Keywords

1 Introduction

Recent trends in climate change are characterised by increased GHG emissions, global warming, and varied effects on natural and human habitats. According to the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), carbon dioxide, methane, and nitrous oxide concentrations in the atmosphere were 150%, 262%, and 123%, respectively, above preindustrial levels in 2021 (WMO, 2022). The densely populated continent of Africa has a history of protracted and severe disasters, especially droughts. For instance, four years of below-average rainfall have led to a devastating drought in the Horn of Africa (Weforum, 2022). It has also affected more than 18 million people suffering from extreme famine in Ethiopia, Somalia, and Kenya (US government’s Humanitarian Information Unit, in Weforum, 2022). Although there are other contributory factors, significant land degradation in the area has increased the vulnerability of the prevailing environmental precarity. According to Nyong et al. (2007), global economic activity may have had a substantial role in the recent environmental changes in Africa, resulting in instability and uncertainties on multiple levels.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC, 2014) stated that phenomena linked to this shift, such as severe storms, cyclones, floods, and plagues, have prompted the international community to focus on mitigation and adaptation as the primary policy solutions (Robinson & Herbert, 2001; Adger et al., 2003; Pielke, 2005; Bizikova, 2012; IPCC, 2014). Studies (e.g., Makhado et al., 2011; IPCC, 2014) highlight some of these effects as being the outcomes of environmental degradation rather than climate change. However, Trisos et al. (2022) argue that mitigation entails developing strategies to minimise both production and concentrations of greenhouse gases (GHGs), whereas adaptation involves reacting to the effects of climate change. This is why national climate mitigation programmes throughout Africa might benefit from indigenous knowledge sources to achieve cost-effective, participative, and long-term outcomes.

African indigenous knowledge is culture specific and encompasses a body of wisdom, methods, approaches, skills, practices, norms, and ideologies (IPCC, 2019; Adeola, 2020; IPCC, 2022; Leal Filho et al., 2022; Adeola, 2023a and b). It is a foundational element of social, cultural, political, economic, scientific, and technical identity that has the potential to contribute towards the attainment of sustainable development. This accounts for why African indigenous knowledge has been identified as a vital resource for the mitigation of climate change in Africa (Trisos et al., 2022). For instance, more than 30% of the world’s native languages are spoken in Africa, which is a repository of relevant information on biodiversity, soil systems, and water (Trisos et al., 2022). It is a dynamic and necessary asset to the conservation of indigenous history and culture (Ayal et al., 2015; Magni, 2017). According to Leal Filho et al. (2022), African indigenous knowledge influences life’s decisions and the associated short- and long-term implications.

Although the collective wisdom and innovation of stakeholders and communities affected by climate change are noteworthy, African governments have continued to relegate the role of indigenous knowledge in national climate change mitigation policies, despite the IPCC acknowledging its significance (Parry et al., 2007). According to the literature (e.g., Labode et al., 2012; Orlove et al., 2010), African indigenous knowledge is rooted in cultural worldviews and experiences that close knowledge gaps and validate existing understanding, guiding the interactions between the community and its environment (Trisos et al., 2022).

The issue of climate change is widespread, and the complexity of its varied effects makes it a perennial subject of research (Trisos et al., 2022). The local knowledge, perspectives, observations, and responses of individuals experiencing changes in the climate can provide some valuable insights into climate change mitigation. Therefore, this chapter explores the role of African indigenous knowledge in climate change mitigation, disaster risk reduction (DRR), climate-smart agricultural innovations, the role of Ubuntu, and finally, the integration of indigenous and scientific knowledge into climate adaptation in Africa. The chapter echoes the need for an Afro-sensed perspective in climate change mitigation.

2 Indigenous Knowledge and Disaster Risk Reduction in Africa

Disaster risk reduction (DRR) involves the deliberate and organized development and implementation of strategies, methods, and initiatives aimed at diminishing vulnerabilities, mitigating risks, and limiting the far-reaching impacts of disasters within a society (Amadhila et al., 2013; Hagelsteen & Becker, 2013). DRR is multidisciplinary in strategy and acknowledges the significance of connections between risks and the larger environment (O’Brien al., 2006). For instance, risk, vulnerability, and capacity evaluations are among the DRR strategies. These tactics emphasise a community’s capacity to lower its own risk of catastrophe and build strong communities while preventing vulnerability from rising due to development or other externally driven activities (O’Brien et al., 2006; UNDP, 2004). However, indigenous tactics should be connected to suitable mitigation policies and local government actions (Fraser et al., 2006). This will guarantee the longevity of any mitigation strategy and make it possible to acquire external knowledge that can help reduce susceptibility.

On the other hand, indigenous knowledge is the institutionalised local knowledge that has been developed and handed down from one generation to the next, typically by word of mouth (Osunade, 1994). According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), indigenous knowledge is “the understandings, skills, and philosophies produced by communities with long histories of engagement with their natural environments.” Similarly, the World Intellectual Property Organisation defined traditional knowledge as “knowledge, know-how, skills and practices that are developed, sustained and passed on from generation to generation within a community, often forming part of its cultural or spiritual identity.” (World Intellectual Property Organisation, N.A.). Indigenous knowledge has made a substantial contribution to global agricultural advancements, including the domestication of crops and livestock, the preservation of group-consisting resources, the development of animal traction, and the trade of plant and animal species (Mettrick, 1993). This implies that scaling climate-smart solutions in smallholder agriculture may require significant contributions from indigenous knowledge.

Studies (e.g., Elias et al., 2009; Gyampoh et al., 2009; McPherson et al., 2016) have noted that indigenous populations across the world have often demonstrated in-depth local ecological knowledge regarding disasters, especially biodiversity and other values that may be exploited for better impact conservation. According to Chianese (2016), indigenous knowledge is the information and understanding that has been gathered over generations, verified and modified over time, and directs indigenous cultures in their relationships with their natural ecosystem. The study further revealed that communities use indigenous wisdom to manage the effects of catastrophes caused by climate change (Chianese, 2016; Elias et al., 2009).

Native knowledge has been integral in advancing scientific understanding, empowering local populations, and complementing other processes, especially regarding saving the environment (Munsaka & Dube, 2018). Mwaura (2008) contends that indigenous knowledge may enable individuals to take the initiative in the management of disasters. For instance, mixed cropping readily qualifies as indigenous knowledge and is useful in enhancing crop yield, thus minimising the effect of selected crop failures.

Indigenous knowledge portends considerable benefits to endangered communities contributing significantly to climate risk reduction and environmental preservation (Munsaka & Dube, 2018). Maferetlhane (2013) also advocates that disaster risk reduction can greatly benefit from local or indigenous knowledge. For instance, local growers in some African countries have created several adaptation strategies that have enabled them to ameliorate sensitivity to climatic extremes and unpredictability. Establishing an early warning system for functional prognosis or forecasting is a key step in lowering the susceptibility to a meteorological hazard in Africa (Ajibade & Shokemi, 2003).

Although indigenous people are universally recognised as the most susceptible to the effects of disasters (Thomas et al., 2005; UNFAO, 2011), applicable adaptability and mitigation initiatives have not been effectively integrated. The degree to which indigenous knowledge has been used in disaster risk reduction in Africa has received little attention (Munsaka & Dube, 2018). Indigenous peoples’ knowledge and experience often remain dormant in processes targeted at reducing vulnerability or increasing adaptability to new conditions. Studies (e.g., Jones et al., 2018) have also argued the need to explore local knowledge at the community level as such will help affected communities prevent, mitigate, and recover from disasters.

Furthermore, advocates of indigenous knowledge systems, such as disaster risk reduction researchers, have frequently argued that indigenous knowledge is central to the preservation of human life and property from the harmful repercussions of catastrophes (Walshe & Nunn, 2012; Hiwasaki et al., 2014). Evidence has also shown that nations that have been successful at handling catastrophes have also made use of the native expertise of the local populations that have been impacted by catastrophes (Iloka, 2016; Rahman et al., 2016). Therefore, indigenous people’s techniques and expertise might serve as a crucial foundation for current efforts to address the broader issues posed by climate change in Africa (Belfer et al., 2017; Fairhead et al., 2017). This aligns with the fact that local people have developed some capacities that can deliver sustainable and effective disaster risk outcomes (Iloka, 2016).

Kelman et al. (2012) have noted that environmental hazards pose a greater risk to humans due to shifting social, economic, cultural, political, and environmental circumstances. This is unconnected to the fact that developmental initiatives in Africa are known to have been conceived, sponsored, managed by outside interests, and delivered to rural areas with varied expectations. Due to the low regard for subsisting local culture, a considerable number of programmes had low participation and limited success ratio (Nyong et al., 2007). It is critical to note that to properly link development and catastrophes, novel laws and strategies are non-negotiable (Tran et al., 2009). A significant change in disaster risk reduction approaches can bring to the fore the potential of indigenous knowledge in reducing vulnerability (Mercer et al., 2010). The local expertise may offer crucial insights into the procedures for observing, adapting to, and cushioning the effects of climate change (Chianese, 2016). Thus, policymakers and practitioners must consider indigenous knowledge in official disaster management protocol.

3 Indigenous Knowledge in Climate-Smart Agricultural Innovations Among African Farmers

Sub-Saharan Africa’s rural livelihoods are gravely threatened by climate change (Tume et al., 2019). Notably, the unpredictability of climate change constitutes an existential hazard to global agricultural productivity and food security (IPCC, 2014). African farmers are exposed to climate risk because of increased temperatures, changes in precipitation patterns or trends, and the recurrence of unusual climate events like floods and intense weather conditions (Amare & Gacheno, 2021). Therefore, it stands to reason that African farmers’ ability to withstand climate change practically depends on local institutions and indigenous knowledge and is instrumental to scaling climate-smart agricultural innovations (Agrawal, 2010).

As the impact of climate change deepens, it is vital to explore a variety of climate-smart innovations. Climate-smart agriculture is an initiative that has been extensively promoted to alter agriculture prospects given the expanding climate change challenges (Hansen, 2018; Nkonya et al., 2018). According to Lipper et al. (2014), climate-smart agriculture is a strategy designed to change agricultural systems and improve food security owing to changing environmental conditions. In essence, the strategy provides situation-specific, flexible, and socially acceptable solutions. Specifically, the climate-smart agriculture strategy is based on three fundamental principles: (i) boosting agricultural output sustainably, enabling equitable increases in farm income, nutrition security, and development; (ii) enhancing the robustness of agricultural and food ecosystems; and (iii) lowering net emissions of carbon dioxide from farming production (McCarthy & Brubaker, 2014; Lipper et al., 2014).

Climate-smart agriculture has been depicted as a class of agriculture capable of conserving environmental resources whilst delivering the food requirements of the global population (FAO, 2018). The goal of climate-smart agriculture is to re-engineer agricultural systems and enhance food security despite changing climatic conditions and offer contextually appropriate as well as adaptable solutions (Lipper et al., 2014). For instance, resilient crops and livestock, optimal water management techniques (such as mulching and rotations), and other identifiable techniques qualify as climate-smart agriculture. Specifically, in the SSA region, studies (e.g., Westermann et al., 2015; Arslan et al., 2018; FAO, 2018; Makate, 2019) underscore the low or poor adoption of climate-smart agriculture methods. Low adoption rates are primarily connected to the dearth of data or lack of success stories; lack of donor reliance, insufficient institutional support, and ineffective climate-smart agriculture policies and plans are some of the challenges affecting agriculture production scaling.

This situation necessitated external assistance to increase farmers’ capacity to accept new technologies. All external efforts in climate change adaptation for rural populations require the involvement of local institutions (Agrawal et al., 2018). McCarthy et al. (2011) state that a substantial obstacle to the acceptance and scalability of climate-smart products is the expense of sourcing such important information. Therefore, the need for climate-smart information services is critical because they educate farmers about current climatic patterns and the many adaptation options available to them. Local institutions, such as agricultural cooperatives, community organisations, community-financing schemes, and women’s savings groups, have been noted to be essential in mobilising resources for climate change management (Ajayi, 2019). The primary flaw of various local institutions, like community finance programmes, is the limited resources that can be mobilised in poor communities.

Additionally, local institutions help create beneficial networks that can be relevant for accelerating the adoption of climate-smart solutions (Ajayi et al., 2018). Effective networks will ensure that farmers have access to markets for their inputs and outputs and are informed about new developments. These extension approaches rely on farmer social networks to increase technology uptake and dissemination in subsistence farming. Improving the function of local institutional players can ensure equity in the distribution of information regardless of farmers’ socio-economic condition (i.e., wealth or gender). The growth of farmers’ knowledge, expertise, and ability in relation to climate-smart technologies and related services can be facilitated through local institutions (FAO, 2018). Churches, traditional leadership, schools, and other social organisations may improve climate change management efforts by pushing for political will and assistance from political stakeholders (Ajayi et al., 2018).

Indigenous knowledge conservation is crucial to the advantages of an ecosystems-based strategy for climate adaptation (UNFCCC, 2011). This is because it helps to co-create farmer-led knowledge on a coping mechanism for climate change. There is a rising interest in incorporating climate change and indigenous knowledge into initiatives such as climate-smart agriculture to boost local engagement and provide ecologically sustainable ways to develop (Mafongoya & Ajayi, 2017). African farmers have established extensive local knowledge about nature in their region, which they utilise to cope with and solve the challenges of climate-related issues (Tume et al., 2019). Rural communities provide valuable local knowledge relevant to assessing and adapting to climate change (Jiri et al., 2015). According to Mafongoya and Ajayi (2017), indigenous knowledge is seen as social capital for the underprivileged and essential for ensuring a culture’s survival.

Policymakers and other interested parties who want to increase the adoption of CSA technologies must be aware that rural communities and indigenous knowledge play an important role in climate change in a variety of creative ways. Therefore, designing, planning, and executing policies, projects, and programmes aimed at accelerating the adoption of innovations (e.g., smart agriculture) must incorporate local institutions and indigenous knowledge (Kristjanson et al., 2017).

4 Ubuntu and Climate Change

The incidence of climate change is a global phenomenon, and Africa is one of the continents that bears a significant weight of these changes (Alege et al., 2017). Africa has experienced two multibillion-dollar tropical cyclones, among the largest in history. Severe storms and flooding are climate-related challenges which are also rising. Less developed continents are disproportionately affected by the issues of climate change, particularly in areas where low-tech farming practices predominate (Kates, 2000).

Since the year 2000, when Tropical Cyclone Eline ravaged a 2000-kilometre area of southern Africa from east to west, there has been an upsurge in climate-change-induced catastrophes necessitating indigenous knowledge or people-oriented climate solutions to be adopted (Chatiza, 2019). Community resilience is the capacity of people, communities, and organisations to absorb traumas, recover from them, and then constructively remodel their social structures and ways of life in the face of ongoing change and uncertainty (Patel et al., 2017; Chatiza, 2019). Community-based disaster risk reduction (CBDRR) offers a chance to integrate local indigenous expertise on disaster risk reduction into more general risk reduction efforts. The broader idea of resilience, which communities must employ to rebuild their lives, includes disaster resilience, underpinned by the Ubuntu value system.

Ubuntu is a way of thinking and behaving that has maintained African communities for many generations (Munyaka & Motlhabi, 2009). Africa’s Ubuntu value system emphasises the capacity for compassion, which can be described as a pervasive sense of caring and community, harmony and hospitality, respect and responsiveness displayed by individuals and communities towards one another. The term “ubuntu” originates from Nguni languages like Zulu, Xhosa, and Ndebele. Other African languages, particularly those in Southern, Eastern, and Central Africa, have adopted phonetic versions of the word (Mabovula, 2011). Several scholars agree that communities, philosophies, and faiths, from liberalism to Buddhism, share many of the same principles and practices as Ubuntu. Others assert that Ubuntu is “specific to the Bantu languages from whence it comes” and that it is “unique to Africa” (Kamwangamalu, 1999, p. 37). According to Mabovula (2011), Ubuntu is understood to signify empathy, love, community, collaboration, respect, humanism, and humaneness.

As Mlondo (2022) noted, the Zulu/Ndebele saying “Umuntu ngumuntungabantu” may be translated as “a person can only be a person via others” (Mlondo, 2022). Metz and Gaie (2010) suggest that sub-Saharan morality is relational in that the only way to grow one’s humanity is to have healthy relationships with others. Another interpretation is that “we” and “I” are the outcomes of one another. According to one theory, a single person “symbolises a multiplicity of personas matching the variety of links in which the questioning individual stands” (p. 23). Ubuntu teaches that the highest moral duty is to grow as people, and that growing as a person necessitates a deeper sense of connection with others. Other Western moral philosophies describe healthy interaction with others in ways that are exclusively communal (Metz & Gaie, 2010).

In many African societies, Ubuntu/Hunhu refers to shared humanity and the responsibility that results from interconnectivity (Mapaure, 2011). For the indigenous populations of sub-Saharan Africa, life satisfaction is only worthwhile when it benefits mankind as a whole. By being prepared and utilising local resources, communities can survive and recover from calamities (Saurombe & Shava, 2021). Local knowledge application, ingrained in the Ubuntu/Hunhu concept, is a crucial tactic (Baumwoll, 2008). According to Mupedziswa et al. (2019), the notion of community as an organising element for life has become one of the groups’ resilience strategies. For instance, locals go above and beyond in Zimbabwe to save those stranded due to landslides and other disasters.

Ubuntu/Hunhu is an indigenous philosophical perspective of African people that connotes and symbolises human beings’ communal obligation to share life for the common good (Godfrey & Manasa, 2012). Thus, it is a vital force that supports and upholds the harmony of cosmic, natural, spiritual, and human elements. It is a cosmological theory that promotes adaptable views of the universe (Bondai & Kaputa, 2016). In the proverb, “a person is a person via other individuals,” the term “person” alludes to the personhood, self-hood, and humanity that a person should aim for when interacting with “others” (humans, non-humans, and nature).

Ubuntu may be attained through moral relationships with others. The ‘Homo economicus’ drive to fulfil self-interest through the amassing of material prosperity is a factor in the planet’s impending demise. Anthropocentric activity is one of the primary drivers of climate change. This paradigm change should be from the “I in Me” to the “We in We” as embedded in the Ubuntu philosophy, which embraces communitarianism and regard for the environment and future generations.

5 Integrating Indigenous and Scientific Knowledge into Climate Adaptation in Africa

Climate change is not a new concept for indigenous cultures since they have been coping with it and adapting to it for a very long time (Etchart, 2017). Climate change adaptation is critical for long-term sustainability and progress, notably during periods of extreme weather. According to Odekunle and Adejuwon (2007), indigenous knowledge is a collection of information that a group of people has accumulated through many generations of living in proximity to the natural environment. It is an example of a dynamic knowledge base that has helped most rural communities thrive by adjusting to widely different and continually changing climatic conditions (Odekunle & Adejuwon, 2007). Local people, especially farmers, are adept at foreseeing the seasons and the changes that will occur within them (Elia et al., 2014). Although indigenous knowledge may be a tool for adjusting to everyday climate and weather fluctuations (Gwenzi et al., 2016), forecasting confidence has recently declined due to increased rainfall unpredictability due to climate change.

It is pertinent to note that rural people, most importantly farmers who rely on their ancestors’ wisdom, have a tough time adjusting to the consequences of weather fluctuations due to climate change (Gwenzi et al., 2016). This is because the result of daily and challenging seasonal forecasts is uncommon in traditional knowledge. Furthermore, indigenous knowledge can forecast when to sow and harvest different crops but cannot forecast rainfall amounts. It may not provide solutions to climate change adaptation or practical solutions that people can use daily (Elia et al., 2014). As a result, farmers are often unable to make informed decisions on agriculture, nor are they able to identify or foresee problems with the soil.

From a different point of view, when used effectively, scientific knowledge has been shown to help farmers make judgements on issues like the best tillage practices, crop kinds, planting times, possible markets, and trends (Leary et al., 2007). African farmers, especially those in rural areas, believe that scientific knowledge is particularly crucial since indigenous knowledge is hindered by outside pressures (Elia et al., 2014). However, there are many obstacles preventing people from fully utilising scientific knowledge for seasonal climate and weather prediction. Some of these obstacles were identified by Leary et al. (2007) among rural people in West Africa. They consist of the predictions of certain geographical and temporal resolutions, which were shown to be inadequate for short-term judgements. Additionally, the projections’ accuracy, which according to Leary et al. (2007) is now around 75%, is inadequate. According to Elia (2014), scientific knowledge is presented by utilising ideas and data to support claims. As a result, the local people believe that scientific knowledge is excessively specialised and hence difficult to comprehend.

Rural farmers who rely on their ancestors’ wisdom have a tough time adjusting to the consequences of the changing weather (Sraku-Lartey, 2014). It is important to realise that although indigenous and modern knowledge has very distinct beliefs and approaches, they may complement one another extremely well. Integrating the two worlds of knowledge will allow farmers to employ sustainable farming approaches that rely on what is already in use as well as what science can offer. Studies (e.g., Elia et al., 2014) assert that proper management of indigenous knowledge is necessary for integration, which is critical for growth and coping with climate change.

Indigenous knowledge may be shared across organisations and communities by building a platform for it. According to Tengö et al. (2014), discovery through various scientific approaches and a blend of indigenous knowledge is the safest method for the creation of more successful and sustainable solutions to climate change, especially in Africa. It is important to realise that although indigenous and scientific knowledge has distinct beliefs and approaches, they are complementary (Sraku-Lartey, 2014). Rural farmers can adopt sustainable farming practices by combining what is being used with what science can provide by integrating the two domains of knowledge (Sraku-Lartey, 2014). Integration is critical for development as well as climate change adaptation, and indigenous knowledge must be both leveraged and effectively managed by creating a suitable framework. If the capabilities of the knowledge holders and organisations in charge of weather forecasts are evaluated and strengthened, the integration of various forms of knowledge is bound to function more successfully (Elia et al., 2014).

Although the adoption of both indigenous and scientific knowledge to assist communities in adapting to climate change has received little investigation (De Caux et al., 2014), connecting multiple knowledge networks has the potential to significantly support climate change adaptation and preservation goals at various levels while providing global advantages (Makondo & Thomas, 2018).

Furthermore, mixing indigenous and scientific knowledge can help local farmers adapt to climate change and make more informed choices (Basdew et al., 2017). The true objective of all human knowledge is to ensure the survival and perpetuation of the human species on Earth. Indigenous knowledge develops and is learned through the cohabitation and development of people and their immediate environment. According to Basdew et al. (2017), African traditional knowledge may be used to adapt to climate change by adding components of it to present and different climate-based weather forecasting systems. Relegating or losing it equates to altering the course of human growth in any given civilisation because, more frequently than not, acquired knowledge systems impose demands on the ecosystem that are excessive compared to its ability to meet them. However, it is believed that by fusing indigenous knowledge with scientific methods and expertise, its usefulness and viability may be substantially increased (Basdew et al., 2017). Considering that many African people, especially farmers, are unable to acquire adequate information due to a shortage of computers and internet access, integration calls for the inclusion of the populace, and their accumulated traditional knowledge and abilities in the scientific sphere, for adequate climate change mitigation.

6 Gender and Indigenous Skills for Climate Change Mitigation and Adaptation in Africa

Women’s unique and indigenous mitigation and adaptation skills and abilities should be acknowledged in adopting an Afro-sensed perspective. Several studies show that women possess specific skills and strong resource management capabilities in climate change mitigation and adaptation. For instance, in Ghana, a study argued for the practical and ethical necessity of including women’s needs, perspectives, and expertise in climate change negotiations by demonstrating that women had special knowledge to contribute to adaptation efforts (Glazebrook, 2011). Notably, women possess special skills in soil identification of various crops, adapting to unpredicted rainfall and soil damage and mitigating climate change effects through crop rotation (Glazebrook, 2011). In Rwanda, the disruption of rainfall has led women to rotate crops and assess how plants react (Oxfam, 2011). A study in Ghana documented differences in adaptation strategies in response to flooding—women tended to prefer post-harvest technology over men’s preference for light infrastructure projects (Codjoe et al. cited in Connolly-Boutin and Smit (2016)).

Gender differences can also be seen in various studies relating to farming decisions (Dah-gbeto & Villamor, 2016; Jost et al., 2016; Saenz & Thompson, 2017). In a survey on gender-specific responses to climate variability in a semi-arid ecosystem in northern Benin, it was found that participating women-only groups perform better in avoiding patch degradation than men-only groups (Dah-gbeto and Villamor (2016)). These findings suggest that considering gender differences in farming decisions and practices can lead to more sustainable and effective outcomes for ecosystems and communities. Additionally, incorporating a gender-sensitive approach in policies and programmes relating to agriculture and the environment can lead to more equitable and impactful results (Jost et al., 2016). It is crucial to continue to examine and understand the role of gender in agriculture and environmental decision-making in order to create effective and sustainable solutions.

Women are more active than men in environmental protection as they are more willing to acknowledge ecological problems and risks. These attitudes and environmental behaviours are confirmed in literature (Goldsmith et al., 2013; Zelezny et al., 2000) as women are more concerned about climate change (Sundblad et al., 2007) and are generally regarded as more pro-environmental relative to men (Goldsmith et al., 2013; DíazReviriego et al., 2016). However, it’s important to consider that these findings may not be applicable to all individuals, and cultural and societal factors may also play a role in shaping these attitudes and behaviours (Goldsmith et al., 2013). Additionally, it is crucial to continue to analyse and understand the reasons behind these differences in order to develop targeted and effective strategies for environmental protection.

Regarding social inclusion, given their nurturing nature and as natural caregivers, women appear to thrive better than men. In Rwanda, a study on gender inclusion in the social business focused on providing solar lighting to poor rural households showed that female sales agents, compared to their male counterparts, sold significantly more units on average and significantly increased access to the underserved or vulnerable in communities (Barron et al., 2019). An article by Baskin (2022) argued that Nigerian women possess distinct skills, knowledge, and understanding of how to mitigate the impacts of climate change, including biodiversity management and farming techniques, making them more sustainable caretakers of land than men.

Finally, examining gender-specific responses to climate change can enhance efforts to improve adaptability and resilience to climate change in Africa (Dah-gbeto & Villamor, 2016). This is particularly important when applying indigenous knowledge to climate change adaptation and mitigation in Africa and designing adaptive community interventions. Taking a gender-sensitive approach in considering the impacts and responses to climate change can lead to more equitable and sustainable outcomes. This includes incorporating the unique perspectives and experiences of both men and women in decision-making processes and programmes related to climate change adaptation and mitigation (Dah-gbeto & Villamor, 2016). By doing so, we can ensure that these efforts are effective, inclusive, and benefit all members of the communities affected by climate change.

7 Conclusion and Implications

This chapter explores African indigenous knowledge and how it could be used for climate change mitigation. It gives an Afro-sensed perspective on climate change mitigation and shows how indigenous knowledge may be employed to make Africa a green economy. The chapter also addresses the need to explore local insights into managing disasters and other climate change issues. This is achieved by appraising how the indigenous Ubuntu value system, which places great emphasis on the worth of society and the individual (munthu), promotes a green economy in Africa. The features of the Ubuntu concept in the areas of compassion, care, collaboration, team spirit, sympathy, dignity, political decision-making procedures, and respect for nature are beneficial practices that may aid in enhancing the greener economy in Africa. The goal is to retain the unique repository of cultural knowledge while embracing the innovation of modern science to achieve the mitigation of climate change.

Worldwide, people are becoming more and more susceptible to climate-related dangers. This chapter covers some of the most pressing environmental issues now plaguing modern African civilisation, with a focus on the environmental difficulties currently being experienced. This susceptibility is not distributed evenly since individuals in less developed nations, such as Africa, experience a greater number of losses. Africa has natural advantages that may be used for climate change adaptation, such as abundant and secure means of subsistence. Ubuntu stresses the significance of “community, cooperation, compassion, and sharing.” Thus, a plea is in order for a global paradigm shift away from a market-based, individualistic approach and towards the environmental ethics of the Ubuntu philosophy.

The efficiency of indigenous knowledge systems should be considered when developing climate change mitigation programmes in Africa’s drought-prone regions. Although many decision-makers continue to doubt the validity of indigenous knowledge, viewing it as an insufficient foundation for sustainable harvesting, the proper incorporation of indigenous mitigation strategies into national climate plans will promote the quest for a green environment in Africa.

Moreover, with regard to climate fluctuation and change, Africa is rich in time-tested and context-specific indigenous and local knowledge (ILK). Since ILKs are ingrained in the culture, the population accepts them as a means of protecting their lives and properties from climate-related dangers, including illness, violence, and drought, as well as ensuring food security. Although ILK has the potential to close the information gap in contemporary scientific knowledge, it has encountered significant difficulties because of a dearth of knowledge transfer and documentation. Therefore, proper channelling of ILK can work with scientific knowledge to increase the understanding of the region’s mitigation of climate change’s slow-onset consequences.

Finally, African government’s over-reliance on Western knowledge formats for disaster risk reduction (DRR) undermines the knowledge and confidence of locals in communicating effective mitigation solutions that have worked for them on a broader scale. To address this, respective governments should prioritise the sharing and employment of African indigenous knowledge in all forms of community engagement and policymaking. By gaining a greater understanding of local operations, the government can improve interaction with locals, broaden knowledge capital, and enhance policy formulation for climate change mitigation. Furthermore, gender-specific skills should be taken into account when applying indigenous knowledge to climate change adaptation and mitigation in Africa and designing adaptive interventions for communities. In particular, women should be recognised as agents of positive change for enhanced climate action, so they can be empowered to actively participate in decision-making processes, advocate for policies that promote sustainability, and implement climate solutions in their communities. This is also in the spirit of Ubuntu.