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The Fragility of Legitimacy: Access to Health Care in Manantali, Mali

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The Legitimacy of Healthcare and Public Health

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology ((PSUA))

Abstract

At independence in 1960, Mali’s new government wanted to make health care available to all, but poverty and lack of resources prevented it from realizing its ideals. Thus, Mali’s health care system faced a growing crisis of legitimacy through the 1980s. Although the health care system had some normative legitimacy as people believed that modern medicine could offer useful care, it lacked performance and process legitimacy, since it could not adequately address health problems in a fair and caring fair way. When international financial institutions required privatization in the 1980s, Malian policy makers introduced innovations in community health care to create more legitimacy. This chapter evaluates the extent to which these innovations have created greater legitimacy in the area of Manantali, in western Mali, using data from an empirical study in 2016–2019. The establishment of community health centres has done much to increase both process and performance legitimacy, but available, accessible, and affordable health care is still difficult to provide, jeopardizing performance legitimacy. Tensions in governance raise questions for process legitimacy as well. Thus, legitimacy remains fragile. If policy makers want to ensure adequate health throughout the country, the government should consider offering greater support for universal basic health services.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Mali’s regions are the equivalent of other countries’ states or provinces.

  2. 2.

    Mali’s currency is the CFA franc (FCFA), shared by countries in the West African Economic and Monetary Union.

  3. 3.

    Konaté and Kanté (2005) noted that many private practices were financially fragile as well.

  4. 4.

    The term Manantali refers to the dam, the town, and the wider area.

  5. 5.

    At dam construction, the member states were Mali, Mauritania, and Senegal; since then, Guinea has joined the organization.

  6. 6.

    To differentiate it from the other health centres, we will call it a clinic.

  7. 7.

    The OMVS established an affiliate (SOGEM) to run all its works in Mali; SOGEM contracted with another affiliate (SEMAF) to run the power plant. Here we refer to the dam or OMVS, the directing organization.

  8. 8.

    Diokeli commune does have another CSCOM, in Diakaba, a village some distance northwest (outside the area in Fig. 4.1). This village, an Islamic centre, is ethnically distinct from the Bafing resettlement villages. Its CSCOM was frequented by only two men in our sample, from a non-Bafing host village at the north of the resettlement area.

  9. 9.

    This information is from a short trip Koenig made to Manantali in 2004, soon after the CSCOM was installed.

  10. 10.

    Although the two commune centres got electricity relatively early on, the remaining villages only were electrified in 2018.

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Correspondence to Dolores Koenig .

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Koenig, D., Diarra, T. (2023). The Fragility of Legitimacy: Access to Health Care in Manantali, Mali. In: Pardo, I., Prato, G. (eds) The Legitimacy of Healthcare and Public Health. Palgrave Studies in Urban Anthropology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25592-2_4

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-25592-2_4

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