Migration in South Asia: Old and New Mobilities

Abstract

The topic “Migration” is considered as a bedrock of South Asian Civilization. It has the largest Diaspora among the World, with India as a lead. Majority of these workers migrate for either low or semi–skilled jobs. This reader is an attempt to cover some of the important themes including Phenomenon of non- traditional migration in South Asia, Temporary labour migration and caste system, Feminization in the South Asian Migration, Climate and environmental change induced migration that concerns the Migration in South Asia. This reader has also pointed out the impact of migration governance for safe, legal and orderly migration for the future migration in South Asia.

For ages, migration has been a cornerstone of South Asian civilization and economy, with individuals and communities dispersed over the globe. Countries within the South Asian sphere, comprising of the eight South Asian Council of Regional Cooperation (SAARC) members of India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan and Bhutan form a large percentage of the world’s population, and migration from the region have transformed communities not only in the home countries but also all across the world. Indeed, the South Asian diaspora is one of the largest in the world, with India having the largest diaspora in the world at over 17.7 million, with Bangladesh at seven million and Pakistan at about six million migrants also making the list of the ten largest diasporas around the world (IOM, 2022) (Table 1.1).

Table 1.1 Largest migrant population by countries of origin 1995–2020

A majority of these migrants are labour migrants, travelling to different parts of the globe for mostly low and semi-skilled jobs. However, changes in migration trends throughout time have resulted in a great number of migrants from various demographics, educational levels, and languages traversing the world in quest of better futures. It is estimated that out of the 38 million South Asians worldwide, the majority are labour migrants. The 2012–17 period saw only Bangladesh, India, Nepal and Pakistan send between 46,000 and 71,000 workers annually (World Bank, 2022).¹

When it comes to destinations, a large majority of migrants from South Asia reside in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, Kuwait, Oman and Bahrain. This migration corridor has been a dominant one over the past few decades and has only increased over the years. In fact, the United Nations (2020) estimated that between 2000 and 2020, the largest growing migration corridor was that between Central and Southern Asia to the North African and West Asian countries – which grew by 13 million migrants in this. This is directly attributed to the large increase in labour migrants primarily from the countries of India, Pakistan, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh (UN-DESA, 2017).

1 South Asian Migration: Changing Patterns and Dynamics

It was estimated in 2017 that there were just over 38 million people from the South Asian region living abroad, up from just over 23 million in 1990 (ILO, 2018) (Fig. 1.1).

Fig. 1.1

Stock of South Asian Nationals living abroad 1990–2017. Source: ILO, 2018

When compared to national populations, it was estimated that around 13.58% of Afghans lived abroad when compared to the national population, with equivalent percentages for Sri Lanka and Nepal being 8.27 and 5.93% respectively (ibid.). When it comes to the gender distribution of migration from South Asia, traditionally migration from the region has been a male dominated one and has been studied from the same lens (Castles & Miller, 2009). However, feminization of migration has expanded, particularly in West Asia, with women primarily providing services such as nursing and domestic support (Siddiqui, 2008). This is in line with the increasing feminization of global migratory flows. These migrants contribute to develop their native countries in a variety of ways.

The most popular destinations for migrants from South Asia were the GCC countries of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Kuwait, giving residence to almost 15 million people from the South Asian region. As mentioned before, a number of these migrants are those who migrate as unskilled and semi-skilled labourers in these countries. For decades, these labourers have been the backbone of Gulf economies, leaving an indelible mark on not only their economies but also their societies.

However, over the past few decades (as reflected in the Table 1.2), there has also been an increase of flows of highly skilled migrants and students towards developed western countries such as the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Australia and Canada (Khadria, 2005). India has the second largest student migrant population in the world, with a majority of students going the United States for higher studies, forming what Rajan and Wadhawan (2014) call “future disaporas”. The largest flows among Indian nationals in 2016 to the developed Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries was to the United States at over 64,000 people, followed by Australia and Canada. Bangladesh and Pakistan are experiencing similar developments, with Italy and the United Kingdom also being attractive destinations. (ILO, 2018). However, what is also interesting is the flows from nations such as Sri Lanka and Nepal towards East Asia. In fact, in the case of Sri Lanka, the largest migration flow among OECD countries was to the Republic of Korea in 2016 (Wijesooriya, 2017).

Table 1.2 Top 10 destinations for South Asian Migrants

Another component of South Asian migration that receives less attention is mobility inside the region. There are an estimated ten million migrants within the South Asian region itself who hails from within the region. This is a significant number which has been on the decline since the 1990s, when the number stood at 13.81 million (Srivastava & Pandey, 2017). This is due to a variety of challenges stemming from historical and socio-political factors. This is also owing to the prevalence of irregular movement across borders, as well as a steady flow of refugees, both of which have been politicised for domestic advantage by political parties across the board. As this book shows, this hampers the potential benefits for development through migration in the region and constantly leaves migrants, refugees and other communities vulnerable and at the mercy of political whims.

And the benefits of migration are many, the most notable of which may be through the impact of remittances.

2 Remittances

South Asia is the largest recipient of remittances by a sub-region, being the largest source of foreign inflow – often by order of multitudes ahead of foreign direct investments and official development assistance combined (World Bank, 2022). India, in fact, is the largest recipient of remittances in the world at $ 83 billion in 2019 (before the commencing of the COVID 19 pandemic). On the other hand, the amount of remittances in Nepal is a staggering 23.5% of its GDP. The role of remittances cannot be overstated in the region. The role of remittances in making real change among individuals, communities and societies at large in the South Asian region has been highlighted at length in various studies. Migrants from the South Asian region send back large sums of money in the form of remittances, which can range from 3 to 23% of GDP (World Bank, 2022).

When it comes to the origin of these remittances, it is clear that the vast majority of them originate from the six GCC countries, who between themselves contribute to over 61% of all remittances into the region, with just the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia contributing to around 40% of all remittances into South Asia. Other major sources of remittances include the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, who among them contribute to about 20% of total remittances into the region, reflecting the global reach of the South Asian diaspora (Fig. 1.2).

Fig. 1.2

Origin of remittances into South Asia as a percent of total remittances. Source: Molavi (2020). https://agsiw.org/economic-contraction-across-the-gulf-chokes-the-flow-of-remittances-to-south-asia/

During times of crisis, remittances might also serve as a buffer against sudden consumption shocks. Remittances are frequently found to be counter-cyclical in nature, meaning that during times of economic crisis and natural calamities, the number of remittances actually increases (Ratha, 2005). The role of remittances in providing relief to individuals and communities has been highlighted during the Nepal and the role that remittances played in the aftermath of terrible flooding in the southern Indian state of Kerala, which has a number of migrants settled abroad (Rajan et al., 2020). In fact this was seen even during the COVID-19 pandemic, when the flow of remittances stayed robust even during the affected period of 2020.

Despite the major role of remittances in South Asian society, mechanisms for assuring secure and cost-effective remittance corridors have remained scarce. Most transaction costs remain far higher than the 3% of total remittances as mandated by target 10 (c) the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This has led to increasing insecure and illegal forms of money transfers which, apart from undermining development goals of the countries of origin, also end up being more exploitative to the migrants and their families back home in the long run.

3 COVID-19 and Its Aftermath: Implications for South Asian Migration

Overall, the changing dynamics and patterns of migration from South Asia require a more cohesive and collective response from all the countries involved. This has become especially vital in the light of the COVID-19 pandemic and economic and social changes it is likely to bring. Almost 3 years into the pandemic, we are already seeing much of the ramifications today as the pandemic has exposed the vulnerabilities that South Asian migrants already faced. Initially emergency evacuations of people led to an immediate spike in return migrants to South Asian countries. It is estimated that the Vande Bharat mission of the Indian government repatriated around three million migrants from May to the end of 2020, with many more being repatriated since. The government of Nepal and Sri Lanka embarking on similar mass evacuation missions (IOM, 2022). Emigration out of these countries has also not picked up since. For example the World Bank (2022) found that the number of monthly outflows of migrants from Indian households reduced by 25% compared to pre-pandemic levels and inflows increased by about 50% because of massive return migration especially from migrant workers in the Gulf. The scenario was much the same in almost all the South Asian nations. However, this may yet be a temporary phenomenon as the pandemic imposed restrictions start ebbing away. While, surprisingly, remittance levels did not decrease with this flow, the social ramifications of this change in flow is yet to be fully addressed.

The vulnerabilities of migrant workers in the destinations was also put in full light with South Asian migrant workers facing instances of wage theft and the lack of a social safety net was clear in this case (Foley & Piper, 2021). The future of migration from South Asia is still unclear as the pandemic has raised barriers and costs for mobility at least in the near future for migrants for whom migration was a costly affair to begin with (World Bank, 2022). The role of migration in development and, as we have seen in the aftermath of the pandemic, on resilience is still a very real phenomenon, and it is imperative that routes of migration remain open and accessible in the time to come. Another feature of migration within South Asia is the increase of forced migration due to conflicts in the region, has led to the region one of the largest sources and destinations of refugee populations in the world. This is a feature which will need to be noted in the coming future (IOM, 2022).

So far the collectivisation of action to ensure that the process of migration occurs in a safe and orderly manner and more importantly, the fruits of migration are distributed equally amongst its beneficiaries. The urgent need is to identify migration-related concerns and devise creative methods to address them collectively, rather than individually, as has been the case thus far.. This series makes such an attempt through a collection of works from scholars, experts and practitioners on migration from the region. Through a mix of relevant and well-researched articles, this series aims at providing the reader with a nuanced understanding of the issues, challenges and opportunities that migration in South Asia provides.

4 Organization of the Reader

This reader is structured into chapters based on broad topical issues, ranging from South Asian migration policy to migrant health, migration trends and patterns, and climate change-induced migration. In addition, out of eight countries in South Asia, except Sri Lanka, we have representation of different dimensions discussed in the remaining seven countries.

The second chapter, titled “Internal and Forced Migration and Economic Development In South Asia” by Mehdi Chowdhury and Syed NaimulWadood, examines the contemporary state of human migration in all of South Asia’s eight countries. It covers the various forms of migration providing emphasis to internal and international migration. Internal migration is challenging to carry out owing to the paucity of identification and certification at both the origin and destination locations. Internal migration documentation and analysis in South Asian countries constitutes a barrier because it would not require traversing an international border or the filing of documentation. The neoclassical migration model, as proposed by Sjaastad, assumes that individuals will relocate to places that pay more for their work output less of migration costs which are asserted here. In addition, this chapter examines the data to assess the effect of migration on the economic growth of Southeast Asian nations and formalizes the relationship between economic development and immigration through the dual economic models. It is analyzed with the help of data from South Asian countries. By analyzing statistics from South Asian countries, the article also sheds light on the awful truth of forced migration, as well as its current and future position.

The phenomenon of non-traditional migration in South Asia is the focus of the next chapter by AKM Ahsan Ullah. Mallik Akram Hossain and Ahmed Shafiqul Huque Non-traditional migrants (NTM) are a unique type of migrant who leave their home nations and relocate to another country in order to protect the wealth they have accumulated in methods they are unwilling to reveal. As a result of poor administration, a small group of people accumulate large sums of money. To assure that their progeny inherit this money, they relocate to other countries. NTMs frequently chose Middle East countries and Europe as potential targets since such jurisdictions offer a variety of schemes that favour affluent migrants. This chapter focuses upon the key differences between NTM and conventional migrants. They distinguish them from the majority of their countrymen by living in a secluded neighbourhood not having to look for work, and not remitting finances to their homeland. It also explores initiatives like Malaysia My Second Home (MM2H) and Citizenship by Investment, which is offered by various countries to NTMs. The accelerating increase in the number of NTMs is a concerning pattern that could have negative consequences for South Asian economies and necessitates additional investigation.

The fourth chapter by Hasan Mahmud examines looks at the political and economic view of international migration in Bangladesh. The chapter elucidates the socio-political-economic perspectives of migration trends in Bangladesh through various studies and theoretical underpinnings. It crystalises the twin concepts of ‘origin states’ and ‘destination states’. The paper brings forth the significance of the destination state’s role in shaping international migration and controlling migration pertaining to the wellbeing of citizens. The paper invites attention to the role of origin states in popularizing migration and justified it with examples of migration trends. It also spotlighted the historical trend in promoting migration, encapsulating pre-partition and post-partition migration and migration in the 1970s owing to the Bangladesh Liberation war in 1971.The next segment classifies migration in terms of compositions and migration destinations. It also gives insight to the fact that the state actively promoted migration through state formulated laws and regulations, giving due attention to migrants in 5-year plans, actively involving in migration diplomacy like bilateral agreements and memorandum of understanding, setting labor welfare wings in different countries. It concludes by stating that further study on migration trends from an individual perspective should be done coupled with further research on the state’s role, which will help in safeguarding migrants.

Labour Migration from Nepal: Trends and Explanations by Jagannath Adhikari, Mahendra Kumar Rai, Chiranjivi Baral and Mahendra Subedi, delves into the trend of Nepal’s labour migration to different countries akin to different socio-political, economic facets that elicited labor migration and remittances on an upward swing after the 1990s. Before the 1990s, migration from Nepal was restricted to only India, a popular destination for migrants then. But the current trend exhibit migration pattern is changing from India to Gulf countries and Malaysia and even to developed countries. The principal causes are wage differential blend with a better standard of living. This chapter unearths the fact that the majority of migrants are circumscribed to India, Gulf countries, and Malaysia, while minor migrant population depends on developed countries and also emphasizes that women migration is less, mainly concentrated on domestic help. It further articulates the push and pull factors that drive Migration. The paper also emphasizes the detrimental impact of covid pandemic, which deadlocked the life of migrants. In the initial period of covid while many migrants returned to India despite the worsening covid pandemic situation due to poverty. The paper concludes by arguing that interpreting historical trends and their modern implications which require a more sophisticated approach.

India has always granted due consideration to the enduring correspondence between ‘nation’ and ‘civilization’. Traces of Indian history characterize India’s pursuit of owning the identity of civilizational nationhood. Samir Kumar Das through his article, Navigating between Nation and Civilization: Regimes of Citizenship and Migration under Bharatiya Janata Party, navigates the progress of India in recognising it as a self-contained civilization. With the entry of BJP in the political scenario with ‘Hindutva’ as the ideological base fuelled India’s claims for civilizational nationhood. This generated new patterns of citizenship and migration in India. The paper discusses the relation between the twin elements of ‘nation’ and ‘civilization’ in India’s context with the ‘Hindutva’ thinking. This ancient banner of ‘Hindutva’ is capable of accommodating a variety of elements to carry multifarious regimes of citizenship and migration in India. This elasticity and acceptance helps in enwrapping the alternative communities together which promotes expansion of India beyond its current territorial confinity. The assimilation of different communities and faiths into the common framework of Hindutva within the country and liberation of the unassimilated communities enriches the civilization regimes in the country. This understanding is crucial in perceiving the variations in citizenship and migration regimes brought by the initiatives of National Register of Citizens and Citizenship Amendment Act.

It is entrenched that temporary labour migration is one of the most significant livelihood strategies adopted by the poorest sections in developing countries including India. Such kind of migration is rural in nature and caste is one of the important determining factors as far as rural areas are concerned, hence, S Irudaya Rajan, Kunal Keshri and Priya Deshingkar examine the pattern and flow of temporary labour migration and association between caste and temporary labour migration using large scale data of Indian National Sample Survey, 2007–2008. Results suggest that the highest share of temporary migrants is found in rural to urban stream (63%) and there is a dominance of out of state migration, particularly from the underdeveloped states like Bihar, Jharkhand, and Uttar Pradesh. Temporary labour migration rates are higher at the national level among the most disadvantaged social groups, namely Scheduled Castes (SC) and Schedule Tribes (ST) (45 and 24 per 1000 respectively) as compared to Other Backward Castes (OBC) (19 per 1000) and Others (12 per 1000). Among poorest of the poor temporary labour migration was found twice than any other caste group. Results suggest a noticeable predominance of caste as a determining factor of temporary migration in India.

Bhutan seated in the Himalayan foothills in South Asia has been experiencing refined migration movements. The country enriched with geographical variances has been distinguished by the complex patterns in migration; a combination of rural-urban, rural-rural and other patterns. The chapter by Mayur A Gosai and Leanne Sulewski sheds light on discovering the patterns of migration in Bhutan and the attracting (pull) and detracting (push) forces causing the nuanced migration patterns in Bhutan. The data from the Population Housing Census of Bhutan (PHCB) in 2017 and other sources projected a series of factors responsible for driving the population from places of origin to destination. Even though the push and pull factors are entwined; they produce disparate effects on the migrant population. The blend of economic and non-economic factors has resulted in temporary and permanent migration. The PHCB 2017 explained the paramount reasons for migration as education and employment, which attracts the population to the place of destination. Furthermore, the lack of market access, food insecurity, lack of water, agricultural and wildlife interfaces are the detracting forces working in the place of origin. The active involvement of these factors played a significant role in generating delicate and heterogeneous migration patterns with spatial variations.

The contribution of remittances, both international and domestic, to the GDP of various governments is one of the distinguishing characteristics of countries in South Asia. Pakistan is not exception to this trend, as the contribution from international remittances stood at 7.9% of the national GDP. The benefits of remittances in the socio-economic well-being of the receiving states have been well documented and studied. Hisaya Oda explores the impact of remittances on middle and secondary school enrolment of children in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan. Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province is a major base for internal and international migrants in Pakistan as the lack of employment opportunities drive prospective jobs seekers out of the province in search of better employment opportunities. The findings of the study are based on data collected among 13,752 children within the age group of 11–16 years from 7300 households. It was observed that international remittances have a positive impact on the enrolment of male children. On the other hand, internal remittances do not show a positive impact on the enrolment of male children. At the same time, international as well as internal remittances do not tend to show any positive impact on the enrolment of female children. This affirms the need for better gender inclusion in the educational sector of Pakistan.

Chapter 10 looks at the impact of female migration on their children left-behind in Bangladesh by Sabnam Sarmin Luna. It is generally believed that female migration would lead to the overall well-being of the left-behind families as the remittances as a share of the earnings would be higher in the case of female migrants in comparison with male migrants. At the same time, female migration is also known to inflict social cost on the left-behind families, especially among the children of female migrants. The findings of this study are based on primary as well as secondary data. The primary data was collected in Bangladesh, from among 50 caregivers of children whose mothers had been abroad for at least 12 months. Although the study observed a general improvement in the well-being of the socio-economic profile of the left-behind families, the absence of mothers in the left-behind families showed adverse effects in the upbringing of their children. Thus, it is hard to posit conclusively as to whether the female migration has a positive or negative impact on their children as the economic benefits of migration are offset by its social costs.

Focusing on the issue of climate change induced migration, authors Kashif Majeed Salik, Mayum Shabbir and Junaid Zahid’s chapter examine to see if there’s a link amongst climatic severe occurrences, dislocation, and immigration in Pakistan. Harsh environmental occurrences, such as recurrent droughts and floods with extended periods, have become more common in recent years, wreaking havoc on people’ basic subsistence holdings throughout the nation. As a result of this circumstance, episodes of migration in all directions and patterns have increased in the research area. In this paper, the authors use a conceptual method to investigate the connections among climate extremes and important population dynamics, mechanisms, and consequences. People’s adaptation and response capacities are restricted, as per the report’s results, in the midst of many problems provided by climatic change in their lives. When it comes to climatic variation and its effects on households, the research reveals that rural-urban and urban- urban migration is the most common reaction and coping mechanisms. Migration induced by climatic variation causes socioeconomic challenges along with settlement issues amplifying their vulnerability which is mentioned in this study. The research does, nonetheless, shed light regarding how migrant households’ earnings increased significantly mostly as result of increased participation in informal companies and other commercial sectors.

The environmental changes causing potential impacts on the land and its people has been a problem of concern in many localities especially in low-lying island groups. Being an archipelagic state in Indian Subcontinent with low elevated lands and distinct environmental and social conditions, Maldives has been a victim of creeping environmental changes. The impact of environmental changes especially human-caused climate change is induced in transforming the natural structure of the island groups causing threat to Maldives’ life and livelihood. Looking at the same issue in the context of the island nation of the Maldives, Chap. 14 by Robert Stojanov and Ilan Kelman, presents the views of 15 local experts on the detrimental impacts of environmental changes in Maldives, collected through a qualitative survey conducted in August 2013. In their perception a number of environmental issues are faced by the Maldivian community like sea level rise, beach erosion, water scarcity etc. among which unpredictable climatic changes occupies a dominant position. The experts also proposed a set of mitigation and adaptation strategies in dealing with the dilemma. Even though migration to other countries is a potential adaptive measure when linked with other motives catalyzing resettling of the people, the experts doesn’t support an immediate need of migration. The inferences from the survey delineate breaches in the possibilities and actions taken on the matter.

Refugees from conflict-affected countries are always at the centre of attention of the world. The final chapter by Khadija Abbasi and Alessandro Monsutti focus on Afghanistan and elucidates the unfolding of two terminologies- ‘Muhajir’ and ‘Awara’ amid large-scale displacement of Afghans in the late 1970s period due to continuous conflict in their homeland. The first section of the chapter traces the history of displacement, which began in the 1970s and is still ongoing. The chapter also annotates twin terminologies- ‘Muhajir’ and ‘Awara’. ‘Muhajir’ indicates migration and often linked itself with the migration of Prophet Muhammad and his companions, while Awara associate with wandering, vagrancy, and homelessness. The authors shed light on the deeper aspect of the term ‘Muhajir’ from the viewpoint of few self-identified ‘Muhajir’, who exhibits their emotional attachment to the homeland and relates ‘Muhajir’as forced displacement and ‘Awara’ as the chosen one. The authors also unravels the perspective of ‘Awara’ who suffered homelessness due to continuous displacement. The chapter also exposed that the refugees in Iran prefer to identify them with Awara rather than Muhajir and stated that Awara always feels connected to their homeland. The chapter concludes by expecting that the world will be more tolerant of migrants who faced discrimination and exclusion throughout their lives.

Mobility dynamics in South Asia are defined by transient migration of low-wage migrant labourers coordinated by middlemen and recruiting agencies. South Asian economy has benefited greatly from migrant labour. Migrant labour, for example, accounts for 10% of India’s GDP. State policies and media rhetoric in the region, on the other hand, frequently neglect or stigmatise migrants, depicting them as disease vectors. Whereas the idea of immiseration have gained in popularity in past few decades, its relevance to identifying underlying paths by which conditions of ill-health are formed, particularly in the framework of South Asia’s complicated migration trends, is unmapped territory. Chapter 12 by Anuj Kapilashrami and Ekatha Ann John offers an outline of the healthcare concerns that refugees and immigrants in South Asia experience as a result of the precariousness of their social, political, and work life. Work-based precarity illustrates how insecure agreements and agreement of service, as well as low income and working circumstances, contribute to feelings of anxiety and powerlessness. Another factor is precarity based on societal standing, which leads to marginalisation as a result of several hardships faced by migrants.. Migrants’ temporary socioeconomic life associated with “lower” citizenship, subject’s people to estrangement from community and strengthens their disposability which is the status based precarity.

The last chapter is by S. Irudaya Rajan and Ashwin Kumar examines linkage between migration and development within the SAARC framework and towards a migration governance model of the future. While the emigration of migrant labourers from the South Asian regions has amply been documented and researched, the movement of people within the region has not been given considerable attention. Despite the fact that various migratory routes existed in the region before and before the British Raj, the region’s split along religious lines and the governments’ acrimonious political rhetoric have restricted free movement of individuals within the region. It documents an overall picture of the trends of migration within the larger South Asian region, tracing its history over the years and its present state. In this exploratory paper, the authors draw parallels between regional organisations like the European Union and the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), a collective whose objective is to enhance greater cooperation among the South Asian states. While this objective remains a distant dream, the scope for cooperation still looms large. The authors propose the establishment of a regional framework to enhance cross border movements so as to reap economic and social benefits from cross-border movements in the region.