Abstract
In a providential system in which destruction and death are nature’s way to produce life and preserve balance, carnivores play an important role in two different ways. On the one hand, they act as controlling and repressive agencies checking irregularities in the quantity and quality of the species they feed on. On the other hand, they perform a moral function, by teaching that partial evils contribute to universal good and by providing a vivid image of evil behaviour from which to abstain. Since ancient times animals have been used to teach man moral lessons, and wolves and tigers teach a different one from sheep and dogs. In the same way, since ancient times, vegetarianism has often been seen as a way to soften our inclination to cruelty, or to recover original innocence, whether this was found in a former Golden Age or in the Garden of Eden. An interesting thread in this long history is related to the development of geology and its impact on images of nature. In the first half of the nineteenth century advocates of “Scriptural Geology” denied that whole species could become extinct, as gaps could not open up in God’s work. Yet, if all species were represented in the Garden of Eden, how could herbivores coexist alongside their future slaughterers? Or were carnivores not entirely carnivorous before Adam’s original sin? Inevitably, opinions on and attitudes towards carnivores, meat-eating and animal-killing have interwoven with opinions on the order and goodness of nature, and on man’s nature. The animal component of man’s nature was held responsible for his evil behaviour well before Darwin. The last section discusses some post-Darwinian reformulations of the old idea of the “Beast Within”, and how they have interacted with images of the “Beast Without” and of man’s place in nature, as well as with ideas about what we should do and can do to in our relations with nature.
Thus most invectively he pierceth through
The body of country, city, court,
Yea, and of this our life, swearing that we
Are mere usurpers, tyrants, and what’s worse,
To fright the animals and to kill them up
In their assign’d and native dwelling-place
—Shakespeare, As You Like It
The one thing Nature seems to aim at is individuality;
yet she cares nothing for individuals.
Life is Nature’s most exquisite invention,
and death is her expert contrivance to get plenty of life.
—Goethe
Where breathes a living being, there is immediately
another ready to swallow him
—Schopenhauer
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Notes
- 1.
A second volume was published posthumously in 1799 by Smellie’s son, Alexander.
- 2.
It ran to several editions until 1872 and was translated into German (1791), Danish (1796) and Greek (1846).
- 3.
On the back cover of his copy of Smellie’s book (Darwin Archives, Cambridge University Library) Darwin commented “poor book” (Di Gregorio 1990: 758).
- 4.
- 5.
Smellie (1790: 384). This is by no means an anticipation of Darwinian theory: Smellie says nothing on the competition among varieties of the same species.
- 6.
Smellie (1790: 386–387). Smellie, however, does not establish a direct relation between war as a Malthusian “positive check” and overpopulation: “If universal peace could be completely established, and if the earth were cultivated to the highest perfection, it is not probable that the multiplication of the human species would ever rise to such a degree as to exceed the quantity of provisions produced by agriculture, and by the breeding of domestic animals, necessary for their existence and happiness”. (ibid.: 387).
- 7.
Smellie used the same argument to claim that man is perfectly entitled to eat the animals under his protection: “This is not cruelty. He has a right to eat them: For, like Nature, though he occasionally destroys domestic animals, a timid and docile race of beings, by his culture and protection he gives life and happiness to millions, which, without his aid, could have no existence” (Smellie 1790: 393). This reasoning was not new and was still common in the late nineteenth century (see above, Chap. 2). An updated form of it is being used to justify intensive farming.
- 8.
Darwin places an exclamation mark in the margin to this passage in his copy.
- 9.
See the closing words of the first part of Alexander Pope’s Essay on Man (1733–1734, I: lines 281–294). “Cease then, nor Order Imperfection name: / Our proper bliss depends on what we blame. / Know thy own point: This kind, this due degree / Of blindness, weakness, Heav’n bestows on thee. / Submit—In this, or any other sphere, / Secure to be as blest as thou canst bear: / Safe in the hand of one disposing Pow’r, / Or in the natal, or the mortal hour. / All Nature is but Art, unknown to thee; / All Chance, Direction, which thou canst not see; / All Discord, Harmony, not understood; / All partial Evil, Universal Good: / And, spite of Pride, in erring Reason’s spite, / One truth is clear “Whatever IS, is RIGHT””.
- 10.
In the margin to this passage in his copy of the work Darwin expresses his dissent with three exclamation marks.
- 11.
Ray (1713) (3rd edn. of Ray 1692): 149. See also Ray (1691: 101, 164): “There are none [i.e. no species] destitute of some Means to preserve themselves and their kind; and these Means [are] so effectual, that notwithstanding all the endeavors and contrivances of Man and Beast to destroy them, there is not to this day one Species lost of such as are mentioned in Histories, and consequently and undoubtedly neither of such as were at first created [...] Man is always mending and altering his Works: But nature observes the same tenour, because her works are so perfect that there is no place for amendments; nothing that can be reprehended”.
- 12.
Jefferson, Notes on the State of Virginia (1785) (but written between in 1781 and 1782), in Jefferson (1904, 3: 427); Jefferson (1799: 255–256); both cited in Greene (1974: 102). Greene also quotes other authors holding the same opinions. On the American debate on geology and extinction, see Barrow (2009).
- 13.
“Cela n’est pas vrai. La destruction du Murèse n’a pas anéanti le monde. Otez de ce globe les animaux; il n’en roulera pas moins dans l’espace” (Havens 1928: 437). I have no idea what “Murèse” means here, and Havens does not say. There is no similar word in any of the French dictionaries I have consulted. Perhaps Voltaire wrote “Murex”, meaning the bivalve gastropod mollusc which secretes the purple pigment?
- 14.
G. Turner, “Memoir on the extraneous fossils denominated mammoth bones; principally designed to show that they are remains of more than one species of non-descript animal”, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, IV, (1799), cit. in Greene (1974: 105), who also cites the similar opinion of Nicholas (Nils) Collin, Provost of the Swedish Churches in America (1746–1831).
- 15.
A general account of the relevance of the subject of extinctions, including the extinction of human populations, in modern and contemporary culture is provided by Sepkoski (2020). He writes: “Despite the centrality that extinction now has in our perceptions of nature, the recognition that extinction is a ubiquitous, even commonplace phenomenon represents a profound shift in scientific and cultural awareness of the tenuousness of life and the balance of nature that has taken place over the past two hundred years” (ibid.: 17). On the history of geology and paleontology, and their cultural context, see Martin J. Rudwick’s seminal works (Rudwick 1985a, b, 1997, 2004a, b, 2008, 2014).
- 16.
Necker thought of a comet but most people imagined catastrophes such as the Biblical Flood. For one example among many, see Peale (1803: 90–91).
- 17.
Ornithologists long debated on the relation of the dodo with other columbiform birds, particularly what François Leguat, commander of a group of French Protestant refugees, called “Solitaire” in his Voyages et aventures de François Leguat (London, 1708). See Roberts and Solow (2003).
- 18.
Bugg also criticised harshly Lyell’s opinions as exposed in an anonymous article of 1826 in the Transactions of the Geological Society (Anon. [Lyell] 1826).
- 19.
- 20.
One finds it, with virtually the same wording, in Henry Fergus’ Testimony of Nature and Revelation to the Being, Perfections, and Government of God (1833: 299–302), and, even earlier, in William Paley’s Natural Theology (1802: 508–509).
- 21.
The impossibility of immortality in the light of the principle of plenitude is another common theme. For example, Smellie (1790: 309) wrote: “Were the existence of individuals perpetual, or were it prolonged for ten times the periods now established, life would be denied to myriads of animated beings, who enjoy their present limited portion of happiness”.
- 22.
It is worth stressing the viscous aesthetic anthropocentrism that underlies this and all similar reasonings asserting the priority of species over individuals. The argument only holds if death strikes in exactly the moment when a life of happiness threatens to become a life of suffering. It is not limited to devout naturalists and not even to the pre-Darwinian period. We find it, for example, in Alfred Russel Wallace (1889: 36–40; 1910): see below, Chap. 8.
- 23.
Buckland was not the only one, nor the first, to use the “banking” metaphor: see, for example, Strickland (1841: 188). The mythology of compensation often took the form of a calculation of earnings and losses (see above, Chap. 2). There were strong analogies between this view of nature and the balances and compensations which comparative anatomists saw among the parts of organisms (Rehbock 1983). It was the idea that was at the basis of Goethe’s morphology: as he wrote, an organic structure can spend on one side only if it economises on another (Callot 1971; Giacomoni 1993).
- 24.
In addition to Brown (1838), see also Fleming (1826); Anon. (1836, 1837a, b); Eretzsepher (1837); Cockburn (1838); De Johnsone (1838); Young (1838). Scriptural Geology, which Gillispie (1969: 152) dismissed as a “lunatic fringe” and “too absurd to disinter”, has become a subject of detailed scholarship only rather recently: see Millhauser (1954), Livingstone et al. (1999); Young (1995), Klaver (1997), M.Y. Greene (2003), Mortensen (2003), Lynch (2002, 2006), O’Connor (2007), Young and Stearley (2008), Johns (2016), Warren (2016). On myth and geology see Piccardi and Masse (2007). Interesting considerations on “theological strata” in geological debates can be found in Brooke (1979).
- 25.
This opinion seems to date back at least to Bede, but clearly has pre-Christian origins. Saint Jerome attributes to Dicaearchus the affirmation that under the Reign of Saturn, when the earth lavished its gifts spontaneously [on man], no one ate meat and all nourished themselves with plants (Dicaearchus, fr. 50, in Wehrli 1944; Jerome, Adversus Jovinianum, II, 13). A similar interpretation of life in Eden was rejected by Saint Thomas Aquinas. He considered the subjection of animals to man as “natural” and he found a consequence of Adam’s disobedience to God in the “disobedience” of animals to man. He considered absolutely unjustified (omnino irrationabile) the idea, held by Bede, that all animals, even ferocious animals, were in a “state of innocence” and meek with man and the other animals: the nature of animals did not change with the Fall (Summa theologiae, I, Q. 96, Art. 1). On the subordination of plants to animals and animals to man, see ibid.: II, II, Q. 64, Art. 1. In response to the question of whether we should love “irrational creatures” “for pity’s sake” (ex caritate) Aquinas wrote that, given the diversity of their nature, there cannot be amicitia caritatis between man and animals (ibid.: II, II, Q. 25, Art. 3). On this last point Spinoza wrote: “It is plain that the law against the slaughtering is founded rather on vain superstition and womanish pity than on sound reason. The rational quest of what is useful to us further teaches us the necessity of associating ourselves with our fellow-men, but not with beasts, whose nature is different from our own; we have the same rights in respect to them as they have in respect to us. Nay, as everyone’s right is defined by his virtue, or power, men have far greater rights over beasts than beasts have over men. Still I do not deny that beasts feel; what I deny is, that we may not consult our own advantage and use them as we please, treating them in the way which best suits us; for their nature is not like ours, and their emotions are naturally different from human emotions” (Ethica, Part IV, prop. XXXVII, scholium 1, as translated in Midgley 1980: 351–352). Similar views by Thomas Hobbes are perfectly summed up in Thomas (1984: 171). It is worth remembering that the idea of Eden without carnivores was also refuted for anatomical reasons, in addition to the philosophical-theological ones (see, for instance, Vallisneri 1733, 1: 315, and Roger 1971: 211). These opposite attitudes are discussed in Passmore (1974) and Thomas (1984).
- 26.
Malebranche (1962–1963), tome II, 1. IV, Chap. XI, § III: 104. Cfr. ibid., 1, VI, Chap. 2, § VII: 389–390. On Malebranche’s moral philosophy, see essays in Nadler ed. (2000), in particular Riley (2000). Robert Boyle’s interesting reflections on the issue of the suffering of animals are discussed by Oster (1989).
- 27.
A major role in revising the relation between humans and animals was played by Voltaire (Battaglia 2002), who discussed this subject in many entries of his Dictionnaire philosophique (e.g. “Bêtes”, “Sensation”, “Rêves”, “Grace”, “Âme”, “Animaux”, “Matière”) and other writings (e.g. Le dîner du Conte de Boulainvilliers, Le philosophe ignorant, L’aventure indienne, and La Princesse de Babylone). One must not forget, however, that, in a typical Enlightenment way, Voltaire partly used animals to criticize men by contrast, as he did with naïve foreign visitors of Europe or extra-terrestrial creatures. In a letter to King Frederick II of Prussia he wrote: “If animals could argue with men, they would be right, as they follow nature, whereas we have corrupted it” (cit. in Minerva 1993). Whether animals had a soul had been a favourite subject in French literature libertine, and in many clandestine writings.
- 28.
The swift death argument was also accepted to some extent by a friend of animals, Jeremy Bentham (Singer 1986: 230).
- 29.
- 30.
In a long note commenting on these verses Shelley exposes his physiological, moral and political arguments in favour of a vegetarian diet (Shelley 1813: 157–165). On attitudes towards animals in Romanticism, see Perkins (2003) and Heymans (2012). On the Victorian period, see Turner (1980). On America, see Mason (2005). On vegetarianism and its history, see Walters and Portmess (1999), Mannucci (2008), Larue (2015). Needless to say, the issue of vegetarianism occupies an important place in the ever-increasing literature on animal rights. To mention just a few major references: Passmore (1975), Clark (1979), Bayer (1983), Rachels (1990), Carruthers (1992), Ferry and Germé (1994), Serpell (1996).
- 31.
There were, of course, also those who said the opposite. And they were as numerous. To give just one example, as late as 1868 the German supporter of Darwin, Ernst Haeckel, agreed with the zoologist Carl Vogt’s opinion that it was to their diet based mostly on excellent meat that the English owed “their cerebral and intellectual pre-eminence over other nations” (Haeckel 1866, 2: 235; 1876, 1: 258–259).
- 32.
Throughout the ages vegetarians have also leveraged on the sense of guilt associated with eating the remains of animals killed. On these themes, see Whorton (1977). Some also drew a close correlation between meat-eating and war. According to Thomas Tryon (1634–1703), the “Pythagorean” writer and apostle of healthy eating, sobriety and pure living, who influenced, among many, Benjamin Franklin, the transition to meat-eating after the Fall coincided with the onset of discord and aggressivity in man. Sheep were survivors from the original earthly paradise and, being not only meek but morally perfect, they could be a model for man (Plank 2017). Vegetarianism was a way to repress aggressivity, even to sever it at the roots. Similarly, in 1815 the physician William Lambe wrote that if men would stop eating meat there would be no more wars. On Tryon, Lambe and many others, see Thomas (1984: 287–300).
- 33.
Rousseau (1755: 71). Rousseau cited the passage from Saint Jerome which we referred to in note 30. In 1753 Buffon explained the lack of natural aggressivity in horses as a consequence of their being herbivores: “Since grass and plants are sufficient for their nutriment and offer what satisfies the appetite in abundance, and since meat is not to their taste horses do not make war, they do not do it reciprocally, they do not fight over sustenance, they never have occasion to steal a prey or to tear away a good, all things that are normally source of fights and clashes among carnivores. Thus, horses live in peace since their appetites are simple and modest and they have enough to not envy anything” (Buffon 1753a: 176–177). In the same volume we read that man, the greatest consumer of meat, “could […] live off plants; meat […] is no better a food than seeds or bread” (Buffon 1753b: 440–441). However, Buffon did not want to argue that man was, or should be, a vegetarian, but only that meat and plants contain the same nutritive substances in the form of “organic molecules”, although in different quantities. Therefore, volume being equal, meat was more nutritious for beings that, like man, have a small stomach and cannot compensate the quality of food with its quantity (ibidem). “Man”, he wrote, “could not feed off grass alone, and would die of starvation if he did not eat more substantial food […] so that complete abstinence of meat, far from agreeing with [his] nature can only destroy him: if man was forced he could not, at least in our climates, either conserve himself or multiply” (Buffon 1758: 32–33). He refuted Rousseau, “one of the most intransigent censors of our humanity”: the savage is not a man of nature, and no savage is exclusively herbivore (ibid.: 27, 31). Rousseau’s image of the man of nature was “a moral allegory, a fable, in which man is treated like an animal in order to give us lessons or examples” (ibid.: 28).
- 34.
See, for example, Tibullus, Elegies, I, 3, 35–60. The Golden Age, vegetarianism and Pythagoreanism are closely linked in Ovid, Metamorphoses, XV, 75 ss. The Orphic-Pythagorean origin of the myth of the Golden Age is the subject of many studies, but is contested by some, for example by Sacerdoti (1956).
- 35.
See the description in Euripides’ tragedy Hippolytus.
- 36.
From Attic comedy to Bruegel’s pictures examples are numerous. See Romagnoli (1911: 67–76). The association of a vegetarian diet and the original or paradisiacal state is not peculiar to Western culture. In the Semitic world the concept of earthly paradise also implies harmony among animals. The interruption of this is the consequence of the action of an evil principle, which differs according to the religion. In the Vedic world the concept of non-violence is linked to a paradisiacal original state, which degenerated progressively with the deterioration of the human condition from the Iron Age to our own. In the Iranic world evil is not caused by human guilt but is coeternal with the principle of good. Scorpions, poisonous spiders and other deadly animals are the work of Ariman, the god of evil. In the Avesta, Zarathustra is against sacrificing the bull. The Moslem paradise promises rivers of milk and torrents of honey, not banquets of roast meat. Passmore (1974: 7–8) mentions the “Era of Perfect Virtue” of the fourth century B.C.E. Taoist, Chuang Tsu (or Zhuang-zi), and a legend of the Cherokee Indians as evidence of the presence of the idea of original harmony among animals in cultures even more distant from our own. On the myth of the Golden Age, original harmony, and meat-eating as consequence of the Fall, see Lovejoy and Boas (1935); Boas (1933, 1948); Bianchi (1963, 1977); Thomas (1984: 287–291). It is superfluous to recall that the pure souls of many religions, myths and stories both ancient and modern, from Orpheus to Dr. Dolittle, know how to tame animals, and even speak their language. Saints associated with animals are well-known, starting with Francis of Assisi. On the hagiographical motif of “angels and beasts” see Albert (1995).
- 37.
I am deeply indebted to Dr. Benedetta Piazzesi’s forthcoming book on this very interesting subject, and I am very grateful to her for allowing me to read her manuscript.
- 38.
I have not been able to find information on this author.
- 39.
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
Smith thus participated in the very lively debate then taking place in England, a debate that embraced much more than carnivores and sin (see Cannon 1960). On its aspects relating to the structure of organisms, the relation between organism and environment and the story of life on earth, see Ospovat (1978, 1980). Smith supported Lyell’s principle of uniformity, attributed an immense antiquity to the earth, claimed that the Flood was a local event, and rejected the ideas of original chaos and of a unique centre of creation. He believed in separate creations in several centres of diffusion.
- 43.
The argument was clearly not invented by Smith. For example, the philosopher David Hartley (1705–1757) had already written: “Philosophy [that is, science] has of late discovered such numberless orders of small animals in parts of diet formerly esteemed to be void of life, and such an extension of life into the vegetable kingdom, that we seem under the perpetual necessity, either of destroying the lives of some of the creatures, or of perishing ourselves” (Hartley 1801, 2: 223; cit. in Thomas 1984: 298–299). For Hartley killing animals for food “did great violence to the principles of benevolence and compassion” (Hartley 1801: 223–224).
- 44.
- 45.
Jonah, 4, 11: “and should I not have pity on Nineveh, that great city; wherein are more than sixscore thousand persons that cannot discern between their right hand and their left hand; and also much cattle?” Brown could also have cited Genesis 9, 12–16: “This is the token of the covenant which I make between me and you and every living creature that is with you…”
- 46.
It is not pertinent here to go into the peculiarities of Buckland’s biblical exegesis, according to which, for example, the expression “all creation” in Romans 8, 22, means “all the human race”. As to the prophecy of Isaiah, it relates to the future and clearly not the past.
- 47.
Buckland (1839: 25). These last are, as we have seen, Smith’s words.
- 48.
- 49.
Darwin (1987), Notebook M: 123. In his account of the voyage on the Beagle Darwin, a passionate hunter in his youth, writes: “It has been said, that the love of chase is an inherent delight in man—a relic of an instinctive passion. If so, I am sure the pleasure of living in the open air, with the sky for a roof, and the ground for a table, is part of the same feeling: it is the savage returning to his wild and native habits” (Darwin 1839: 606). These words should put paid to all those who insist on describing Darwin as a Romantic.
- 50.
“Animals—whom we have made our slaves we do not like to consider our equals.— «Do not slave holders wish to make the black man other kind?» Animals with affections, imitation, fear ‹of death›. pain, sorrow for the dead.— respect […] «the soul by consent of all is superadded, animals not got it, not look forward» if we choose to let conjecture run wild then ‹our› animals our fellow brethren in pain, disease death & suffering «& famine»; our slaves in the most laborious work, our companion in our amusements. they may partake, from our origin in ‹there› one common ancestor we may be all netted together.—” (Darwin 1987, Notebook B: 231–232. The symbols ‹ › indicate Darwin’s deletions; « » indicate Darwin’s additions). In The Descent of Man Darwin provides plenty of examples of social animals, including baboons, mutually defending each other, even at the risk of their lives (1871, vol. 1: 75–76). He goes so far as to declare: “For my own part I would as soon be descended from that heroic little monkey, who braved his dreaded enemy in order to save the life of his keeper; or from that older baboon, who, descending from the mountains, carried away in triumph his young comrade from a crowd of astonished dogs—as from a savage who delights to torture his enemies, offers up bloody sacrifices, practices infanticide without remorse, treats his wives as slaves, knows no decency, and is haunted by the grossest superstitions” (ibid., vol. 2: 404–405).
- 51.
“Society differs from nature in having a definite moral object; whence it comes about that the course shaped by the ethical man—the member of society or citizen—necessarily runs counter to that which the non-ethical man—the primitive savage, or man as a mere member of the animal kingdom—tends to adopt. The latter fights out the struggle for existence to a bitter end, like any other animal; the former devotes his best energies to the object of setting limits to the struggle” (Huxley 1888: 203).
- 52.
This was not mere rhetoric for public use. As early as 12 April 1866 Huxley wrote in a letter to Charles Kingsley: “No doubt crib-biting, nurse-biting and original sin in general are all strictly deducible from Darwinian principles”, adding: “but don’t by misadventure run against any academical facts” (Huxley 1900, 1: 276).
- 53.
Here is the whole passage: “Through the dissolution of society, and the isolation of individuals, each man returns to his original feeble state, while power is vested in passing aggregates which spring up like whirling vortices amongst the human dust […] In such a state of things white men are hardly worth more than black ones for, not only is the band, whose aim is violence, composed of those who are most destitute, most wildly enthusiastic, and most inclined to destructiveness and to license, but also, as this band tumultuously carries out its violent action, each individual the most brutal, the most irrational, and most corrupt, descends lower than himself, even to the darkness, the madness, and the savagery of the dregs of society. In fact, a man who in the interchange of blows, would resist the excitement of murder, and not use his strength like a savage, must be familiar with arms, accustomed to danger, cool-blooded, alive to the sentiment of honour, and, above all, sensitive to that stern military code which, to the imagination of the soldier, ever holds out to him the provost’s gibbet to which he is sure to rise, should he strike one blow too many. All these restraints, inward as well as outward, are wanting to the man who plunges into insurrection. He is a novice in the acts of violence which he carries out. He has no fear of the law, because he abolishes it. The action begun carries him further than he intended to go. His anger is exasperated by peril and resistance. He catches the fever from contact with those who are fevered, and follows robbers who have become his comrades. Add to this the clamours, the drunkenness, the spectacle of destruction, the nervous tremor of the body strained beyond its powers of endurance, and we can comprehend how, from the peasant, the labourer, and the bourgeois, pacified and tamed by an old civilisation, we see all of a sudden spring forth the barbarian, and, still worse, the primitive animal, the grinning, sanguinary, wanton baboon, who chuckles while he slays, and gambols over the ruin he has accomplished. Such is the actual government to which France is given up, and after eighteen months’ experience, the best qualified, most judicious and profoundest observer of the Revolution will find nothing to compare to it but the invasion of the Roman Empire in the fourth century. The Huns, the Heruli, the Vandals, and the Goths will come neither from the north nor from the Black Sea, they are in our very midst”. (Taine 1913, 1: 51–53)
- 54.
- 55.
As happens to the main character of the Italian novelist Luigi Capuana’s Il Marchese di Roccaverdina (1901).
- 56.
John Klama is a pseudonym. This book was written cooperatively by John Durant, Erika Honore, Lisa Klopfer, Martha Klopfer, Peter Klopfer, Tamara Kohn, Bryan Lessley, Hadav Nur, and Susan Oyama.
- 57.
On Kropotkin and other supporters of mutual aid, see Chap. 9.
- 58.
An interesting case of an attempt to recreate an extinct organism is the that of the Tarpan horse, discussed in Martellozzo (2020).
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La Vergata, A. (2023). Carnivores, Extinctions and the Beast. In: Images of the Economy of Nature, 1650-1930. Evolutionary Biology – New Perspectives on Its Development, vol 7. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-31023-2_4
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