Keywords

1 Introduction

With about 60% of the world’s arable land, Africa has the potential to meet global food demands (Oxford Business Group, 2021). Agriculture continues to be one of the most critical sectors in Africa, employing a majority of citizens and accounting for around 14% of Africa’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) (Oxford Business Group, 2021). It is estimated that women constitute about 43% of agricultural workforce in developing countries (Oxford Business Group, 2021). At the international level, women account for two-thirds of small-scale agricultural livestock managers (Huyer, 2016). However, the productivity of these women, especially in Africa, is sometimes impeded by limited access to land (FAO Gender, 2020). Gender differences further hinder women’s output in terms of ownership, access, and control of more than six crucial agricultural resources and inputs, including land, workforce, finance, knowledge, outreach, and technology (Njobe & Kaaria, 2015; Huyer, 2016).

The statistics of property holders in Africa outnumbers documented ownership. Generally, men hold registered deeds and other forms of official documents at a higher rate than women (Gaddis et al., 2018). According to Slavchevska et al. (2021), while maintaining a lower land rights rate, most women landowners lack the essential legal documentation, restricting their capacity to make major decisions on land usage. Similarly, norms sometimes make it less likely for women to be allowed to legally possess land or have any role over how it is utilised (Slavchevska et al., 2021). For example, in-law marriage reduces a woman’s chances of land ownership or having little or no say on related matters. Additionally, climate change results in ecological and land deterioration, and failure to plan adequately places an added burden on women as the small proportion of fertile land drops (Mandelsohn & Dinar, 1999). This demonstrates that even when women claim to be landowners, they frequently experience weaker tenure security than men (Mbaye, 2020).

The unequal access of women to major agricultural resources, including land, labour, knowledge, fertiliser, farming practices, and other inputs, contributes to the persistent gap between men and women (Farnworth et al., 2016). According to Kristjanson et al. (2017), women confront extra socio-cultural and institutional hurdles to acquiring and implementing agricultural technology. Most of the time, women in Africa lack adequate access to resources, including farmland, capital, livestock, tools, and expertise. As a result, they are substantially less likely to increase economic power and make positive contributions to their communities. Women are seldom considered when making decisions on how to manage natural resources (Tantoh & McKay, 2020). There is an absence of political will and dedication at both national and regional levels to change feudal customs and privileges, such as gender-based discrimination in communal preoccupations.

It is worth noting that the inclusion of African women, that is, creating equal opportunity for men and women, has some socio-economic implications in the light of the changing climate. Consolidating women’s rights to land ownership might significantly boost family earnings and well-being (Quisumbing & Maluccio, 2003). To promote equality between men and women farmers, this chapter explores the diverse gender dimensions in agriculture and how climate change impacts these roles. The gender gap in access to vital farm produce and inputs (farmland, manpower, information, fertiliser, extension services, and seedlings) contributes to the gendered discrepancy in land rights in Africa (Farnworth et al., 2016). Therefore, it is crucial to identify the gendered dimensions of these differences and consider them when developing and implementing agricultural response strategies to climate change in Africa. Gender disparities in roles suggest that men and women would be affected differently by climate change, influenced by their social and professional status. As such, it is necessary to explore gendered vulnerability to climate change and recommend appropriate interventions for Africa’s agricultural sector. This chapter aims to provide insights and recommendations that can help policymakers and practitioners promote gender equity and enhance the resilience of Africa’s agricultural sector in the face of climate change.

2 Land Ownership, Gender Differences, and Climate Change in Africa’s Agricultural Sector

Farm owners, herders, workers, and dwellers rely on land as one of the cornerstones of income generation and socio-economic growth. In addition, land is a repository for cultural legacy and identity (Odeny, 2013). Across Africa, there are significant discrepancies between men and women regarding land ownership, use, and control (Agarwal, 2003). Gender disparities in land ownership rights, which is a crucial revenue source for Africa’s impoverished, are especially pronounced where land is concerned (Gaddis et al., 2018; Alkire et al., 2013). In Ghana, a study found that women own land in only 10 percent of households, while men own land in 16-23 percent of households, with the mean value of men’s land ownership being almost three times that of women (Deere & Doss, 2006). Results from an FAO study conducted in 20 countries show that the majority of families are headed by males, who also manage bigger lands than families headed by women (Agarwal, 2011). Furthermore, a recent study by Gaddis et al. (2018) indicates that only about 13% of African women (aged 20–49) have exclusive land ownership, compared to 36% of African men. Even when joint ownership is considered, the gender gap remains significant, with 38% of African women owning land (alone or jointly) compared to 51% of African men (Gaddis et al., 2018). Age-long cultural practices regarding land relations in many parts of Africa have made several African women reliant on male relatives’ status and benevolence for land access (Allendorf, 2007).

Land tenure practices in the region impose severe conditions on women, relegating their efforts to adapt to climate change. In addition, statutory and customary regulations continue to limit women’s access to land and other resources in many developing nations (Perez et al., 2015). Nearly two-thirds of developing nations’ laws do not ensure that both genders have the same inheritance rights. Again, in some of these nations, customary discriminatory practices against women are observed (Perez et al., 2015). In Mali, for example, women constitute around 50% of the population who engage in agriculture (UN Women, 2018), yet they are dissuaded from agricultural production due to their inability to access land (USAID, 2015). Mali traditionally forbids women from owning land. While women may farm or utilise land for a limited period, such access can be revoked at any time (WFP, 2016).

Given that property is often used as a form of security, women’s limited capacity for property ownership has a detrimental effect on their access to finance (Antwi-Agyei et al., 2015). Lack of land tenure security causes less access to loans, resulting in inefficient land use and poorer yields (United Nations, 2015). Africa’s land tenure structures heavily restrict women, which makes it difficult for them to adapt to climate change (Fletschner & Kenney, 2014). In addition, the likelihood of women in Africa having the knowledge and resources needed to improve farming is generally low (Beuchelt & Badstue, 2013), thereby limiting their influence in decision-making on farm management and climate change (Phiri et al., 2022).

In some African countries, village leaders, kinship groups, and extended relatives are involved in aspects of property transfers that exclude women from land ownership (Doss et al., 2015). Land allocation and heirship, for instance, may fall under the jurisdiction of older men, while purchases and/or alienations outside of the bloodline require the approval of village chiefs (Doss et al., 2015). Men in many African countries primarily own land, while women are often engaged in the ownership and breeding of livestock. This ultimately makes women more vulnerable to the effects of climate change, as the malnourishment of animals brought on by inadequate meadows and water shortage has an intense impact on livestock farming (Gumucio et al., 2020).

Additionally, women lose their rights due to pest incidences as they are unable to afford prevention remedies (Palacios-Lopez et al., 2017). This is exacerbated because they often use most of their income for the sustenance of their children, unlike their male counterparts, who usually have money set aside to address the consequences of temperature and rainfall unpredictability (AfDB, 2016). Detrimental impacts of global warming, namely the drought that has been extensively reported in several African countries, have made women journey hundreds or thousands of miles in the hunt for meadows and water for their animals and family (Phiri et al., 2022). This implies that, in the event of unfavourable weather patterns, women will have little or no production on their farms (Njue et al., 2018).

3 Gender Inequalities and Access to Meteorological Information

Information and technology access are critical to mitigating climate-related hazards that undermine productivity in agriculture (Patel et al., 2021). Accessing weather and climate information can help Africa adapt to global warming (Eissle et al., 2019; Gumucio et al., 2020). This is because a significant number of African women are exposed to extreme weather, as they rely on rain-fed farming (World Bank, 2016). According to Kristjanson et al. (2017), a number of nations in Africa are contending with widespread poverty and are regularly affected by climate changes that require specialised information and timely interventions. Climate information is defined as a collection of information or facts and scientific proof of knowledge about weather patterns created systematically at different time frames for a variety of contexts (Eissle et al., 2019).

Climate change in the form of flooding increases the prevalence of water-borne illnesses like malaria, especially among children and women. Timely forecast is essential in managing the unpleasant consequences of flooding (Amegnaglo et al., 2017) as it provides the opportunity to respond appropriately. Many cultural, socio-economic, and institutional factors are entwined with changes in weather patterns and may either support or impede coping capacity (Shackleton et al., 2015). Several studies (e.g., Henriksson et al., 2021; CARE International, 2010) suggest that males are more likely to have access to resources and hence may be more adaptable than females. However, others (e.g., Goh, 2012) find that information and communication technologies are progressively transforming the economic prospects of disadvantaged and low-income women. Most women in Africa are much more susceptible to under-nutrition since they depend on subsistence farming and are exposed to food insecurity. Due to power disparities occasioned by gender structures, women have limited access to assets and are less empowered in decision-making processes (Jerneck, 2018). Compared to men, women often have less education and fewer career options, making farming their primary source of livelihood (Henriksson et al., 2021). Women’s poor access to information and extension services may prevent them from using adaptive strategies (Henriksson et al., 2021). Other challenges to the uptake of agricultural systems in Africa include inadequate funding, limited agricultural inputs, and unsecure land rights (Goh, 2012). Men often have greater access to information than women due to property ownership, education, and travel (Nyasimi et al., 2018). Consequently, they are prominent in decision-making on issues of agriculture, power generation, water management, and preservation of natural resources, amongst others (Phiri et al., 2022).

Although there are many sources of information, women access fewer outlets than men. For instance, in South Africa, women in agricultural areas did not have the same access to climate forecast information as men (Archer, 2003). Men favoured radio as a source of information, while women preferred seasonal predictions offered by extension staff in a “teach-in” setting (Archer, 2003). In another study, Roncoli et al. (2009) discovered that gender, ethnicity, and politics significantly impacted climate prediction information. For instance, participatory workshops in Burkina Faso showed that the majority of attendees (93.44%) were men (Roncoli et al., 2009). Additionally, Kristjanson et al. (2017) found that across Africa, women farmers had much less access to several types of agricultural (e.g., CSA practices) and climate-associated knowledge compared to men (Kristjanson et al., 2017). However, there may be exceptions to women’s limited information depending on the context within which they live (Kristjanson et al., 2017). For example, in Kenya, women report having more access to agricultural, animal production and post-harvest management information compared to men (Twyman et al., 2014).

In many settings, women rely mostly on non-institutional sources and local relationships than men, who typically prefer to explore broadly for sources of climate and agricultural advice (Kristjanson et al., 2017). For instance, in Colombia, both genders mostly get their knowledge through family members, technicians, radio, television and other external sources. Nevertheless, a greater proportion of men than women claimed to have access to these informational sources (Twyman et al., 2014). Media and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Nicaragua are the principal providers of agricultural and climate-related information. Men have more access to these sources than women (Kristjanson et al., 2017). In Africa, Senegalese women seek forecasts on dry seasons and rain stoppage dates as they plant afterwards due to a lack of influence over the factors of production (Tall et al., 2014). Men in Uganda utilise mainstream media, while women prefer loudspeakers or news from village elders and other local organisations. In Ghana, men organise agricultural production using weather information (Jost et al., 2016).

Studies (e.g., Behrman et al., 2014; Jost et al., 2016) show that women are more likely to have time constraints that limit them from participating in local climate adaptation initiatives or modification of policies that increase their workload. Rural women are more likely to be affected by environmental stress in farming systems because of increased family and agricultural duties. An increase in women’s workload and a decline in the asset of low-income households are two of the most important effects of environmental stress (Goh, 2012; Jost et al., 2016). According to Huyer (2016), when women have the opportunity to acquire and deploy knowledge effectively in the management of resources, it narrows the gender gap. However, the significant influence of cultural systems persists, giving men a comparative advantage in adjusting to the adverse repercussions of climate change (Diouf et al., 2019; Stucker & Lopez-Gunn, 2014).

In sum, women’s access to information on the effects of climate change, weather, and alternative agricultural production strategies is a critical factor in adaptation and mitigation (Huyer, 2016). It is pertinent that stakeholders comprehend the many risks of global warming and the unequal ramifications of these challenges. Africa primarily relies on rain-fed agriculture, which is especially susceptible to temperature fluctuations (Serdeczny et al., 2017). Hence, all hands must be on deck to ensure the sustainability of the sector. For example, just 3.7% of Eastern Africa’s agricultural land is watered. Knowledge regarding precipitation and temperature occurrences should be disseminated to all stakeholders, especially rural women (Serdeczny et al., 2017). For farmers to make effective decisions, they must have access to practical meteorological information (Vincent et al., 2013). Periodic projections provided by weather forecasts facilitate the formulation of risk reduction measures. Farmers who are subject to a definitive agricultural production schedule will profit immensely from a detailed daily forecast (Vincent et al., 2013).

4 Gender Dimension in the Mitigation and Adaptation to Climate Change in Livestock and Crop Production in Africa

In Africa, agricultural productivity often displays a gender disparity, with female farmers’ output being lower than that of male farmers (World Bank, 2015). Women and men employ productive inputs differently, which has been explained by ineffective intra-household allocation, women’s limited access to cash crop markets, as well as cultural, political, and economic factors (World Bank, 2015). Female farmers in sub-Saharan Africa are particularly vulnerable to climate change and are impacted disproportionately (Beuchelt & Badstue, 2013). The impact of gender differences in agriculture is estimated to be $100 million in Malawi, $105 million in Tanzania, and $67 million in Uganda (World Bank, 2015). The value of crop yield per unit of cultivated land varies from 5% to 25%, depending on the nation and crop (World Bank, 2015). With around 40%–60% of African women active in agriculture, strengthening their resilience to climate change is an essential step towards improving food security in the region (Doss et al., 2018).

The amount of productive land, techniques, and accessibility to resources are determinants of the agricultural sector’s vulnerability to climatic shocks. One of the most urgent concerns for African farmers is how to deal with these problems to mitigate the consequences of harsh weather as a result of the increasing incidence of global warming. Farmers are adjusting their cropping techniques in response to climate change, with differing effects on crop income availability, control, and relative workloads (Jost et al., 2016). The capacity of both men and women to acquire and employ agricultural resources to meet their needs will significantly impact production judgement and projected outcomes. For instance, women in the Benin Republic opted for maize and rice to supplement household consumption, whereas the men opted for cotton, which is heavily subsidised (Toulmin & Guèye, 2005). Men in Ghana were found to strongly favour growing food for commercial purposes (Doss, 2002). Conversely, women participate across the agricultural production value chain (Doss, 2002); which may enable them to diffuse the effects of climate change (Doss, 2002).

Women are particularly constrained because of their relative lack of access to chemical fertilisers, which are usually purchased at market-determined prices (Mutenje et al., 2019). For instance, Ethiopia’s agricultural variation is explained by gender inequalities in agrochemical use (Ragasa et al., 2012). Thus, women frequently depend on natural manure, which is produced by domesticated cattle. In Senegal and Benin Republic, women’s fields are often planted last as men predominately employ the available agricultural assets such as donkey carts and labour. Consequently, the harvesting of crops by women is delayed until the end of summer, making the venture susceptible to failure during an extended dry season (Kinkingninhoun-Mêdagbé et al., 2010). In Kenya, women are more likely to be seen using manual farming implements rather than mechanised processes to execute a range of farming activities (Wanjiku et al., 2007). Thus, this shortage of alternatives limits the avenues for female farmers to mitigate the broadening effects of climate change (Doss & Morris, 2000).

Food security is threatened in low-income and agriculture-based economies like Africa due to rising temperatures, decreased precipitation, and increased rainfall variability (Dixon et al., 2001). Therefore, the effects of climate change are adverse to nations where agriculture is the primary source of income, many of which are in tropical Africa. Agriculture influences climate change by releasing greenhouse gases (GHG) from various farming practices (Maraseni et al., 2009). Evidence shows that growing carbon dioxide emissions are causing the atmosphere’s climate to change quickly (Stern, 2006). This is why Africa is anticipated to warm faster than the rest of the world, with rainfall becoming more unpredictable (Field et al., 2014). Droughts, floods, dry spells, and decreasing precipitation are becoming increasingly common across Africa’s agro-ecologies (Belay et al., 2017). As a result, smallholder farmers’ ability to produce crops and livestock is jeopardised (Belay et al., 2017). Household demographics, farm size, income, market accessibility, animal output, access to climate information, and extension services affect farmers’ ability to select appropriate adaptation strategies. This indicates the necessity of providing institutional, policy, and technological support for various smallholders to facilitate indigenous adaptation techniques (Belay et al., 2017).

African farmers often alternate farming methods in the light of regional climatic variations and associated problems (Otzelberger, 2011). This outlook is further exemplified in the knowledge application regarding intervention programmes, strategies, and plans to mitigate the effect of global warming on food production (Bradshaw & Fordham, 2015). Both men and women comprehend the effects of global warming and adopt response techniques that embrace enhanced agricultural varieties. Farmers use various techniques to deal with climate change, including shifting crop growing dates, recurrent planting, administering agrochemicals, diversifying crop production, adopting different agricultural techniques, including automation, and producing better cultivars.

Farmers in developing countries also depend on their livestock, especially as it is a vital source of nutrition and provides a valuable source of income (Tall et al., 2014). In addition, livestock serves as a means of transit, a provider of fertiliser, an energy source during droughts, and a form of insurance for peasants. As the poor typically do not have access to the traditional financial system, livestock functions as “a bank account” (Randolph et al., 2007). However, the level of livestock dependency, coupled with food security, can vary between men and women (Gallina, 2016). There are considerable differences in the proportions of men and women who own livestock. In Ethiopia’s combined cultivation agricultural system, men and women possess cattle, goats, and sheep, though men account for a larger share of livestock (Yisehak, 2008). Women possess more domestic animals than men in Kenya and Rwanda (Aklilu et al., 2013). In Nigeria, women nourish and provide for vulnerable livestock, clean barns and dairy cattle, and make butter, while men regulate concerns of animal health and disease (Ayoade et al., 2009).

While measures to address food insecurity brought about by climate change may be characterised by gender inequities, the role of women in livestock farming has received little attention (Lambrou & Nelson, 2010). Although women are involved in livestock farming, they do not have complete control over consumption. In Ethiopia, where women’s involvement cuts across all facets from production to sales, men only participate when the income flow from raising livestock increases. Women who care for cattle in Africa are more susceptible to climate change than men. They have less economic influence over assets, which is attributable to their low technical and intensive farming skills. To support women in adapting progressively to the harmful effects of climate change, these inequalities must be resolved.

5 Gender Dimensions in African Forestry Management

Women rely on a variety of economic sources, both agricultural and non-agricultural, to make ends meet. Non-agricultural sources of rural family income have been found to be important in empirical studies (e.g., Vedeld et al., 2004), but their benefits are frequently neglected in poverty surveys (Cavendish, 2000). Given the rising threats of climate change to agriculture, boosting and sustaining revenue from non-agricultural activities would increase farming households’ adaptive capability. Forest benefits differ based on socio-economic variables (e.g., wealth status, family size, education level, sex, and age of the household head) (Abebaw et al., 2012), and such benefits include access to forests, markets, institutional systems, marketing channels, and prospects for off-farm employment. Forest revenue is especially essential, as poorer households earn a bigger share of their income from low-value, high-volume forest goods (Escobal & Aldana, 2003). Forests are one of the non-agricultural assets that sustain rural livelihoods worldwide, particularly in developing countries. According to a World Bank (2016) report, 350 million people worldwide depend on forests for survival, and many more rely on these resources for supplementary income. Forests provide provisioning services to the poor, particularly during times of need, and contribute to livelihood security in rural areas (Vedeld et al., 2004). Forest product collection and sale might also promote building assets and investing in a more meaningful existence that fosters educating children, acquiring agricultural inputs, or investing cash in activities that create extra income.

Despite their deep relationship with the environment, women lack secure ownership over land and related natural resources like forests and still contend with discrimination in their occupation. Also, decision-making processes for disaster risk reduction typically exclude the knowledge and suggestions of women. Gender mainstreaming in climate change mitigation entails reducing inequality and reliance on forests and natural resources. In Africa, females’ land ownership status is not equivalent to that of male players, and their accessibility to forests and environmental assets is limited. For instance, Burkina Faso’s restriction of women’s access to and ownership of forest land assets is associated with discrimination against women (Coulibaly-Lingani et al., 2009).

Africa’s forests are fertile for the gathering of non-timber forest products (NTFPs). According to Ruiz-Perez et al. (2002), gender is a key issue to consider when analysing forest reliance. Men and women typically have different responsibilities regarding the gathering, cleaning, and selling of forest resources. In most underdeveloped nations, women are responsible for fulfilling household fuel and energy needs, whereas men are significant extractors of large products such as timber (Prema, 2002). For instance, in Cameroon, NTFP extraction is closely tied to the tasks and activities of various household members, with women collecting more food products in fields, stubbles, and secondary forests. Men are more generally aware of the major forest species observed during hunting activities (Russell & Tchamou, 2011). In Congo Basin, women organise and control Mid-Market Enterprises (MMEs) for the gathering of NTFP (Dkamela, 2001). Forest-based agriculture is done in the Congo Basin using a shifting cropping technique, with food crops as the principal (Bayol et al., 2012). Men are primarily responsible for clearing the main forest for agriculture, while women prepare the soil, plant, tend, and harvest the crops. However, men also cultivate cocoa as cash crops along with other food crops (Brown & Lapuyade, 2001).

Although women generally dominate the gathering and marketing of NTFPs, they lack security of access to these goods, land, and natural resources. In general, women in sub-Saharan Africa rely more on forest resources for a living but have less access to financing (Asfaw et al., 2013). For instance, in Cameroon, a woman gets access to forest resources in most circumstances because of her relationship with the men in the family (Diaw, 2005). Local elites dominate village forest management committees, while other groups are excluded (Oyono et al., 2005). Women are mostly underrepresented on these panels and do not occupy major decision-making positions (Bandiaky & Tiani, 2010). In Congo Basin, the management of animals and wood is typically the duty of males (Tiani, 2001).

6 Socio-economic Implications of Gender Inclusivity in Africa’s Agriculture Under the Changing Climate

African women are vital to the continent’s agricultural economy. They constitute the sector’s backbone, accounting for 52% of the entire population and accounting for nearly 50% of all agricultural labour on farms in sub-Saharan Africa (Njobe & Kaaria, 2015). In addition, African women produce 60%–80% of the food on the continent (Njobe & Kaaria, 2015). However, African women continue to be under-leveraged in the agricultural sector since neither their level nor the quality of their engagements results in long-term socio-economic development advantages (Njobe & Kaaria, 2015). Women who work as farmers, livestock owners, industry workers, and business owners frequently have limited access to productive resources compared to their male counterparts (ILO, 2020). Women seem to have little control over farm yields and, compared to men, are unable to obtain loans or agricultural inputs. Building the capability required for low-income countries to handle catastrophic occurrences like significant floods is crucial. The severe restrictions women experience in many facets of life are primarily the result of ineffective, gender-blind legislation and ingrained patriarchal customs. In terms of having access to land, having control over resources, being able to command and get paid labour, having the capability, and having methods for income diversification, gender inequality persists.

To encourage and promote equal access to land and resources, increase production, and manage environmental and soil conservation, legal and structural impediments must be removed, to give room for gender-sensitive land tenure regulations. Some African nations have established legislation recognising women’s right to land ownership; the political will to implement these legislations is critical to closing the gender gap that will benefit current and future generations. A woman’s ability to manage finances gives her more influence over important family decisions, especially those concerning her children. Families with female decision-makers spend more money on food, healthcare, education, and the nutritional needs of their children. Raising a generation of Africans who are better fed, educated, and able to contribute to personal and national development in all sectors is important to promoting gender equality (AU, 2015).

If women had a similar degree of control over resources as men, Africa’s agricultural output would likely increase. For instance, in Ghana, women contribute 70% of crop production while men contribute 30%. Reducing gender disparities in agricultural output might abolish starvation for more than 100 million people worldwide (FAO, 2020). According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO, 2010/2011), advances in agricultural productivity alone might lift 100–150 million people out of poverty. Similarly, research reveals that gender is not just a significant moral issue but also a vital economic concern (AU, 2015). The increased inclusion of women in sustainable farming is a potential game changer in lowering the impact of climate change (AU, 2015). In truth, altering the status quo requires massive effort to achieve a deliberate, planned, and far-reaching shift in the present gender dynamics.

Women’s inclusion in socio-economic activities helps boost agricultural output, decreases poverty and hunger, and supports economic growth. The scaling back of limits imposed by the gender gap in agriculture has the potential to deliver enormous rewards for society (Adeola et al., 2018; Adeola et al., 2021; Aronu et al., 2022). In brief, empowering women farmers and enacting laws to close the gender disparity may positively affect women and their households, towns, and nations. For Africa’s expanding population, which is expected to triple in the next 90 years, bridging the gender disparity is integral to economic well-being and food security.

7 Conclusions and Implications

Climate change necessitates new methods of agriculture; hence farmers’ activities must be adaptable to the changing environmental conditions, and gender is important to this transformation in the short and long terms. Agriculture is a critical component of women’s livelihoods worldwide, particularly in least developing countries (LDCs), where four-fifths of economically active women describe agriculture as their principal economic activity (FAO, 2011). As males shift to seasonal or paid labour, more females are participating in agriculture, even as women farmers have limited access to productive inputs and resources (FAO, 2020). To improve women’s access to agriculture under the changing climate, proper utilisation of new agricultural methods and technology can assist women farmers in managing the diverse challenges of climate change. They may also have different priorities when it comes to implementing new technology. Farms owned by female-headed households typically have fewer farm labourers at their disposal. Women and men have various resources accessible to them and distinct time restrictions. Agricultural programmes to assist farmers in adapting to climate change must be resource and demand suitable (Huyer, 2015).

Farming and climate information are critical for agricultural development and food security in a changing environment (Tall et al., 2014). However, women have less access to development programmes and participate in fewer demonstration sessions (Ragasa, 2012). To improve women’s access to agriculture in Africa, creating multiple communication channels will be beneficial (World Bank, 2020). Women’s access to radio, extension events, SMS, and voice messaging, as well as local groups, clinics, and schools, must all be improved (Tall et al., 2014). Notably, the communication platforms and message content must be tailored to diverse audiences. Other departments beyond agriculture may occasionally have a wider audience (for instance, through campaigns emphasising nutrition’s role in health). Collaboration amongst other ministries, such as agriculture, health, and the environment, will aid in spreading messages. In addition, partnerships with civil society, colleges, and community-based organisations (CBOs) will help broaden information reach and accessibility (Huyer, 2015).

Given the right environment and resources, women may become successful innovators, capable of inventing new technologies, as well as adapting current ones. However, simply having the ability to innovate is not enough; an enabling environment must support women’s innovation processes by giving access to facilities, services, and incentives. Understanding and recognising women’s engagement in value chains will be critical to ensuring that the private sector incorporates gender considerations into market access and climate change insurance activities. To improve women’s access to resources, especially in agriculture, women farmers must be acknowledged as successful innovators with distinct objectives and interests, and they must work with others to develop and build appropriate labour-saving solutions. Creating tools to encourage and legitimise women’s climate-change-related inventions will enhance livelihood outcomes for rural and urban dwellers (Huyer, 2015).

Women are prominent land managers impacted by climate change policies affecting agriculture and forestry. Limited understanding of the practicalities of women’s careers, unjust laws, income utilisation preferences, educational restrictions, and childcare responsibilities are among the causes (UN Women, 2015). Increasing women’s voices at all levels of policymaking is likely to result in the fairer allocation of the benefits of climate change programmes. If women and men are represented equally in leadership positions, it will facilitate policy translation into action (Huyer, 2015). In addition, support for mitigation actions will undoubtedly be more successful if it leverages women’s traditional strengths (AfDB, 2011). Priority should be given to women’s land ownership, participation in crisis prevention and response, and reconciliation initiatives.

Women are crucial to the maintenance of rural livelihoods and family sustenance through the creation of greenhouses (Howard, 2006). They are the keepers of traditional knowledge on crop biodiversity. Cropping systems are more resilient to the adverse effects of climate change when crop production is maintained and diversified (Altieri et al., 2015). Therefore, it is necessary to educate women about current agricultural techniques and, more crucially, to improve their access to valuable tools and resources (Farnworth et al., 2016). It is essential to provide female farmers with the requisite knowledge, instruments, and resources to succeed (Falk & Bessonova, 2018). This is an important initial step to minimising gender disparity in agriculture and a strategic paradigm for managing climate change and ensuring national sustainability. Therefore, empowering women in agriculture is crucial for achieving sustainable development goals and addressing climate change.

In conclusion, gender disparities in agriculture, particularly in land rights and access to resources, pose significant challenges to the livelihoods and well-being of women farmers in Africa. These disparities are further exacerbated by the impacts of climate change, which disproportionately affect women. Addressing these gender inequalities in agriculture and increasing women’s access to resources and decision-making can improve women’s livelihoods and contribute to the achievement of sustainable development goals in Africa. Policy interventions and programmes that promote gender equity and provide women with the necessary resources and support can help build resilience to climate change and improve regional food security. Therefore, achieving gender equality in agriculture is crucial to building resilience to climate change and improving food security in Africa.