Abstract
When the Islamic State group reinvented itself as the new Caliphate in 2014, this illocutionary act followed from an extended process of semantic Islamization of brute politics. Its unholy violence, which for over half a decade made it the scourge of the earth, was justified in the name of (its) Islam, but not without ferocious demurrals from traditional Islamic authorities around the world, intent to rescue Islam from Islamic State. Based on an examination of central tropes in some of the anti-terror proclamations produced by traditional scholars of Islamic law, the present chapter identifies five key charges against Islamic State. These are, respectively: (1) that Islamic State was not a legitimate caliphate, (2) that its leaders had no religious authority to (re)define Islam, (3) that it was guilty of enacting collective anathematization against the majority of Muslims, (4) that it violated Islamic stipulations on lawful warfare and human rights, and, finally, (5) that its ideology constituted a form of Kharijism. In questioning, with Islamic scholastic authorities, the Islamic credentials of Islamic State, the chapter concludes that the group is best understood as a political cult (of empowerment), embedded in a strategic subculture (of jihadism), deriving from a sectarian identity (of Salafism).
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Notes
- 1.
Prior to its assumption of the name of “Islamic Caliphal State” (dawlat al-khilāfat al-islāmiyya) on June 29, 2014, the group was variously referred to as ISIS, for Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or ISIL, for Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. Thereafter academic discourse consolidated around the truncated name of “Islamic State” which is the designation that the current chapter shall use. The name change rendered redundant the debate that had raged about how to refer to the group. Indeed, in 2014, the US Congress had debated the issue and decided to use the acronym ISIL, over ISIS, the latter being the name of an ancient Egyptian deity. Equally, and perhaps more importantly, the Obama Administration preferred to avoid explicit reference to Syria (the final S in ISIS), as its Syria policy had been far from successful (Fuller, 2015).
- 2.
Hodgson (1974) coined the term “Islamicate” to refer to Muslim-majority cultures. I use this term not simply for Muslim-majority but as a term that bridges Islamic and Muslim, i.e., a term that signifies a cultural and idiomatic appropriation of the religious but with sources that are not necessarily from within the scriptural tradition.
- 3.
The awkward idiom “hereticization” is, perhaps, not a precise rendition of the Arabic term takfīr. The latter entails the promulgation of a subject’s status as outright disbeliever (kāfir), not as a heretic (zindīq) alone. Hence, the corresponding term in English would be anathematization or excommunication, even as we need to be cognizant that the process was not mediated via church structures but through a more open field of individualized theological and juristic authorities.
- 4.
The same narration was discussed verbally by the former Grand-Mufti of Egypt, Ali Jumu’a, in his condemnation of the Islamic State: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ay3RtCROE1k. Likewise, the charismatic American scholar of Islam Hamza Yusuf in 2014 made reference to it in a sermon condemning the “not-so-Islamic State,” showing a convergence of international Islamic opinion: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8xejllcFkMA.
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Sheikh, N.S. (2023). Islam v. Islamic State: Charges, Arguments, and Evidence in the Islamic Case Against ISIS. In: Akande, A. (eds) Politics Between Nations. Contributions to International Relations. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24896-2_24
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