Mission, Critique and Development

Woodall, Susan

doi:10.1007/978-3-031-40571-6_2

Susan Woodall⁵

Part of the book series: Genders and Sexualities in History ((GSX))

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Abstract

Sometime around 1841, Jane Thurley left her parents’ home in the village of Meldreth and with a man from nearby Baldock, went to live in Cambridge, unmarried. After he left her to find work in London, Jane ‘followed a course of sin’. In December that year, she sought help from Henry Battiscombe, minister at the Zion Baptist Chapel in Cambridge. Minutes of Jane’s interview with the board of the Cambridge Female Refuge note that. Having received a tract from a Lady &Gentⁿ – had come to him Mr B to read it to her – that led to conversation wherein she expressed a great desire to leave her present mode of life. This account of Jane’s experience is significant in two ways. First, it tells us that she could not read and needed an intermediary to relay the text of the tract, and perhaps explain its meaning. Second, it suggests the importance of religious tracts as instruments of recruitment; the words of that text seem to have contributed to her decision to apply to the Refuge.

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Notes

1.
CFR, 24 January 1843.
2.
Patricia Anderson, The Printed Image and the Transformation of Popular Culture 1790–1860 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp.2–3.
3.
Sarah Roddy, Julie-Marie Strange and Bertrand Taithe, The Charity Market and Humanitarianism in Britain, 1870–1912 (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019), p.76.
4.
Paula Bartley usefully examines the activities of the Ladies’ Association for the Care of Girls, an organisation set up by Ellice Hopkins to prevent prostitution among younger girls. See ‘Moral education and protective legislation’ in Prostitution: Prevention and Reform 1860–1914 (Taylor and Francis: London and New York, 1999), pp. 73–93.
5.
Magistrate Patrick Colquhoun contrasted the Magdalen Hospital’s statistics for ‘successfully’ reformed inmates against the scale of prostitution in London. Arguing that it was too great a problem for reformatories alone, he put the case for state policing. See Treatise on the Police of the Metropolis 6th edn (London, 1830), pp. 626–627, William Tait, Magdalenism, an Inquiry into the Extent, Causes, and Consequences of Prostitution in Edinburgh (1841), James Beard Talbot, The Miseries of Prostitution (London: James Madden & Co, 1844).
6.
Morning Chronicle, 9 September 1851.
7.
Catherine Lee, Policing Prostitution, 1856–1886 (Pickering & Chatto: London, 2013), p.3. Lee notes that suppressing prostitution was not Acton’s primary motive.
8.
Paul McHugh, Prostitution and Victorian Social Reform (London: Croom Helm, 1980); Judith Walkowitz, Prostitution and Victorian Society: Women, Class and the State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); Daniel Walkowitz and Judith Walkowitz, ‘“We are not Beasts of the Field”, Prostitution and the Poor in Plymouth and Southampton under the Contagious Diseases Acts’, Feminist Studies, 1(1973), 73–106. Catherine Lee, ‘Prostitution and Victorian Society Revisited: the Contagious Diseases Acts in Kent’, Women’s History Review, 21 (2012), 301–316 (p.313) and Policing Prostitution. For a discussion of opposing gendered constructions of military discipline and female moral intemperance, see Miles Ogborn ‘Law and Discipline in Nineteenth Century English State Formation: the Contagious Diseases Acts of 1864, 1866 and 1869’, Journal of Historical Sociology, 6 (1993), 28–55.
9.
The Oxford History of Anglicanism, Vol III: Partisan Anglicanism and its Global Expansion, 1829–c.1914 ed. by Rowan Strong (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), p.14.
10.
See Callum Brown on reasons why urban church attendance figures were lower. The Death of Christian Britain (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), pp.147–148.
11.
For example, the Society for the Suppression of Vice and Encouragement of Religion (1802). See Edward Bristow, Vice and Vigilance: Social Purity Movements in Britain Since 1700 (Dublin, Gill and Macmillan, 1977), p.41.Michael J.D. Roberts, Making English Morals: Voluntary Association and Moral Reform in England, 1787–1886 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), p.159. Roberts notes the Associate Institution for Improving and Enforcing the Laws for the Protection of Women, founded in 1843 with a particular interest in prostitution ‘management’ (p.161).
12.
M. Penelope Hall and Ismene V. Howes, The Church in Social Work: a Study of Moral Welfare Work Undertaken by the Church of England, 2nd edn (Routledge: Oxford, 1998), p.19.
13.
Morning Post, 4 May, 1852, p.8.
14.
M. Penelope Hall and Ismene V. Howes, The Church in Social Work, p.20.
15.
Act for the Better Care of Young Offenders of 1854, 17 & 18 Vict. c. 86. See Michelle Cale, ‘Girls and the Perception of Sexual Danger in the Victorian Reformatory System’, History, 78 (1993), 201–217, p.201.
16.
Reformatory and Refuge Union Annual Report, 1858, cited in Penelope Hall and Ismene V. Howes, The Church in Social Work, p.20.
17.
The Female Mission to the Fallen referred women to all four institutions in this study. See Annual Reports for 1884, 1887 and 1889, A/FWA/C/D/069/002.
18.
Barbara Walsh, Roman Catholic Nuns in England and Wales 1800–1937: a Social History (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2002), Appendix II, Table 9, p.175. See also Peter Hughes, ‘Cleanliness and Godliness: a Sociological Study of the Good Shepherd Convent Refuges for the Social Reformation and Christian Conversion of Prostitutes and Convicted Women in Nineteenth-Century Britain’ (unpublished doctoral thesis: Brunel University, 1985) and Carmen Mangion, Contested Identities: Catholic Women Religious in Nineteenth-Century England and Wales (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008).
19.
The Beginning of Women’s Ministry: The Revival of the Deaconess in the Nineteenth-Century Church of England ed. by Henrietta Blackmore (Woodbridge: The Boydell Press, 2007), p. xxxviii. See Sean Gill, Women and the Church of England from the Eighteenth Century to the Present (London: Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, 1994), Henrietta Blackmore, The Beginning of Women’s Ministry: the Revival of the Deaconess in the Nineteenth-century Church of England (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007), Carmen Mangion, ‘No Nurses like the Deaconesses’?: Protestant Deaconesses and the Medical Marketplace in Late Nineteenth-Century England’, in Deaconesses in Nursing Care: International Transfer of a Female Model of Life and Work in the 19th and 20th Century ed. by Karen Nolte and Susanne Kreutzer(Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2016), pp.161–184.
20.
Madge Unsworth Maiden Tribute, a Study in Voluntary Social Service (London: Salvationist Publications and Supplies, 1949), p.4, p.9. Unsworth notes that this early project failed due to lack of funds, but from 1884 with the support of Bramwell Booth, the Salvation Army opened its first mission house for rescue work in Hanbury Street, Whitechapel. Gillian Ball defines the ‘moral family’ basis of the Salvationist approach to rescue work. See ‘Practical Religion: a Study of the Salvation Army’s Services for Women 1884–1914’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Leicester University, 1987), p.71. See also Pamela Walker, Pulling the Devil’s Kingdom Down: The Salvation Army in Victorian Britain (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001).
21.
The Classified List of Child-Saving Institutions Certified by the Government or connected with the Reformatory and Refuge Union or Christian Aid Society, to which are added complete Lists of Discharged Prisoners’ Aid Societies, Magdalen Institutions, and Inebriate Retreats, 20th edn, (London: Reformatory and Refuge Union, 1912), p.108.
22.
For example, The London Daily News noted the Reformatory and Refuge Union’s new publication A Handbook of Penitentiaries and Homes for Females. 14 Oct 1858.
23.
For example, the meeting on 6th August in Manchester, advertised to members in the Reformatory and Refuge Union Occasional Paper dated 30th July 1857.
24.
‘Female Penitentiaries’, The Quarterly Review, (London: John Murray) Volume LXXXIII, September 1848, p.365.
25.
London by Moonlight Mission: Being an Account of Midnight Cruises on the Streets of London during the Last Thirteen Years by Lieut. John Blackmore, R.N. with a Brief Memoir of the Author, (London: Robson and Avery, 1860), p.18.
26.
M.J.D. Roberts, Making English Morals: Voluntary Association and Moral Reform in England, 1787–1886 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp.201–202.
27.
For example, Louth and North Lincolnshire Advertiser 14 April 1860, p.3, Surrey Comet 1860, 14 April, p. 3, Luton Times and Advertiser 14 April 1860 p. 3, Bradford Observer 12 April1860 p.3, Liverpool Mercury 30 November 1860, p.10, Aberdeen Journal 28 March 1860, p.3; Hereford Journal 28 March 1860, p.6.
28.
The Magdalen’s Friend and Female Homes’ Intelligencer (London: J. Nisbet & Co, 1860), pp.27–30.
29.
Aileen Fyfe, ‘Commerce and Philanthropy: The Religious Tract Society and the Business of Publishing’, Journal of Victorian Culture, 9 (2004), 164–188, p.170. On the reach of free religious tracts, see Patricia Anderson, The Printed Image and the Transformation of Popular Culture 1790–1860 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), p.30.
30.
The Oxford History of Anglicanism, Vol III: ‘Partisan Anglicanism and its Global Expansion, 1829–c.1914’, ed.by Rowan Strong. Oxford: Oxford University Press (2017), p.14.
31.
Callum Brown, The Death of Christian Britain: Understanding Secularisation 1800–2000 2nd edn., (Abingdon: Routledge, 2009), p.50.
32.
Ibid., p.50.
33.
Boyd Hilton, The Age of Atonement (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), p.8, p.12.
34.
John Wolffe, God and Greater Britain: Religion and National Life in Britain and Ireland, 1843–1945 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2002), p.85. For fears over declining church attendance, see Keith D.M. Snell and Paul S. Ell, Rival Jerusalems: the Geography of Victorian Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p.25. Boyd Hilton, The Age, p.8, p.12.
35.
Sara. L. Maurer, ‘Reading Others Who Read: The Early Century Print Environment of the Religious Tract Society’, Victorian Studies 61 (2019), 222–231, p.226.
36.
An example which follows this emotional pattern is The Penitent Female published in 1800 in the Cheap Repository Tracts series. See Helen Rogers ‘“O what beautiful books!”: Captivated Reading in an Early Victorian Prison’, Victorian Studies 55 (2012), p.60. See also Callum Brown, The Death of Christian Britain, pp.49–52.
37.
Maurer, ‘Reading Others Who Read’, p.224.
38.
For reviews of tracts published in the Magdalen’s Friend, see Deborah Logan, ‘“An Outstretched Hand to the Fallen”: The Magdalen’s Friend and the Victorian Reclamation Movement, Part II. “Go, and Sin Mo More”’, Victorian Periodicals Review, 31 (1998), p.138. ‘“An Outstretched Hand”’, p.137.
39.
Sub-Committee Report, 1867, p.8.
40.
LPFH, Admission and Progress Register, 26 May 1880.
41.
Lieut. John Blackmore, R.N., The London by Moonlight Mission (London: Edward Robson, 1861), p.53.
42.
Anderson, The Printed Image, p.3.
43.
New Testament, Luke, 7:48.
44.
On the use of bold fonts, see Sarah Roddy, Julie-Marie Strange and Bertrand Taithe, The Charity Market and Humanitarianism in Britain, 1870–1912 (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2019), p.77.
45.
Deborah Logan suggests that the periodical failed due to financial difficulties and the death of William Tuckniss. See ‘“An Outstretched Hand to the Fallen”, p.138. Tuckniss wrote to the Committees at Ditchingham (see Council Minutes, 7 July 1859) and at Lincoln, (see Main Series Minutes, 24 Aug 1863). Neither institution seems to have recorded a response to him.
46.
‘Female Penitentiaries’, pp.365–366.
47.
Rear-Admiral A.P. Ryder, ‘Rescue of Fallen Women: a Statement Containing a Proposal, the Adoption of Which May Increase the Facilities for Effecting the Rescue of Fallen Women, Submitted to the Council of the Church Penitentiary Association’, May 1868 (London: Harrison & Sons, 1868), p.3.
48.
Penelope M. Hall and Ismene V. Howes, The Church in Social Work: a Study of Moral Welfare Work Undertaken by the Church of England, 2nd edn (Routledge: Oxford, 1998), p.20. See Roddy et al on the use of religious-based emblems for a range of charities, The Charity Market p.76.
49.
‘That which was lost’ is a reference to the biblical parable of the lost sheep in the New Testament, Luke 15:6. It recurs in numerous forms in the literature and iconography of rescue work.
50.
Monday 16th July 1885, pp.1–6.
51.
For example, the National Vigilance Association which challenged the sexual behaviour of men and called for accountability. On the moral scrutiny of homosexuality, see Lucy Bland, Banishing the Beast, pp.97–101. See also Claudia Soares, ‘The Path to Reform? Problematic Treatments and Patient Experience in Nineteenth-Century Inebriate Institutions’, Cultural and Social History 12 (2015), 411–429.
52.
The Classified List of Child-Saving Institutions, pp.98–125
53.
Arthur Brinckman, Notes on Rescue Work, a Manual of Hints to Those who Wish to Reclaim the Fallen (London: G.J. Palmer, 1885), p.ix. Brinckman was Chaplain of St Agnes Hospital for the Fallen. The fact that he reissued his publication in 1894, now entitled simply Rescue Work and offered ‘at a very cheap price, hoping to make the book more widely useful’, suggests that nearly ten years later, there continued to be a demand for the detailed guidance it offered. Label inserted into the preface of Brinckman’s Rescue Work, the 1894 edition of Notes on Rescue Work, a Manual of Hints to Those who Wish to Reclaim the Fallen (London: G.J. Palmer, 1885).
54.
Arthur J.S. Maddison and Others, Hints on Rescue Work: a Handbook for Missionaries, Superintendents of Homes, Committees, Clergy and Other Workers (London: Reformatory and Refuge Union [1898], p.167.
55.
How Best to Conduct our Penitentiaries by H.N. (London: Spottiswoode & Co, New-street Square, 1893), p.3.
56.
Annual Report of 1858, cited in Hall and Howes, The Church, p.20.
57.
Ditchingham is listed on p.119 under ‘penitentiaries’ as located in Bungay, a small town near Ditchingham.
58.
20 April 1888, p.3.
59.
Jeffrey Weeks Sex, Politics and Society: the Regulation of Sexuality Since 1800 (London: Longman, 1989), p.21.
60.
Lucy Bland, Banishing the Beast; Feminism, Sex and Morality (New York: Tauris Parke Paperbacks, 2001), pp.239–242.
61.
‘Female Penitentiaries’, p.370.
62.
Letter to the Editor, 4 February 1850, p.6; The Morning Chronicle, 11 September 1851, p.5<http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.ukk> [accessed 27.5.2014]. See also 18 August p.4, 9 September p.5, 18 September p.5, 22 September p.5, 11 October p.5, 1 November p.4.In 1851, Armstrong founded the first Anglican penitentiary at Bussage (Wantage) with Revd Robert Suckling. Suckling’s brother William was the incumbent at Shipmeadow, the location of the first premises of the House of Mercy at Ditchingham.
63.
William Acton, Prostitution Considered in its Moral, Social &Sanitary Aspects, in London and Other Larger Cities: with Proposals for the Mitigation and Prevention of its Attendant Evils (London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1968), first published 1857, second edition 1869, ed. Peter Fryer, p.27.
64.
The Morning Chronicle, 28 March 1859, p.8 http://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk[accessed 18.5.20].
65.
For a discussion of the difficulties facing prisoners attempting to take complaints to a higher authority, see Alyson Brown, English Society and the Prison: Time, Culture and Politics in the Development of the Modern Prison, 1850–1920 (Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 2003), p.74. Margaret DeLacy also notes the inertia of prison inspectors faced with poor discipline and the incapacity of an elderly governor and matron in Prison Reform in Lancashire, 1700–1850: a Study in Local Administration (Manchester: The Chetham Society, 1986), p.196.
66.
The exception was the Magdalen Hospital, established as a charity under 9.Geo III (1768). Laundries in charitable and convent institutions were eventually brought into statutory inspection under the Factory and Workshop Act, Edw. 7 c. 39 1907.
67.
The Female Mission was founded in 1853. See Hall and Howes, The Church, p.19. The decision to inspect homes receiving missionary referrals is recorded in the Female Mission Committee book, D239 J4/6/21.
68.
24 July 1860, BA Female Mission Committee book, D239 J4/6/21.
69.
Female Mission Committee, D239 J4/6/21.
70.
The Magdalen’s Friend, I (1860), p.1.
71.
‘Those That Will Not Work’ in London Labour and the London Poor (London: Griffin, Bone and Co, 1862), pp. xi-xii.
72.
Scott Rogers, ‘Domestic Servants, Midnight Meetings and the “Magdalen’s Friend and Female Homes’ Intelligencer”’, Victorian Literature and Culture, 30 (2011), 443–446 (p.458, fn.2).
73.
10 October 1860, p.4.
74.
The Brighton Gazette, 21 June 1860, p.6.
75.
The Magdalen’s Friend, I (April 1860), p.3.
76.
Ibid., IV (1863), p.259.
77.
Ibid., p.258. Capitals original.
78.
Ibid., p.153.
79.
The campaign to establish the London Lock Asylum drew on the benefits of domesticity in reforming Lock Hospital patients. See Siena Venereal Disease, p.183.
80.
Jane Hamlett, At Home in the Institution: Inside Lunatic Asylums, Lodging Houses and Schools in Victorian and Edwardian England (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), p.160.
81.
On the opportunities which social action offered religious women, see Timothy W. Jones, ‘Social Motherhood and Spiritual Authority in a Secularizing Age: Moral Welfare Work in the Church of England’, Feminist Theology, 23 (2015), 143–155. On ways in which single women’s participation in social work was empowering and liberating, see Moira Martin, ‘Single Women and Philanthropy: a Case Study of Women’s Associational Life in Bristol, 1880–1914’, Women’s History Review, 17 (2007), 395–417.
82.
‘Female Penitentiaries’, Monday 4 February, 1848, p.4.
83.
Ibid., p.375.
84.
Essays on Church Penitentiaries, John Armstrong, D.D. late Lord Bishop of Grahamstown, edited by Thomas Thellusson Carter, 1858, Essay II, pp.40–80, ‘The Church and her Female Penitents’, first published 1849 in The Christian Remembrancer, p.57.
85.
Ibid., p.58.
86.
For a full account of Skene’s life and work, see Rickards, Felicia Skene. Skene taught at Revd Thomas Chamberlain’s school run by sisters at St Thomas the Martyr, Oxford. She did not join the sisterhood but dressed in a similar way to the sisters. See Varieties of Women’s Sensation Fiction: 1855–1890, ed. by Andrew Maunder, 6 vols (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2004), IV, p.viii.
87.
Penitentiaries and Reformatories (Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, 1865), The reformatories Skene examines were statutory juvenile institutions, in particular the boys’ Industrial School at Feltham. The criticism of Anglican penitentiaries in her pamphlet was endorsed in ‘AN EVENING WITH THE WICKED’ published by the Pall Mall Gazette, 11 January 1866, p.9.
88.
Ibid., p.10.
89.
The Pall Mall Gazette, 11 January 1866, p.9.
90.
Hidden Depths Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, 1866).
91.
For Skene’s criticism of ‘homes’, see Hidden Depths (Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas), II ‘The Refuge’, pp.78–109. See also Caroline Ann Lucas, ‘Different Habits: Representations of Anglican Sisterhoods in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Literature’, unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000, p.102.
92.
Ibid., p.5.
93.
‘Penitentiary Work’, John Bull, 26 May 1866, p.349.
94.
Rickards, Felicia Skene, p.272. Having sent women to the House of Mercy at Ditchingham in 1854 and 1856, Skene resumed her personal referrals in the 1880s, recommending a further three women in 1881, 1886 and 1888, suggesting she may have moderated her views on penitentiaries over time or that she had either witnessed or heard good reports of the conditions at Ditchingham.
95.
Revd J. Wycliffe Gedge, ‘Homes for Women’, Reformatory and Refuge Journal, 1867–1869, 230–234, p.230.
96.
Ibid., p.234.
97.
The French Reformatory of St. Michel’, Good Words, III, No.3, 1 Jan 1870, 65–73, (p.72).
98.
The Magdalen’s Friend, V (1864), 249–250.
99.
Sue Morgan ‘“Wild Oats or Acorns?” Social Purity, Sexual Politics and the Response of the Late-Victorian Church’, Journal of Religious History, 31 (2007), 151–168 (p.154). Jane Yeo, ‘Social Motherhood and the Sexual Communion of Labour in British Social Science, 1850–1950’, Women’s History Review 1 (1992), p.75, cited in Morgan, A Passion p.162
100.
43 & 44 Vict.Cap.46.Hopkins’s pamphlet A Plea for the Wider Action of the Church of England in the Prevention of the Degradation of Women (London: Hatchards, 1879) had been particularly influential in this campaign and Paula Bartley notes that this legislation came to be known as the ‘Ellice Hopkins Act’. See Prostitution: Prevention and Reform, p.84.
101.
Passed under The Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1885 (48 & 49 Vict. Cap.69).
102.
Barratt, Ellice Hopkins, p.8; Ellice Hopkins, Work in Brighton (London: Hatchards, 1878), pp.93–94.
103.
Sue Morgan, ‘Faith, Sex and Purity: the Religio-Feminist Theory of Ellice Hopkins, Women’s History Review, 9 (2000), 13–34 (p.16)
104.
Ibid., p.17. Nevertheless, the work of both Hopkins and Skene could be eugenic in tone. See Oliver Lovesey, “The Poor Little Monstrosity”: Ellice Hopkins’ Rose Turquand, Victorian Disability, and Nascent Eugenic Fiction’, Nineteenth-Century Contexts, 35 (2013), 275–296 and Scenes from a Silent World or Prisons and their Inmates, by Francis Scougal [Felicia Skene], William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London 1889.
105.
Work Among the Lost (London: Hatchards, 1874), p.51.
106.
Sue Morgan, A Passion for Purity: Ellice Hopkins and the Politics of Gender in the Late Victorian Church (Bristol: Centre for Comparative Studies in Religion and Gender, Department of Theology and Religious Studies, University of Bristol, c1999), p.48.
107.
Work Among the Lost (London: Hatchards, 1874), p.51.
108.
Notes on Penitentiary Work (London: Hatchards, 1879), p.10.
109.
‘Drearily cold whitewash’ was not exclusive to reformatories. In 1884, describing the new model buildings put up by the Peabody Trust, Octavia Hill criticised their ‘dreary whitewash’ and ‘miserable monotony’. Octavia Hill, ‘Colour, Space and Music for the People’, The Nineteenth Century, May 1884, p.745.
110.
Alison Blunt and Robyn Dowling, Home (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006), pp.2–3.
111.
Teresa Ploszajska, ‘Moral Landscapes and Manipulated Spaces: Gender, Class and Space in Victorian Reformatory Schools’, Journal of Historical Geography, 20 (1994), 413–429 (p.413–414).
112.
Ibid., p.416.
113.
Ibid., p.417.
114.
Felix Driver, ‘Discipline without Frontiers? Representations of the Mettray Reformatory Colony in Britain, 1840–1880’, Journal of Historical Sociology, 3 (1990), 272–293 p.281. Pavilion-style workhouses followed a similar principle, providing separate blocks to protect children from the corrupting moral influence of ‘lower’ paupers. See Charlotte Newman, ‘An Archaeology of Poverty: Architectural Innovation and Pauper Experience at Madeley Union Workhouse, Shropshire’, Post-Medieval Archaeology, 47 (2013), 359–377(p.361).
115.
17 & 18 Vict.c.86.
116.
Michelle Cale, ‘Girls and the Perception of Sexual Danger in the Victorian Reformatory System’, History, 78 (1993), 201–217; Teresa Ploszajska, ‘Moral Landscapes and Manipulated Spaces: Gender, Class and Space in Victorian Reformatory Schools’, Journal of Historical Geography, 20 (1994), 413–429; Marianne Moore, ‘Social Control or Protection of the Child? The Debates on the Industrial Schools Acts, 1857–1894’, Journal of Family History, 33 (2008), 359–387; April M. Beisaw and James G. Gibb, The Archaeology of Institutional life (Tuscaloosa, Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 2009).
117.
Lynda Nead, Myths of Sexuality: Representations of Women in Victorian Britain (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988); Alana Barton, Fragile Moralities and Dangerous Sexualities: Two Centuries of Semi-Penal Institutionalisation for Women (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), Paula Bartley, ‘Seeking and Saving: the Reform of Prostitutes and the Prevention of Prostitution in Birmingham, 1860–1914’ (unpublished doctoral thesis, Wolverhampton University, 1995), p.165.
118.
Geoffrey Hunt, Jenny Mellor and Janet Turner, ‘Wretched, Hatless and Miserably Clad: Women and the Inebriate Reformatories from 1900–1913’, The British Journal of Sociology, 40 (1989), 244–270, (pp.259–260).
See also Barry Godfrey, Pamela Cox, Heather Shore and others, Young Criminal Lives: Life Courses and Life Chances from 1850 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), especially on emotional attachment between children and carers, pp.94–95.
119.
Noteson Penitentiary Work, p.8.
120.
‘Cottage Penitentiaries; or, What are the Best Conditions for Reformatory Work?’ by the author of ‘Work among the lost’, Penitentiary Work in the Church of England, pp.45–50.
121.
Arthur Barker, ‘Practical Suggestions as to the Selection of Site, Descriptions of Houses etc.’ in Penitentiary Work, pp.33–41.
122.
Work Among the Lost, p.112.
123.
Penitentiary Work, p. 46.
124.
At Hellingley asylum, separate pavilions housed particular categories of patient alongside the main block for 840 patients. See Jeremy Taylor, ‘The architect and the pauper asylum in late nineteenth-century England: G.T. Hine’s 1901 review of asylum space and planning’ in Madness, Architecture and the Built Environment: Psychiatric Spaces in Historical Context, ed. by Lesley Topp, James E. Moran and Jonathan Andrews (New York; London: Routledge, 2007), pp.263–284 (p.274). See also Kathryn A. Morrison, The Workhouse: a Study of Poor Law Buildings in England (Swindon: English Heritage at the National Monuments Record Centre, 1999).
125.
Penitentiary Work in the Church of England, p.47.
126.
Ibid., plate facing title page.
127.
‘Penitentiary Work’, The Reformatory and Refuge Journal, January to March, 1883, p.151.
128.
Ibid.
129.
Arthur Rowland Barker, Penitentiary Work, p.35.
130.
Notes on Penitentiary Work, p.16.
131.
The Oxford History of Anglicanism, ed. by Rowan Strong (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017), III: Partisan Anglicanism and its Global Expansion, 1829–c.1914, p.13.

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Woodall, S. (2023). Mission, Critique and Development. In: Material Setting and Reform Experience in English Institutions for Fallen Women, 1838-1910. Genders and Sexualities in History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40571-6_2

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