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Sharī’a in the Qur‘an: A Word Meaning “Law” or a Metaphor Evoking “Path”?

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The Sociology of Shari’a

Abstract

The meanings of the term “sharī’a” have changed significantly over time. Although the connotations of sharī’a have shifted, there is a tendency, even by scholars, to invoke the term anachronistically. The shifting meanings of sharī’a have contributed in no small part to an increasingly politicized and rhetorically provocative debate, both within and outside of the Muslim world, regarding the contending roles of the modern state, positive law, political Islam, human rights, and Islamic religious values. Sharī’a (as a noun meaning “path”) appears only once in the Quran, where the Prophet Muhammad is instructed to follow God’s path. The word appears only a dozen times in the hadith (statements recounting the words and the actions of the Prophet), and it always is used to signify a path, and particularly a path to water. (The original meaning of “sharī’a” is thus analogous to “tao” in Taoism.) Within 200 years of the Prophet’s death, however, the metaphor of a path was converted into God’s perfect law, albeit knowable only to God. Human beings’ fallible attempts to understand God’s perfect law was known as “fiqh” (i.e., “jurisprudence”). Human beings struggle with fiqh; God alone knows sharī’a. This distinction between God’s sharī’a and human fiqh began to break down in the nineteenth century in large part resulting from the interventions by Europeans who brought their notions of written positive state law and codification into Muslim lands.

Although Muslim regimes did have positive laws (such as for crimes and contracts), they largely did not have positive laws governing religious matters. Under European pressure, the Ottoman Empire began a series of reforms during the second half of the nineteenth century that included the creation of “sharī’a courts.” In British India and Egypt (including the Sudan), the colonial power began to codify and apply “Muslim law”. The French colonial empire in Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco, Senegal, and Mauritania similarly worked to “civilize” and codify the droit musulman. In efforts to resist colonialism and imperialism, Muslim activists (largely beginning with Jamal al-Din al-Afghani) invoked religious identity and religious rhetoric as a means of rallying the native population against their colonial overseers. Thus Europeans encouraged the conflation of statutory law with religious law. The most recent evolution of sharī’a largely began in the 1970s (particularly during and after eventful year 1979), when the word (with its divine connotations) came to be used to describe positive law in modern Muslim-majority states. In 1979, the Ayatollah Khomeini came to power in Iran, the mujahidin of Afghanistan launched a war against the puppet Communist government, Pakistan began to enact sharia laws, and Muslim dissidents seized the Grand Mosque in Mecca. The Egyptian Constitution of 1971, for the first time, invoked sharī’a as a source of legislation, and the constitutional amendment of 1980 converted it into the source of legislation. Other states began to insert the word sharī’a into their own constitutions and statutes. Since 1984, but not before, Muslim-majority countries started attaching sharīa reservations to their ratification of human rights treaties. Thus there is no single meaning of the term “sharī’a”, but there are now powerful emotional and political connotations associated with its use – and abuse. Sharī’a has been transformed from a path, to God’s perfect law, to an invocation of identity against the Other.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This chapter will transliterate the Arabic original as “sharī‘a.” There is a variety of other Romanised transliterations of the original Arabic term in English, including: sharīʿah, shari’a, shari’ah, and sharia. We use sharī‘a not because of any necessary superiority, but for convenience. Whether the Arabic “ayn” is transliterated as (’) rather than (‘) or (c) is the type of issue that need not detain us here. Common transliterations of the word into other European languages include: charia (French); scharia (German); шариата (Russian); and sharī‘a in Italian, Finnish, Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch.

    Because this chapter will be referring very frequently to “sharī‘a” as a term or as a word, and because placing quotation marks around each such appearance quickly becomes tiresome and cumbersome for the reader, we will henceforth dispense with the standard practice of placing it in quotation marks when referring to it as a word or as a term. We also will avoid italicizing the word for the same reason. To provide some consistency, we also will avoid italicizing the words “Quran,” “fiqh” (religious jurisprudence), “hadith” (the sayings and example of the Prophet as recounted by his companions), “Sunna” (scholars’ interpretation of the way of life and precedent of the Prophet as conveyed in the hadith), “surah” (a “chapter” of the Quran), and aya (a “verse” in the Quran).

  2. 2.

    “Support for making sharī’a the law of the land is highest in South Asia (median of 84%). Medians of at least six-in-ten Muslims in sub-Saharan Africa (64%), the Middle East-North Africa region (74%) and Southeast Asia (77%) also favour enshrining sharī’a as official law.” The World’s Muslims: Religion, Politics and Society, Pew Charitable Trust (2013).

  3. 3.

    Several important scholars, who approach the issue in somewhat different ways, reach the conclusion that sharī‘a does not provide a basis for a law of the modern state. Abdullah Ahmed An-Na‘im, Islam and the Secular State (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008); Mohammad Fadel, “State and Sharia” in Rudolph Peters and Peri Mearman, eds., The Ashgate Research Companion to Islamic Law (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2014), 93–107; Khaled About El Fadl, Reasoning with God: Reclaiming Shari’ah in the Modern Age (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2014), Wael B. Hallaq, The Impossible State (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013); Ali Abdel Razek, Islam and the Foundations of Political Power (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2013).

  4. 4.

    French: droit Islamique; droit musulman;

    German: Islamische Recht; Muslimisches Recht;

    Italian: legge islamica, legge musulmana;

    Polish: prawo islamskie; prawo muzułmańskie;

    Russian: исламский закон; мусульманский закон;

    Spanish: ley islámica; derecho islámico; ley musulmana;

    Turkish: Müslüman hukuku; Islam hukuku.

  5. 5.

    In Sharīʿa: Theory, Practice, Transformation, Hallaq refers to the “so-called Islamic law, or Sharī‘a,” vii, the “prescribed laws of the Sharī‘a,” 55, and “the history of the Sharīʿa as the development of the legal schools themselves”, 77. For additional examples of his using the terms interchangeably, see, inter alia, 3, 18, 31, 55, 79, 179, 443, 449. He also treats Islamic law and Sharī‘a as synonymous in the abbreviated version of that work, which he notably entitled An Introduction to Islamic Law. He makes the synonymous relationship explicit in the third sentence of his book: “Islamic law, or Sharī‘a…” Islamic Law, 1. The book is replete with such equivalencies.

     It should be emphasized, however, that while Hallaq considers sharī‘a to be a coherent, sophisticated, rich, and complex field that deserves to be considered law, he nevertheless rejects the idea that sharī‘a might form the basis for positive law of the modern state (as discussed in the fourth meaning of sharī‘a below). Thus, Hallaq’s Islamic law is law, but it is not the kind of law employed by the modern state, which is built on legal codes, statutes, constitutions, and judicial precedent. “Sharī‘a the ijtihādic opinion, differs fundamentally from the law of the modern state. Islamic law, from at least this perspective, is not law, in the modern sense, at all.” Hallaq, Sharī‘a, 110. Thus, for Hallaq, “Islamic law,” as he uses the term, is a synonym of Sharī‘a, as he uses the term, but “Islamic law” is entirely different from the law of the modern state.

  6. 6.

    (Hallaq, 2009b) “It cannot be overstated that, for over a millennium, the Sharī‘a represented a complex set of social, economic, moral and cultural relations that permeated the epistemic structures of the social and political orders… Sharī‘a… involved a complex and sophisticated intellectual system [that included] jurists and the members of the legal profession…” (543). “The projection of the Companions’ model back onto the Prophet was accomplished by a long and complex process of creating the narrative of hadith.” (45). The usul al-fiqh is a field of “intellectual complexity and exquisite theorization…” (73). Even subfields of sharī‘a are complicated: there is a “highly formalized and complex procedural processes [that constitute] a large domain [of the] Sharī‘a”; (412). The “law of pilgrimage, like the law pertaining to all the other ‘pillars,’ is complex and detailed” (238). There is great “complexity of the Sharī‘a system of inheritance…” (294).

  7. 7.

    Al-Qaradawi, an Egyptian who formerly was a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, is widely revered by many Muslims and was arguably the most famous Muslim scholar in the world during the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Al-Qaradawi offers no explanation of why this particular word came to have such significance, something that would be less difficult to explain with regard to the other three words that he offers as examples.

  8. 8.

    Badawi and Abdel-Haleem suggest the connotations of the three-letter root term (sh-r-‘) as including “to come to water to drink, paths leading to drinking spots, to drink with the hand. (Badawi & Haleem, 2008, 481) It should be noted that they also suggest that this may be a root for legislation from God. This follows from Calder’s suggestion that human beings’ driving animals to water becomes a trope for God’s directing people to the true religion.

  9. 9.

    This and all subsequent quotations from the Qur‘an are taken from the Nasr, Study Quran.

  10. 10.

    In all cases the italicized emphasis is added.

  11. 11.

    According to Muhammad Shahrur, the phrase “in God’s way” (fi sabil Allah) is found 70 times in the Quran. (Shahrur, 2009, 412)

  12. 12.

    The Arabic word that is translated by Nasr here as “law” is shir’atun, which might better be translated as “laid down a path.” (Badawi & Haleem, 2008, 481) This may be a case of an anachronistic “reading back” the later-developed concept of law into the original’s metaphorical path.

  13. 13.

    Even Anver Emon, who challenges Abou El Fadl with regard to the contemporary significance of this point, nevertheless recognizes that this fiqh-sharia distinction has classical roots. (Emon, 2009, 418)

  14. 14.

    In his famous chapter “Birth Hour of Muslim Law” in Studies in Islamic History and Institutions, quoted here, Goitein, takes a position different from what is argued in this chapter. He asserts that it was very late in his Prophethood when Muhammad came to the unexpected realization that Islam includes a system of law and thus goes beyond limiting himself to religious teachings.

  15. 15.

    For a more formal definition of positive law from Black’s Law Dictionary: “The regime that orders human activities and relations through systematic application of the force of politically organized society, or through social pressure, backed by force, in such a society; the legal system (respect and obey the law). 2. The aggregate of legislation, judicial precedents, and accepted legal principles; the body of authoritative grounds of judicial and administrative action; esp., the body of rules, standards, and principles that the courts of a particular jurisdiction apply in deciding controversies brought before them (the law of the land.” (Garner & Black, 2009, 962)

  16. 16.

    During much of Islamic history, the awqaf were a significant locus of wealth and they operated largely outside the purview of the state. It was not until the nineteenth century that the Ottoman Empire and Egypt (under Muhammad Ali Pasha) began to seize awqaf properties and either place them under the control of the state or seize their assets for state purposes. This process of state control over awqaf advanced significantly under colonial rule when the British and French placed the religious properties under political control. Unlike the period prior to the nineteenth century, when the awqaf were almost entirely independent of the state, today almost all awqaf in Muslim-majority countries are under state administrative control.

  17. 17.

    Among the few exceptions were Turkey (under Mustafa Kamal) and what is modern-day Saudi Arabia (under Abdul Aziz ibn Saud). Persia (modern-day Iran) was technically independent but was under pressure from the Soviet Union and Great Britain. The five Muslim-majority “republics” of Central Asia were ruled by the Soviet Union.

  18. 18.

    There have been several changes since the Stahnke and Blitt study was published in 2005. Two of the most prominent exceptions to this pattern are Lebanon and Tunisia.

  19. 19.

    See, e.g., The “true hallmark of an ‘Islamic constitution’ is an article declaring the obligation of the state to apply the Islamic sharī‘a.” Andrew F. March, “The theoretical framework of modern Islamic constitutionalism,” in Susanna Mancini, ed., Constitutions and Religion (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing, 2020), p. 60. “[M]ost Muslim countries continue to refer in their constitution to the Sharī‘ah, or use formulations such as ‘based on the principles of the Sharī‘ah’…” Knut Vikor, “Sharī‘ah” in Oxford Encyclopedia of Islam and Politics (2014); Brown & Revkin Islamic Law and Constitutions, p. 4 (“increasingly widespread provisions identify the shari’a as either “the” principal source of legislation or “a” principal source of law. Eighteen of the twenty-two countries that define Islam as the official state religion have taken such a step of establishing a constitutional role for Islamic law and jurisprudence, though the precise phrase used and its implied meaning vary greatly. These “source of law” clauses can also be found in several predominately Muslim countries that have not established Islam as the state religion.”)

    “Most of the world’s nearly 50 Muslim-majority countries have laws that reference sharia, the guidance Muslims believe God provided them on a range of spiritual and worldly matters.” “Understanding Sharia: The Intersection of Islam and the Law” (Council on Foreign Relations” (2021) https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/understanding-sharia-intersection-islam-and-law. This popular (albeit inaccurate) assumption appears in Wikipedia, which reports that “Constitutions of many Muslim-majority countries refer to Sharia as a source or the main source of law…” Wikipedia, 20 December 2021) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sharia#Constitutional_law

  20. 20.

    There is a modest disagreement over exactly how many constitutions Egypt has had and what actually should be considered a constitution, but for simplicity’s sake we will identify what might be considered constitutions and some significant constitutional amendments as promulgated in the years 1923, 1930, 1956, 1958 (United Arab Republic), 1971, 1980, 2011, 2012, and 2014.

  21. 21.

    For the Syrian Constitution, see article 3. For additional discussion of these constitutional issues, see Brown, 2001.

  22. 22.

    For current status of ratifications, see https://indicators.ohchr.org/

  23. 23.

    Even the punishments identified in the Qur‘an, the hudud, may be identified as upper limits that punishments may not exceed rather than a required minimum. Punishments identified with some specificity include adultery (Quran 24:2, 100 lashes), slandering chaste women (Qur‘an 24:4, 80 lashes), fighting against God and the Prophet (Qur‘an 5:33, execution), and theft (Qur‘an 5:38, cutting off hand).

  24. 24.

    We will omit for simplicity the question whether non-Muslims who lived in Medina were obligated to comply with Quranic rules.

  25. 25.

    The reference to God tasking no person beyond his or her capacity recurs frequently in the Quran.

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Gunn, T.J., Sabil, O. (2023). Sharī’a in the Qur‘an: A Word Meaning “Law” or a Metaphor Evoking “Path”?. In: Possamai, A., Richardson, J.T., Turner, B.S. (eds) The Sociology of Shari’a. Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-27188-5_2

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