architect and the Pauper Asylum’, p.279. Charlotte Newman argues that workhouse buildings reflected ‘social ideologues’ and that workhouse buildings evolved to reflect ideological change. See ‘To Punish or to Protect: The New Poor Law and the English Workhouse’, International Journal of Historical Archaeology, 18 (2014), 122–145 (pp.123–124).

  107. 107.

    CFR 7 August 1840.

  108. 108.

    The Cambridge Chronicle, 30 October 1841, p.4.

  109. 109.

    Thomas A. Markus, Buildings and Power: Freedom and Control in the Origin of Modern Building Types (London: Routledge, 1993), p.95. On the links between social class and architectural style in philanthropic buildings of this period see Deborah E.B. Weiner, ‘The Architecture of Victorian Philanthropy: the Settlement House as Manorial Residence’, Art History, 13 (1990), 212–227.

  110. 110.

    27 June 1851, p.3.

  111. 111.

    Ian Richards notes the effect of Butterfield’s influence on Woodyer, who as a result was ‘in the mainstream of Puginesque inspiration’, Abbeys of Europe (Feltham: Paul Hamlyn, 1968) p.169. See also Peter Anson, The Call of the Cloister (London: Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, 1955), pp.304–305.

  112. 112.

    Cambridge Independent Press, 16 October 1841.

  113. 113.

    Lincolnshire Chronicle, 18 December 1850, p.8.

  114. 114.

    The Guardian, 5 October 1859, p.850.

  115. 115.

    28 April 1868.

  116. 116.

    Such a stark delineation between private and public living space might of itself have been a new experience for inmates coming from poor or slum dwellings, which were porous in multiple ways. See Emily Cumming, ‘“Home is Home be it Never so Homely”: Reading Mid-Victorian Slum Interiors’, Journal of Victorian Culture, 18 (2013), 368–286 (pp.376–377).

  117. 117.

    Doreen Massey, Space, Place and Gender (Cambridge: Polity, 1994), pp.168–169.

  118. 118.

    CFR 15 June 1841.

  119. 119.

    DIT 15 January 1856.

  120. 120.

    DITAR 1875, p.6.

  121. 121.

    LPFH AR, 1852, p.6.

  122. 122.

    LPFH AR, 1856, p.6.

  123. 123.

    On convent walls as a metaphor for chastity and impenetrability, see Helen Hills, ‘The Housing of Institutional Architecture: Searching for a Domestic Holy in Post-Tridentine Italian Convents’, in Domestic Institutional Interiors in Early Modern Europe, ed. by Sandra Cavallo and Silvia Evangelisti (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), pp.121–150 (p.122).

  124. 124.

    LPFH, 7 August 1871.

  125. 125.

    CFR 2 May and 20 June 1843.

  126. 126.

    See Rebecca Wynter on the justification for raising the wall at Stafford Asylum after an ‘escape’, ‘“Diseased Vessels and Punished Bodies”: a Study of Material Culture and Control in Staffordshire County Gaol and Lunatic Asylum, c.1793–1866’ (unpublished doctoral thesis: University of Birmingham, 2007), p.213.

  127. 127.

    Shirley Ardener, ‘Ground Rules and Social Maps for Women’, in Women and Space: Ground Rules and Social Maps ed. by Shirley Ardener, rev.edn (Oxford: Berg, 1993), pp.1–30 (pp.2–3).

  128. 128.

    Lincolnshire Chronicle, 11 June1858. Margaret De Lacy notes that tobacco was thrown over the wall to inmates in Kirkdale prison, Lancashire. See Prison Reform in Lancashire, 1700–1850: a Study in Local Administration (Manchester: The Chetham Society, 1986), p.195.

  129. 129.

    The statue is by Alan B Herriot.

  130. 130.

    LPFH Matron’s Report Book, 21 July 1905.

  131. 131.

    CFR 23 September 1849.

  132. 132.

    CFR 2 October 1849.

  133. 133.

    Edward VII’s coronation was on 9th August that year.

  134. 134.

    For example, Keziah Gaunt, CFR 1 July 1851.

  135. 135.

    ‘Frances Biggins obtained permission to go home with her sister for a week.’ LPFH LC 4 October 1852.

  136. 136.

    CFR AR 1874, p.6. Further trips recorded for 1876 (AR, p.5) and 1891 (AR p.7), 1905 (AR p.7)

  137. 137.

    LPFH Matron’s Report Book, 29 July 1905; CFR AR, 1890 p.7.

  138. 138.

    Ibid., March 1906.

  139. 139.

    MAP Memoranda, May 1884, D/CAc 6/5.

  140. 140.

    Jacinta Prunty has traced the ways in which over time convent buildings were reconfigured to reflect the changing needs of sisters in an enclosed Order and modernizing influences on the conduct of reformatory homes for adults and juveniles. See The Monasteries, Magdalen Asylums and Reformatory Schools. See also Peter Hughes’s thoughtful analysis of spatial relationships between different constituencies of inhabitant in ‘Cleanliness and Godliness’ a Sociological Study of the Good Shepherd Convent Refuges for the Social Reformation and Christian Conversion of Prostitutes and Convicted Women in Nineteenth-Century Britain’ (unpublished doctoral thesis: Brunel University, 1985), p.317. See also Kate Jordan and Ayla Lepine, Modern Architecture for Religious Communities, 1850–1970: Building the Kingdom (Abingdon: Routledge, 2018).

  141. 141.

    MAP AR 1902, p.7.

  142. 142.

    David Vincent, A History of Solitude (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2021), p.25.

  143. 143.

    CFR, R60/27/11, R60/27/7a.

  144. 144.

    LPFH Matron’s Report Book, June 1902.

  145. 145.

    DIT AR, 1887, p.7; MAP, Sub-Committee, 2 January 1892.

  146. 146.

    MAP 1 February 1894.

  147. 147.

    Sr Violet CAH, All Hallows: Ditchingham, p.55.

  148. 148.

    See Frith ‘“Pseudonuns”’, p.326.

  149. 149.

    DIT East and West, 1886, p.3. The new Community House and Scudamore Memorial Wing were designed by architect Augustus Frere.

  150. 150.

    Sarah Roddy, Julie-Marie Strange and Bertrand Taithe, The Charity Market and Humanitarianism in Britain, 1870–1912 (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019), p.49, p.57.

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Woodall, S. (2023). ‘A Chaste and Pleasing Elevation’: Making Moral Spaces. In: Material Setting and Reform Experience in English Institutions for Fallen Women, 1838-1910. Genders and Sexualities in History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40571-6_3

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-031-40570-9

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-031-40571-6

  • eBook Packages: HistoryHistory (R0)

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