Abstract
This chapter considers the missing anti-systemic project in U.S. Latinx theologies. While this scholarly field has celebrated its genealogical connections to Latin American Liberation Theology, the liberationist impulse has long been at risk of assimilation and co-optation in the North American academy. This chapter looks back to review a sweeping critical proposal from Manuel Mejido, published in 2002, that sought to reorient Latinx theologies to their true vocation to Liberation Theology. I then consider whether a third way has emerged—that of decolonial theological studies—and whether it represents a decisive move beyond what Mejido called the liberationist paradigm of scholarship. I conclude that while there are strong gestures in that direction, a more anti-systemic perspective in North American Latinx theologies remains to be developed—one centered in challenges to the hegemony of global capitalist civilization. I close by proposing several perspectives and research projects that might advance a more anti-systemic, decolonial Latinx theology.
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Notes
- 1.
We also hear in mainstream political debates that these latter-day identifiers are marginal—and can even engender offense—among people of Latin American descent in the U.S. (Garger, 2021).
- 2.
Mejido cited
Karl Marx’s critique of the ideological function of philosophy and science, Friedrich Nietzsche’s repudiation of the autonomy of pure and practical reason via his notion of the “will to power,” Georg Lukács’ unmasking of the correlation between the scientific method and the capitalist mode of production, Theodor Adorno’s critique of positivism, Max Horkheimer’s critique of “traditional theory,” Jürgen Habermas’s notion of a “critical social science,” Thomas Kuhn and Paul Feyerabend’s social theoretically motivated critique of the Popperian philosophy of science, Michel Foucault’s “archaeological” de-centering of the knowing subject,” and Immanuel Wallerstein’s “historical reconstruction of the social sciences.” (38–9)
- 3.
Mejido notes that liberal theologies of culture were written by Protestant theologians (Ernst Troeltsch, Reinhold and H. Richard Niebuhr, Paul Tillich, and Gordon Kaufman) and Catholics alike (Karl Rahner, Bernard Lonergan, David Tracy, and Robert Schreiter).
- 4.
The internal quotes cite from Habermas’s Knowledge and Human Interests (1994).
- 5.
- 6.
The works of Michelle González (2006) toward an “Afro-Cuban theology,” and Néstor Medina’s study of mestizaje (Medina, 2009) in Latinx Catholic theology are key steps in this critique. I comment on them, and other second-generation assessments, in my article on “the Latina/o religious imaginary in the North American racial crucible” (Aquino, 2015a, b).
- 7.
Ronald Reagan, “Farewell Address (January 11, 1989),” archived by the Miller Center at the University of Virginia (a think tank on the study of the U.S. presidency), http://bit.ly/qJCupr
- 8.
See “Transcript of Speech by Clinton Accepting Democratic Nomination,” The New York Times, July 17, 1992, online at https://nyti.ms/2TtVRtQ (consulted July 1, 2021)
- 9.
Miguel de la Torre—with his usual fire—comments on how the American Dream regularly leaves Latinx peoples behind (De La Torre, 2010a). He stands up an “ética para joder” (more or less an “ethics to fuck with things”) that frontally critiques capitalism for its imperious Eurocentric ethics. See also De La Torre, 2010b.
- 10.
In fiscal year 2019, the U.S. deported 1719 Cuban-Americans back to Cuba, triple the number from the prior year. Deportations in 2018 had already nearly tripled (463) compared to 2017 (160). See U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, “U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement Fiscal Year 2019 Enforcement and Removal Operations Report,” 2019, https://tinyurl.com/ybhwzvtj. By contrast, people from countries in northern or western Europe were deported about one-tenth as frequently as Cuban-Americans.
- 11.
Ramón Saúl Sánchez is the most outstanding example. He came to the U.S. on a “Freedom Flight” as a 12-year-old refugee in 1967, and spent the intervening years involved in campaigns against the Cuban regime as head of Movimiento Democracia in Miami. But like many Cuban-Americans, perhaps imagining their anti-communism as an ideological security shield against deportation, Sánchez never obtained a green card nor secured his citizenship. His applications for political asylum were rejected by the Trump administration (Jarvie, 2020). He was nearly deported—but delays in his deportation proceedings, and the advent of the Biden administration, have taken those threats off the table.
- 12.
The U.S. Postal Service became a lever in Trump’s bid to limit Democratic voter turnout in 2020, as COVID was confining people to their homes and the mail service became indispensable to voting.
- 13.
“I just want to find 11,780 votes, which is one more than we have,” Trump said in the call. “Fellas, I need 11,000 votes, give me a break” (Scanlan, 2021). The call was direct evidence of Trump’s criminal bid to overturn the election.
- 14.
Fidel Castro had been on the ballot that year seeking a seat in Cuba’s House of Representatives. Batista’s coup ruined Castro’s chances for a career in electoral politics, accelerating his passage to guerrilla warfare and a Leninist approach to power.
- 15.
Batista’s ethno-racial identity as a mulatto seems to contradict the anti-Black venom of his counter-insurgency policies. The reality is that Batista was haunted by his own blackness and the exclusions it arrayed around him. It is legendary in Cuba that Batista’s dignity never recovered from the slight of being denied membership in the elite Havana Biltmore Yacht & Country Club, which did not enroll “negros” as members.
- 16.
- 17.
I would sharply distinguish Marx from Lenin here—thinking with Marx’s analytics of capitalism, but dispensing with Lenin, and the latter-day Leninist, Fidel Castro, whose approaches to revolution and society were too vertical and dictatorial. I am much more committed to the vision of horizontal social revolution, such as we find in, say, the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, or in indigenous anti-globalization or eco-politics movements. Such movements are anti-systemic without imposing dictatorship. The approach of horizontal social revolution in fact is wholly consistent with popular Christian religious visions of democratic social justice in the ambit of Liberation Theology.
- 18.
- 19.
- 20.
- 21.
- 22.
Jorge A. Aquino, “¿Crepúsculo del ídolo o de la vida planetaria? Reflexiones sobre Laudato Si, el fatalismo climático y la civilización capitalista global,” forthcoming in 2023 in a publication from the Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales (CLACSO). I argue there that Francis’s critique of throwaway culture actually does not turn fully anti-capitalist. The words “capitalist” and “capitalism” are nowhere to be found in Laudato Si. Rather, Francis calls for investors to find their humanity and conscience and voluntarily work to ratchet down emissions and other destructive environmental practices. In my opinion this is a pipe dream—that capital will always seek its most profitable options unless constrained by a higher sovereign force. Such a force rarely materializes, however, because most governments are in fact owned subsidiaries of capitalist enterprise. I chalk this shortcoming in the pope’s message to an ideological amnesia the magisterium has suffered since it opted to marginalize almost all recourse to Marxist critical theory after the 1970s.
- 23.
Tony Lin’s study of Latinx Pentecostals—Prosperity Gospel Latinos and their American Dream (2020)—is one of the rare ethnographies studying Latinx Christians on the theme of the American Dream. Lin’s work shows a richly nuanced understanding of the sociological passages of Latinx Pentecostals, and paints their prosperity theology as an extreme and paradoxical celebration of the American Dream.
- 24.
Sociologically, Miranda belongs to Puerto Rico’s Nuyorican diaspora. He maintains strong family and professional ties to the island, one of the last direct colonial possessions of the United States. His assimilation of Hamilton to a multiculturalist American Dream defies the present-day colonial realities that are slowly destroying the Puerto Rican homeland.
- 25.
Some outstanding examples: Fernando Segovia’s pathbreaking forays in postcolonial biblical criticism (Segovia 2000a, b); Mayra Rivera’s postcolonial theology of God (2007); David Sánchez’s study of guadalupan discourse as anti-imperial resistance (2008); my work on the Crash of 2008 and the role of racial formation in the history of Latin America (Aquino 2013, 2015a); Jacqueline Hidalgo’s study of utopics in the Chicano movement (2016); Nestor Medina’s historical rethinking of Christian culture in decolonial perspective (2018, 2019), and Melissa Pagán’s approach to a decolonial feminist theology from the critical standpoint of the coloniality of gender (2020).
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Aquino, J.A. (2023). Liberalism, Liberation Theology, or Decolonial Theology? North American Latinx Theologies at the Crossroads of Ambivalence. In: Panotto, N., Martínez Andrade, L. (eds) Decolonizing Liberation Theologies. Postcolonialism and Religions. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31131-4_10
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