The Dynamics of South–South Migration in Africa

Abstract

While Africa is commonly represented as a continent of exodus, the vast majority of African migration in Africa occurs within the continent. Historically, colonialism shaped movements within the African continent tremendously, through inequalities in development efforts, infrastructural imbalances, and deliberate forced movements. In recent times efforts by African states to enhance regional integration, play important roles in facilitating intra-African movements. This chapter focuses on changing patterns and dynamics of South–South migration in Africa by analysing historical and geographical patterns of migration within and between the regions of Africa.

Introduction

South–South migration involves the movement of individuals from one developing country to another in the Global South. Although there are significant international movements between the countries of the Global South (see Schewel and Debray, this volume) migration narratives tend to focus on migration from the Global South to the Global North. These narratives are, however, starting to change as researchers and policymakers from the Global South increasingly contribute to the migration discourse in the South. The changing global economy, growing interconnectedness, and the political landscape are contributing factors to the increasing attention given to South–South migration (see, for example, Bakewell et al., 2009; Setrana et al., 2022). Factors such as cultural attitudes, economic incentives, geopolitical realities, and international cooperation account for the increasing flows between countries of the Global South (Halperin & Heath, 2020).

The outcomes of South–South migration are diverse and contradictory; while some highlight the negatives associated with South–South migration, namely poverty and inequality which arise by draining resources from vulnerable countries (see, for example, Ratha et al., 2011), others are of the view that South–South migration promotes economic growth and creates new opportunities for innovation and collaboration (see, for example, Setrana & Arhin-Sam, 2022; Setrana & Kliest, 2022; Teye, 2022; Ullah & Haque, 2020). These perspectives are largely skewed towards the use of economic indicators as measurements of development and ignore the welfare and social aspects (Quartey et al., 2020). Research undertaken by the large number of Global South scholars involved in the Migration for Development and Equality Hub (MIDEQ) provides a more nuanced explanation that reflects the trends, patterns, and complexities of South–South migration.¹ This research indicates that South–South migration is essential for economic development and knowledge transfer between countries in the Global South (see also Bakewell et al., 2009). It helps bridge the gap between skilled labour and knowledge, leading to a better quality of life for the population (see also World Health Organization, 2008). It also helps improve agricultural practices and technologies in the receiving country (see also Zossou et al., 2020). Furthermore, it contributes to addressing population imbalances and reducing brain drain (see also Quartey et al., 2020).

There is a need for policymakers, scholars, and development partners to recognise the relevance of South–South migration in order to develop policies and strategies that facilitate the migration processes and ensure benefits to both sending countries and the migrants. South–South migration must be seen as a strategic and constructive approach for developing countries to work together towards a shared goal (Ratha & Shaw, 2007). By recognising the value of South–South migration and promoting policies that support the integration of migrants, developing countries can create more inclusive and prosperous societies for all (Bakewell et al., 2009). Human mobility dynamics in Africa provide one of the clearest examples of the potential benefits of South–South migration.

Migration trends and patterns in Africa have changed over time: geographical patterns have significantly changed from the colonial days through the post-colonial era to the neoliberal era (see also Fynn Bruey and Crawley, this volume). These changing patterns have been shaped by the global geopolitical context, global economic changes, international migration policies and laws, and environmental disturbances. The reasons for intra-African movements are diverse and defined by both the African context and external barriers to international migration beyond the African continent. The majority of African migration within the continent occurs due to socio-economic, political, and environmental factors (Flahaux & De Haas, 2016). Many Africans move to other regions of the continent in search of better job opportunities, higher wages, and better living conditions (Setrana & Kleist, 2022; Teye, 2022).

Drawing on academic sources, including our own studies on various dimensions of African migration, this chapter argues for a more evidence-based analysis of the African migration story.² The popular narrative by policymakers and academics that it is a continent plagued by mass displacement and migration, primarily due to poverty and conflict (Flahaux & De Haas, 2016; Korn, 2001; Oucho et al., 2006) with the majority of Africans fleeing across the Mediterranean to Europe, as reflected in media representations. We argue that based on the overwhelming evidence that most Africans move within Africa, there is a need for a corrective narrative.

Migration Trends and Patterns in Africa

The innate nature of people to change their location in response to either push or pull factors makes migration an indispensable phenomenon in Africa. In the twenty-first century, the narrative of international migration has transitioned from the practice of “forced colonial slavery” to movements that are motivated by the need to tap into better socio-economic opportunities, conducive political environments, and human-friendly environmental conditions on the continent. There are increasing numbers of movements within the African continent. This can be attributed, in part, to the concerted efforts of African states and international institutions to promote regional integration (Kayizzi‐Mugerwa et al., 2014) among the regions of Africa, namely, western, southern, eastern, northern, and central Africa. The drive towards regional integration has created more opportunities for people to move freely within the continent, leading to increased migration. The growth of African economies has also contributed to increase intra-regional mobility: as more countries experience economic growth, there is a greater demand for labour, which has led to an increase in cross-border movement.

The various regional economic communities, namely, CEN-SAD, COMESA, EAC, ECCAS, ECOWAS, IGAD, and SADC (Møller, 2009) have been instrumental in promoting the movement within the continent. For example, ECOWAS has been instrumental in promoting free movement of people and goods throughout West Africa (see also Teye and Oucho, this volume), while SADC has focused on fostering agricultural development and improving infrastructure. Although there are challenges with the ratification and implementation of free movement protocols, this regional cooperation remains an important goal for many African countries as member states work together towards a more prosperous future for all their citizens and migrants.

As of mid-year 2020, the total number of international migrants stood at 280.6 million which constitutes 3.6% of the total global population.³ The vast majority of these migrants remain within the regions from which they originated. According to the evidence, the highest rate of intra-regional migration is in Europe (70%), followed by Sub-Saharan Africa with an intra-regional migration share of 63%.

As shown in Fig. 9.1, the international migrant stock as a percentage of the total population in Africa has been dwindling, reaching its peak at 2.5% in 1990. This decreased from 1.9% in 2000 to 1.7% in 2010. Since 2015, the international migrant stock as a percentage of the total population in Africa has remained constant.

Fig. 9.1

(Source Based on data extracted from the UNDESA database, 2020⁴)

International migrant stock as a percentage of the total population in Africa

Fig. 9.2

Destination of African migrants globally

There is widespread evidence that most African migrants are not crossing oceans, but rather, there is a high level of land-border crossings within the region. The African migration report estimates that 94% of African migrants who cross the oceans do so regularly (Achieng et al., 2020). The report further indicates that 14% of migrants population globally are from Africa while 41% and 24% respectively are from Asia and Europe (Achieng et al., 2020). These figures emphasise the fact that intra-African migration is prominent and this story must be told in order to change the misconception around the irregular migration of Africans across the Mediterranean. A cursory look at migration data further shows that 4 out of 5 international migrants residing in eastern, middle, and western Africa hail from the same African region (Fig. 9.3).

Fig. 9.3

(Source Retrieved from the Migration Data Portal, March 2022)

Distribution of migrants on the continent

This unique trend of intra-regional migration calls for unbiased academic research, policy guidelines, and measures that reflect the regional setting, the needs of the African migrant and, ultimately, promote the aspirations of the African people. Admittedly, issues of conflicts, natural disasters, and unfavourable climatic conditions may lead to forcibly displacement of persons. For instance, the ongoing conflicts in the Ethiopian’s Tigray region have led to the massive displacement of people who are crossing the Ethiopian-Sudan border, with women and children being a highly vulnerable group (UNHCR, 2020). Apart from that, if left unabated, the impacts of climate change which are affecting agricultural activities, food supply, and the availability of potable water may not only stimulate migration and forced displacement, but also increase the proportion of distressed migrants in the future.

Nonetheless, a greater chunk of mobility in Africa is largely attributed to the high levels of trade and other socio-economic engagements that have been in existence across several centuries. Africa hosts about five million migrants from the rest of the world (Achieng et al., 2020). Aside from historical trade practices, it is anticipated that the promotion of migrant-friendly trade treaties such as the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCTA) agreement has the potential to promote labour mobility, commerce, and investment within the region. Moreover, the outbreak of COVID-19 has reshaped the operations of global supply chains and businesses, hence, the ratification of AfCTA can be seen as a conduit for the advancement of intra-continental cross-border trade in an era of growing isolationism.

With reference to Africa, the trajectory of international migrant stock has been increasing continuously for the past decade from 1990 to 2020 (see Fig. 9.4), and this further reinforces the fact that regular intra-regional migration is a common practice in the sub-region.

Fig. 9.4

(Source Based on data extracted from the UNDESA database, 2020)

International migrant stock in Africa

As shown in Fig. 9.5, there has been an upward trend in the annual rate of change in the migrant stock with a percentage increase from 1.3% in 2000 to 5.0% in 2015. The rate of increase however slowed in 2020, and this can be partly attributed to the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and the associated international travel restrictions that were imposed across the globe.

Fig. 9.5

(Source Based on data extracted from the UNDESA database, 2020)

Annual rate of change of the migrant stock in Africa

The dynamics of migration in Africa show that countries with peaceful and robust economic environments attracted a greater proportion of the young and active migrant labour force. This confirms the general assertion that both skilled and unskilled workers move to environments that offer them better economic prospects in sectors ranging from manufacturing, agriculture, and service sectors. By mid-2020, out of a total of 6.4 million international migrants recorded in the Southern African region 45.3%, representing 2.9 million migrants, chose South Africa as their destination country (IOM).⁶ This can be attributed to the disparities in economic growth and prospects between countries within the SADC economic block, where South Africa is considered as the beacon of economic growth. Precisely, the mining potentials of South Africa coupled with the existence of a good business climate has been a pull factor for migrants from Mozambique, Lesotho, Malawi, Botswana, and Eswatini, among others. A similar trend can be seen in western Africa, where migrants from Sahel countries such as Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso head southwards to coastal countries like Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire which are relatively endowed with better economic prospects in the agriculture, mining, and fishing sectors (Dick & Schraven, 2021). Moreover, the quest to promote economic integration within the ECOWAS sub-region through visa-free travelling protocols has translated into an increase in labour mobility over the past decade.

Amid the evolving social norms that allow women to partake actively in the labour market, it appears that there has been a rise in the independent migration of females in search of better economic opportunities since 2010 after a decrease in 2005 (Setrana & Kleist, 2022).

As can be seen in Fig. 9.6, there was a decreasing trend in the percentage share of international female migrant stock in Africa (between 1995 and 2005). However, from 2005 till 2020, the trend was reversed to reveal a continuous increase in the female share of international migrants. The high volumes of daily crossings of borders by traders, most of whom are market women, illustrate the active engagement of African women in the labour market. This contemporary shift clearly communicates that cultures are undergoing a positive change in that women are no longer considered as residual and dormant partakers in the economic transformation agenda of societies. As of 2020, there was a daily estimate of at least 30,000 people moving in-between the townships of Rusizi and Goma, which happen to be border towns between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda (Achieng et al., 2020). About 75% of those moving between the border towns are women who trade in fabric, foodstuffs, and other electronic goods. Similarly, Beitbridge, the political border post between South Africa and Zimbabwe, registers an average of more than 30,000 daily crossings by people engaging in cross-border commerce and trade. This phenomenon is not particular to the aforementioned border towns but can be seen in most of the border towns within the region. The higher levels of female labour force participation associated with these border crossings have an extended impact on family earnings, consumption, and the general welfare of households.

Fig. 9.6

(Source Based on data extracted from the UNDESA database, 2020)

Female migrants as a percentage of the international migrant stock in Africa

Fig. 9.7

(Source Based on data extracted from UNDESA database, 2020)

International migrant stock as a percentage of the total population 1990–2020

International migrants as a percentage of the total population within the regions of southern Africa have been increasing with the highest percentages recorded from 2010 to 2020. Table 9.1 presents data on the African regional variation in the international migrant stock as a percentage of the total population from 1990 to 2020.

Table 9.1 Annual rate of change in the migrant stock from 1990 to 2020

Table 9.1 provides data on the annual rate of change in the migrant stock from 1990 to 2020. Statistically, Table 9.1 highlights the fluctuations in the annual rate of change of the migrant stock across different sub-regions and establishes that southern Africa had consistently maintained the highest annual rate of change, except for the period from 2015 to 2020 when it was surpassed by the northern African sub-region.

From 1990 to 1995, the Middle Africa sub-region exhibited the highest proportion of the annual rate of change in the migrant stock, accounting for 12.0%. Although there was a decline in this highest percentage during the period of 1995–2000 compared to 1990–1995, the sub-region with the highest annual rate of change shifted from middle Africa to southern Africa. Such migration patterns in Middle Africa are shaped by each country’s unique culture, language, and economic factors (Chaudhry & Ouda, 2021). Factors that drive migration within the Middle African region include poverty, political instability, and ethnic conflict. Poverty is one of the primary drivers of migration in the region. The lack of basic necessities such as clean water, food, and access to healthcare has compelled many to seek opportunities in other countries.

In this new period, southern Africa recorded a rate of 1.1%. Subsequent time intervals displayed an increase in the highest proportion of the annual rate of change, including 2000–2005, 2005–2010, and 2010–2015, with percentages of 4.4%, 7.9%, and 7.8% respectively. Notably, southern Africa consistently held the highest annual rate of change of the migrant stock compared to the other regions under consideration throughout these specified time intervals. These trends in the southern Africa region show that it is one of the regions with the highest number of people moving within the continent (Bakewell & De Haas, 2007). The drivers of migration within the southern Africa region are multifaceted and complex, but they could be attributed to several reasons such as economic disparities, political instability, and environmental changes (Raleigh, 2011). The shortage of employment and other economic opportunities in some countries such as Zimbabwe and Malawi are forcing most people to migrate to neighbouring countries such as South Africa and Botswana.

However, from 2015 to 2020, the northern African sub-region recorded the highest annual rate of change in the migrant stock, reaching 7.9%. In the region, economic and social factors such as poverty, unemployment, and lack of basic services are some of the key drivers of migration within the region. One of the primary drivers of migration in North Africa is economic factors. High unemployment rates in the region push many people to seek employment opportunities abroad, particularly in Europe.

Demographic Overview of Migration Within the Regions of Africa

In 1990, the proportion of male migrants as part of the total population in eastern Africa was higher at 3.1% compared to their female counterparts at 2.9%. In 1995, 2000, and 2005 this trend persisted with males as a percentage of the total population representing 2.3%, 2.0%, and 1.7% respectively, indicating that male migrants were a higher percentage of the total population during those years. Nevertheless, in 2010, 2015, and 2020, both sexes had the same percentage which represented 1.4% and 1.7%, and 1.7% each in 2010, 2015, and 2020 respectively. In southern Africa, male migrants as a percentage of the total population dominated the migrant stock compared to the female in all the year intervals. The case was not different in West Africa as in all the year intervals.

With regard to sex, the data shows that males generally dominate migration within the continent and among the various regions in Africa. Eastern and western Africa record the highest migration of both males and females although the former is higher. Despite the lower proportion of female migrants on the continent, it is important to note that there is increasing independent migration of women. The increasing migration of women has been noted by feminist migration scholars because it gives autonomy and empowers migrant women when compared with traditional migration narratives where women were seen as persons accompanying husbands and fathers (Setrana & Kleist, 2022). In Western Africa, there have been slight decreases and increases, representing 45.1% to 45.7%, slightly below the average of female migrants from all over Africa. Here the changing narrative not necessarily about the percentages but about the autonomous decision-making of women for various reasons including furthering education and searching for employment among other things. In the early 1990s, the implementation of the structural adjustment programme rendered many women jobless. Many of these women gained livelihoods that empowered them to take care of their families by engaging in cross-border trading.

Table 9.2 illustrates the sex distribution of the annual rate of change of the migrant stock from 1990 to 2020. As can be seen, from 1990 to 1995, the proportion of the annual rate of change of the migrant stock in eastern Africa was the same for males and females as both sexes recorded −3.6% each. However, the annual rate of change of the migrant stock from 1995 to 2000 was higher for females (−0.4%) than the males (−0.6). In the period 2000–2005, the males overtook the females where the males accumulated an annual rate of change of the migrant stock of 0.5% as against −1.1% for females. Nevertheless, from 2005 to 2010, 2010 to 2015, and 2015 to 2020, the females had a higher proportion of the annual rate of change of the migrant stock than the males which represents 0.9%, 7.0%, and 2.9% respectively.

Table 9.2 Annual rate of change in the migrant stock in Africa 1990–2020, by regions and sex

Regarding Middle Africa, between 1990 and 1995, both males and females had an equal annual rate of change in the migrant stock, with both sexes recording 12.0%. However, from 1995 to 2000, the annual rate of change in the migrant stock was higher for males (−7.9%) compared to females (−8.4%). In the subsequent periods of 2000–2005 and 2005–2010, females surpassed males in terms of the annual rate of change in the migrant stock. During the former period, females accumulated an annual rate of change of 2.2%, while in the latter period, it increased to 4.4%. However, from 2010 to 2015, the annual rate of change in the migrant stock for males (7.7%) exceeded that of females (6.5%). In contrast, from 2015 to 2020, females (2.1%) dominated males (1.1%) in terms of the annual rate of change in the migrant stock.

In terms of sex distribution in North Africa, there were notable differences in the annual rate of change in the migrant stock between males and females during specific time intervals. From 1990 to 1995, 1995 to 2000, 2000 to 2005, and 2010 to 2015, the males experienced a higher annual rate of change in the migrant stock, with percentages of −2.1%, −0.9%, −0.2%, and 1.9% respectively. However, during the periods from 2005 to 2010 and 2015 to 2020, the females exhibited a higher annual rate of change in the migrant stock compared to males, with percentages of 2.5% and 9.3% respectively.

With regard to sex disaggregation in Southern Africa, there were distinct patterns in the annual rate of change in the migrant stock between males and females during specific periods. From 1990 to 1995, 1995 to 2000, 2000 to 2005, and 2010 to 2015, the females exhibited a higher annual rate of change in the migrant stock, with percentages of −2.7%, 1.5%, 5.1%, and 9.0% respectively. However, from 2015 to 2020, the males displayed a higher annual rate of change in the migrant stock compared to females, with a percentage of −1.5%. Additionally, between 2005 and 2010, both males and females had an equal annual rate of change in the migrant stock, with both sexes recording 7.9%.

Concerning the sex distribution in West Africa, from 1995 to 2000, and 2000 to 2005, the males recorded a higher annual rate of change in the migrant stock than the females which represent −0.6%, and 2.7% respectively. However, from 1990 to 1995, 2010 to 2015, and 2015 to 2020, the females had a higher annual rate of change in the migrant stock than the males which constitutes 4.1%, 2.4%, and 1.4% respectively. Also, between 2005 and 2010, both males and females had the same proportion of the annual rate of change in the migrant stock, with both sexes recording 1.2%.

Generally, migrants in destination areas in Africa are found within the age bracket of 25–54 years. In terms of the sexes, in 2010, 2015, and 2020, the highest proportion of male and female migrants at destination areas was found within the age categories of 40–49 (6.2%), 35–44 (6.8%), and 45–49 (3.3%) respectively. When disaggregated by gender, out of the total male migrants in destination countries in Africa, close to one-fifth (17.3%) in the year 2010 were within the age category of 30–54 while the year 2015 and 2020 recorded (19%) and (18.1%) respectively who also fall within the same age category. Likewise, the females within the year intervals of 2010, 2015, and 2020 could also be found within the age bracket of 35–44 (5.0%), 35–39 (2.9%), and 30–34 (2.8%) respectively. One notable finding is the higher number of young migrants at destination areas within the economically active age range. This observation suggests that a significant majority of African migrants, regardless of sex, tend to be in the age group that is actively participating in the workforce of destination countries. This concentration indicates the potential economic motivations behind migration within the African continent, as individuals within this age range often seek better employment opportunities, the highest wages, and improved living standards in their destination countries.

Conclusions

The vast majority of African migration occurs within the continent, demonstrating that South–South migration in Africa is key to Africa’s development agenda. Intra-migration is prominent with many African migrants crossing from one country on the continent to another country. Unlike the misconceived narratives that portray African migrants as persons moving irregularly through the Mediterranean to the Global North. Migration within and across Africa is beneficial to both sending and receiving countries. Some of the gains range from remittances, investments in education, health and housing sectors, and skills transfer, among others (Tonah & Setrana, 2017). Through South–South migration on the African continent, migrants who have acquired skills and values contribute to development in various capacities (Setrana & Tonah, 2016). There are enormous benefits of migration to both the destination and origin countries on the African continent. More positive impact is recorded on the economically active African group and the independent women migrating across the different regions and countries in Africa. Such African migrants become economically independent to support themselves and their households. For example, African migrants contribute through remittances which represent a source of foreign exchange supplementing household income for purchasing basic needs. Additionally, African migrants at both destination areas and in the home countries have established transnational businesses, created jobs, and paid taxes in the countries to which they move (Setrana & Arhin-Sam, 2022). South–South migration within the African continent has created employment for the many women who were displaced due to the implementation of the structural adjustment programme. These issues were compounded by the legacies of colonialism which shaped movements within the African continent through inequalities in development efforts, infrastructural imbalances, and deliberate forced movements.

More of the benefits of South–South migration can be achieved through strategic programmes and policies and narrating the migration realities on the African continent. To maximise the benefits of African migration within and across, many governments in Africa have implemented policies to ensure greater engagement with their citizens abroad, as well as those who make the decisions to finally return home, in order to maximise the developmental benefits of migration.

Efforts towards addressing the challenges associated with migration either to or from the sub-region and intra-regional migration are key to promoting the interlinkages between migration and development. Governments have implemented various measures, such as national migration policies, for effective migration management broadly, which have been successful to varying degrees (ICMPD & IOM, 2016). Given the importance of the African diaspora in national development across the region, it is recommended that governments harmonise policies across the sub-region to address the benefits.

Notes

• 1. Funded by the UKRI Global Challenges Research Fund (GCRF) (Grant Reference ES/S007415/1), the MIDEQ Hub unpacks the complex and multi-dimensional relationships between migration and development in the context of the Global South. More at www.mideq.org.

• 2. Our analysis has also benefitted from work at the Centre for Migration Studies (CMS), University of Ghana, and other local and international institutions such as UNDESA, IOM, and the Migration Data Portal. The Portal aims to serve as a single access point to timely, comprehensive migration statistics and reliable information about migration data globally. See https://www.migrationdataportal.org/.

• 3. See https://www.migrationpolicy.org/programs/data-hub/charts/immigrant-and-emigrant-populations-country-origin-and-destination.

• 4. Available at https://www.un.org/development/desa/pd/content/international-migrant-stock.

• 5. See https://migrationdataportal.org/regional-data-overview/southern-africa.