Creating Nation Brand: The Model of Qatar

Abstract

In this chapter, the authors argue that Qatar established its nation brand by simultaneously improving different qualities needed for creating a nation brand. In so doing, the chapter presents information about different aspects of Qatari nation brand and Qatar’s political activities. Also, different aspects of nation branding such as Qatar’s economic profile, different humanitarian activities performed by Qatar, and this state’s endeavors to promote sport and tourism in the country are described in detail in this chapter.

FormalPara By the end of this chapter, you will be able to:

• Know about different aspects of Qatari nation brand

• Learn about Qatar’s political activities

• Develop an understanding of Qatar’s economic profile

• Identify different humanitarian activities performed by Qatar

• Learn about Qatar’s endeavors to promote sport and tourism in the country

4.1 The Political Profile

There are two types of strategies often employed by small countries as a way to gain more support in the international arena: public diplomacy and “(nation) brand.” These strategies are consistent in terms of being based on specialization, as a nation creates its national brand, and public diplomacy brings this brand to the world. In the case of a small country like Qatar, public diplomacy with its channels and (nation) brand with its elements employ strategic tools in order to achieve a presence in the international arena and create a “defense system.”

The model Qatar provides at the level of public diplomacy through “soft” activity in the global community is to adopt a “mediator role” in regional conflicts and then reap the benefits of this role, converting it into diplomatic gains that enhance its role in a turbulent region.

By playing the role of mediator, Doha’s role emerged on the international scene. Its diplomatic efforts exceeded in size Qatar’s geographic area and its limited population. Thus, Qatar succeeded in the role of mediator in Lebanon where Saudi Arabia, Egypt, France, and the Arab League had failed. Moreover, Qatari diplomacy was active in the Palestinian arena, as Qatar has assumed the role of mediator between the Palestinian factions. Besides, Qatar had the most prominent presence in the Darfur conflict in Sudan, the struggle for power in Somalia, and the conflict between the Houthis and the government in Yemen. Qatari diplomacy also played a significant role in the Horn of Africa and in the struggle for power and legitimacy in Libya.

According to Prof. Iyad Al-’Orfi, the Qatari role in handling these crises is based on key pillars that give power and prestige to this role:

• 1. Qatar has vibrant and distinctive relationships with key players at the local, Arab, regional, and international levels.

• 2. Economic power—Qatar’s economy is now the most open among Arab economies and the best model in the region, and the rapid growth it achieved enabled it to become one of the richest countries in the world.

• 3. The media platform—the Al Jazeera network: Qatar’s positive image in Arab minds is associated with achieving the Arab media’s leading project, as Al Jazeera has become a source of news for foreign channels, news agencies, and newspapers.

In applying this model, Qatar managed to walk along the tightrope stretched over the regional and international fault lines in the Middle East. In Iraq, it maintains a balanced distance from all factions and forces, and it maintains relations with Iran and Syria while remaining a US ally and a major host of US military bases in the region. Qatar also keeps close links with Hamas and Hezbollah while maintaining a peaceful relationship with Israel. And, it maintained relations with Iran in spite of all the reservations and concerns expressed by the other countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council about Iran’s ambitions and policies in the region.

In June 2009, the US Ambassador to Qatar Joseph Le Baron attempted to explain Qatar’s policy in the following terms:

I think of Qatar as occupying a space in the middle of the ideological spectrum in the Islamic world, with the goal of having doors open to it across that ideological spectrum. They have the resources to accomplish that vision, and that’s rare. By all accounts, Qatar’s balancing strategy toward its relationship with the United States and regional powers such as Iran and Saudi Arabia is likely to persist, which may continue to place Doha and Washington on opposing sides of some important issues, even amid close cooperation on others.

4.1.1 Qatar Financial Supports to Other Countries

Oil-rich and gas-rich Qatar employed “aid diplomacy” as a way not only to ensure influence but also to lever its public diplomacy and to promote its mediation in conflicts. These aids were also employed as a tool of public diplomacy to facilitate winning friends and to soften the positions of opponents. There are many examples of this, such as financial aid and aid in-kind made by Qatar to the besieged Gaza Strip in the aftermath of the 2008 war, the assistance provided for the reconstruction of villages destroyed by the Israeli aggression on southern Lebanon in the summer of 2006, and the humanitarian, economic, and logistical assistance provided to the National Transitional Council in Libya in 2011. There are other tools employed by Qatar in the context of public diplomacy efforts, such as entering into partnerships with regional bodies, international conferences, and important events, such as hosting the Doha Round of World Trade Organization in 2001 and the summit of the Organization of Islamic Conference in 2003.

4.1.2 Qatar Fund for Development (QFFD)

Under the patronage of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, H.E. Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani, and the Chairman of Qatar Fund for development, H.E. Mr. Soltan bin Saad Al-Muraikhi, State Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Deputy Chairman of Qatar Fund for development, Qatar released a report of its supports for development around the world in 2018.

In 2019, in a speech on the delivery of this fund to different humanitarian agencies, The Director General of Qatar Fund for Development (QFFD), H.E. Khalifa bin Jassim Al-Kuwari, stated that:

Qatar Fund for Development provided financial aid and effectively responded to humanitarian and development assistance in many countries. From 2015 till May 2019, the total aid amounted to QR 8.15 billion, which equates to US$2.24 billion, an annual growth rate of 19%. In 2018 alone, the Fund’s assistance reached more than 2.1 billion riyals or US$585 million, including US$206.7 million in humanitarian aid and US$378.6 million in development assistance. This aid was distributed geographically among 70 countries around the world. The total value of aid to Arab countries amounted to US$451.8 million, whereas the aid to Africa totaled to US$64 million, Asia US$28.5 million and US$17.9 was disbursed in aid to North and South America. In terms of international and multilateral organizations, the amount of assistance provided for core funding has reached US$20.1 million.

(Source: www.reliefweb.int)

In this book, since we are going to bring examples for Qatar’s political activities, we only present the available information on QFFD in 2018 and before. Up to 2018, the fund assisted in finishing 55 humanitarian projects and 65 development projects. The exact sum paid for these projects was $585.39 million. The fund was allotted to different sectors including education, healthcare, economic, relief, budget, and infrastructure ones. The statistics showed that the highest amounts were allotted to infrastructure, education, and relief sectors, with amounts being invested on healthcare and economic development as well (https://qatarfund.org.qa/en/, 2020).

Moreover, the QFFD was distributed among different countries and organizations around the world. The available information from Qatar fund (2018) indicates that more than $20 million was given to different countries in five continents in 2018. This fund was also used to create different agreements including 28 country-based partnership, nine local partnerships, and ten international partnerships. Of the total amount in 2018, 65% was allotted to developmental aids, and 35% was allocated to humanitarian aids. In regard to the development portions, more than 90% was devoted to promote education and infrastructure in the receiving countries.

4.1.2.1 Qatar Financial Supports to During COVID-19

Even during the outbreak of COVID-19, the Qatar played an active role in helping less developed countries and world organizations involved in dealing with the pandemic. In August 2020, the Qatari Ministry of Foreign Affairs released a report on different governmental and non-governmental aids it provided to different countries or agencies. On page five of the report, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs mentioned that:

The State of Qatar foreign aid, to combat the Corona pandemic, amounted to nearly 50 million US dollars, that benefited to 32 countries, across the five continents, around the world. In addition to many field hospitals donated by the Ministry of Defense, the State also provided 150 million US Dollars financial support to the Gaza Strip, a part of which will go to assist the health Sector, cope with the effects of the Corona crisis.

International organizations, humanitarian and civil societies associations, also got their share of this Aid, as Qatar allocated 20 million US dollars to the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization (GAVI), out of its belief in the urgency of confirming international support and political commitment, to ensure speeding up research and clinical testing, leading to vaccine and cure medication, and eradicating this virus, for all the people, around the world.

The State also announced the allocation of 10 million US Dollars for the World Health Organization (WHO), to support rapid access to provide equipment for the test, treatment and the provision of the adequate vaccine for “Covid-19”, to save lives, and make it available to all world citizens, leaving no one behind.

(Ministry of Foreign Affairs, August, 2020)

Qatar also provided governmental aid to 32 countries during this period. These include countries such as Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Tunisia, Algeria, and other countries. In addition to delivering aids to the governments, Qatar financially supported many institution and charity organizations in different countries during the COVID-19 period. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs made the following statement about these aids:

Institutions, charitable organizations and private sector companies were, also, prompt in providing aid around the world, and, extend necessary assistance to help mitigate the dangers caused by the coronavirus outbreak. Foreign aid provided by charitable associations, organizations and the private sector, in the State of Qatar, amounted to approximately 39 million US Dollars, donated to 66 countries, around the world. These aids consisted of medical, relief and financial assistance, provided through its offices around the world. In coordination with Qatar diplomatic missions, in the host countries, Institutions and private companies, such as, Qatar Charity, Qatar Red Crescent Society, Al Majida Group, “Baladna Food Industries” Qatar National Bank and Qatar Airways spared no means, and no effort to carry out this noble duty.

(Ministry of Foreign Affairs, August, 2020)

Prof. Iyad Al-’Orfi describes the diplomacy of Qatar with the following words:

In dealing with crises, Qatari diplomacy depends on two basic pillars, namely: rationality and pragmatism as a strategic approach to international relations, which allows Qatar to be at the same distance from the various political, regional, and international parties so it can get their confidence. Then, Qatar can invest in these privileged relationships in good offices and bring views together in order to facilitate the resolution of crises and serve peace and stability. At the international diplomatic level, Qatar adopts the policy of a balanced approach towards the U.S. and the West in general, as well as other international forces and groups, whether in Asia, Latin America, or Africa. In its adopted foreign policy and active diplomacy towards the current regional and international divide, the government of Qatar seeks to present itself to the Arab world and the region as a prominent and neutral party and mediator that is respected by everyone, as well as seeking political accumulation.

The role of Qatar’s public diplomacy can be understood in light of Qatar’s keenness to expand its sphere of influence and to increase international awareness of its importance. Generally speaking, Qatar’s public diplomacy is based on a number of solid foundations, including:

• 1. Adhering to the rights of sovereignty of the state, non-interference in internal affairs, and refraining from axis policy.

• 2. Adhering to the rules of international legality and coping with international changes and developments or adapting to them.

• 3. Adopting the philosophy of “pragmatic diplomacy” and accepting consequences of contributing to the regulation of peace and rejecting to resort to force in solving conflicts.

• 4. Qatari diplomacy is characterized as follows:

• 5. Proactive and brave, taking stands before others (such as the stance toward the revolutions of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Syria).

• 6. Not being linked to any ideological authority that would limit its activities or extension.

• 7. Not seeking to monopolize everything.

• 8. Depending on the tools and methods of “soft power” and not employing threats, ambitions, or agendas to exert influence.

Soft power means employing tools of persuasion and attraction rather than pressure and intimidation in international affairs management and using public diplomacy tools, as well as employing educational, cultural, and creative dimensions, or using economic aid and scholarships in managing public diplomacy. As we elaborated in this subsection, Qatar used public diplomacy and financial supports to develop its influence in the regions.

4.2 The Media Profile

There is no doubt that the keyword in this profile is the Al Jazeera Network, which has been, since its inception in 1996, a unique case in the space of the Arab media, with all the problems and questions, sympathy and criticism, popularity, and anger it has raised. Al Jazeera’s presence is not restricted only to broadcasting and screens watched by viewers; it goes beyond this, as Al Jazeera transformed from being just a media channel broadcasting news and events into an integrated network of several media, research, and training organizations.

Al Jazeera has become a brand name that strongly exists competing with the most important and famous brands such as Coca Cola or Nokia; as in 2005, Al Jazeera was ranked fifth among the most important and most famous brands in terms of power and influence. In the media sector, Al Jazeera assumes a status that is no less than the international networks CNN, Sky, or BBC. The influence of this media network grew after the launch of Al Jazeera English, Al Jazeera Sports channels, Al Jazeera Children’s Channel, Al Jazeera Mubasher Channel, and Al Jazeera Documentary Channel. Moreover, Al Jazeera has expanded the scope of its activities. It is now no longer like a traditional TV network, as it created powerful and influential affiliates such as annual festivals, the Al Jazeera Training Center, Human Rights Department, Al Jazeera Centre for Studies, aljazeera.net in Arabic and English, and others. In addition, there are seminars and conferences organized by the Al Jazeera network and its affiliates throughout the year, either alone or in collaboration with other partners.

The statistics shows that Al Jazeera has at least 140 million viewers in the Arab and international world. The viewers might select one of the following channels to watch from Al Jazeera network:

• 1. Al Jazeera Satellite Channel (Arabic)

• 2. Al Jazeera English

• 3. Al Jazeera Documentary

• 4. Al Jazeera Mubasher (Live)

• 5. Al Jazeera Media Training and Development Centre

• 6. Al Jazeera Centre for Studies

• 7. Al Jazeera Mobile

• 8. Al Jazeera.net (the Arabic website)

• 9. Al Jazeera English Online (the English website, AJ+ https://www.ajplus.net)

• 10. Al Jazeera Center for Public Liberties and Human Rights

In addition to the mentioned channels, beIN Sports MENA is a former subsidiary of Al Jazeera Media Network, which was previously named as Al Jazeera Sport. There are more than 11 Arabic and English channels for in the beIN Sports group.

The latest statistics has indicated that Al Jazeera has at least 40 million viewers in the Arab world, who come from different countries. The viewers include those in Arab countries and the Arab people who are not living in the Arab world and watch it on satellite. Research has shown that Al Jazeera viewers are from different age groups and both genders (Arab audience: www.allied-media.com, 2021). Furthermore, the data shows that Arab audience earned an income equivalent to $15,000, the second largest group earned between $15,000 and $35,000 (Arab audience, source: www.allied-media.com, 2021). Moreover, the survey results have indicated that while the majority of the audience live in the cities, Al Jazeera has audiences in suburban and rural areas as well. The statistics also show that the majority of the Al Jazeera viewers have at least a high school degree. Moreover, the available data show that most Al Jazeera viewers are married. These viewers are mainly from the Muslim world.

Finally, the statistics show that the audience come from different counties around the world. However, the majority of the audience come from the Arab counties in the Middle East. The available data show that the network has an outstanding place in terms of viewership in the Arab world. In the next section, we will elaborate on the political stance and influence of Al Jazeera.

4.2.1 The Policy of Al Jazeera

The policy of Al Jazeera as a satellite channel and its affiliates does not conflict with the process of creating the (nation) brand for the country of origin. Al Jazeera seems to be an effective tool to support the traditional and public diplomacy of the state of Qatar. While Qatar’s official diplomacy gathers the conflicting parties of a certain case in closed rooms, playing the role of mediator, Al Jazeera gathers the same parties on air for another type of dialogue, in which they say what it not said in closed rooms to be broadcast to millions of viewers around the world. At the same time, the Al Jazeera brand name cannot be separated in the minds of people from its place of origin, i.e., Qatar, just as Coca Cola cannot be separated from the United States and Mercedes cannot be separated from Germany and many other examples that reflect the close ties between the brand name and the country of origin. In this regard, it is assured that the country of origin and the brand are sharing benefits especially in promoting and influencing one another.

Among some US diplomatic documents published by WikiLeaks, The Guardian newspaper uncovered that the United States believes that Qatar is using Al Jazeera as a bargaining chip in foreign policy negotiations to help push its agenda on the international stage. The newspaper quoted a classified cable from the US Ambassador to Qatar, Joseph LeBaron, saying that the Al Jazeera channel is used as a bargaining chip in Qatar’s relations with neighboring Iran, who shares a gas field with Qatar, and with other players who play tough with LeBaron such as Hamas, Hezbollah, and Syria. In his diplomatic cable, LeBaron said that:

The regional Al Jazeera Arabic news channel will continue to be an instrument of Qatari influence, and continue to be an expression, however uncoordinated, of the nation’s foreign policy. Qatar will continue to use Al Jazeera as a bargaining tool to repair relationships with other countries, particularly those soured by Al Jazeera’s broadcasts, including the United States. Al Jazeera’s ability to influence public opinion throughout the region is a substantial source of leverage for Qatar, one which it is unlikely to relinquish. Moreover, the network can also be used as a chip to improve relations. For example, Al Jazeera’s more favorable coverage of Saudi Arabia’s royal family has facilitated Qatari-Saudi reconciliation over the past year.

At the level of Qatari public diplomacy, the importance of the Al Jazeera network is in the direct or indirect relationship network created by Al Jazeera and its institutions with individuals and community organizations across the world. And, this beneficial relationship is very necessary and essential in the process of creating the (nation) brand. This relationship and the surrounding situation can be summarized in the following hypothesis: suppose that Al Jazeera suddenly disappeared from existence, there is no doubt that some people would be angry, others would be happy, some would feel that the media landscape lacks something, some people would lose, others would win, etc. The end result is that everyone would be interested and affected as a stakeholder (whether negative or positive). This is exactly what is meant by the beneficial relationship. This situation is similar to the behavior of public diplomacy that keeps the ball rolling with all parties, attending all meetings and events, and if it is absent for any reason, this absence will be questionable or a reason to move events or feelings.

Accordingly, the Al Jazeera media network with all its institutions is an important tool in the arsenal of defense for the steadfastness and stability of the state of Qatar in the face of conflicting powers in the Gulf region. If it was possible for these powers to infringe the sovereignty of Qatar in the past, before the founding of the Al Jazeera, this now has become impossible with the presence of Al Jazeera, which broadcasts images and news live to millions of viewers around the world.

It is not an exaggeration to take a step forward to describe Al Jazeera as ordinance a tool in Qatar’s shield of defense. It is even noted that the role of Al Jazeera sometimes takes the position of attack when it is difficult for Qatari public diplomacy to achieve its goal in a certain case and when Qatari diplomacy feels that some regional powers are trying to marginalize or exclude the Qatari role, particularly if traditional diplomacy is not able to directly confront them. In this case, the Al Jazeera channel becomes the most powerful tool to confront and influence the target public opinion in order to drive them to apply pressure on their government to change its stance on a certain issue. This is exactly the role of public diplomacy and the spearhead of its tools, i.e., the media.

Creating the national brand also requires presence in all international media and under multiple titles and formats that deal with other aspects of the Qatari national brand. Thus, the Qatari effort on the media profile is not confined only to the Al Jazeera network, but it also goes beyond that to being present in various mass media around the world.

Here, it is worth mentioning that a survey conducted by John Mark King of East Tennessee State University, who performed a content analysis of mentions of Qatar published in more than 70 major newspapers in 18 nations from 2006 to 2007. The survey concluded that there were 706 mentions of Qatar in these newspapers. The survey includes newspapers from North America, Europe, Australia, New Zealand, Asia, the Middle East (including Israel), and Africa. The survey showed that the impression was positive toward Qatar and that the information on the geography of Qatar and its people appeared more than other topics such as terrorism and war.

In 1998, Qatar abolished the Ministry of Information, and in 2007, it co-founded the Doha Centre for Media Freedom, a private institution for public benefit with the French organization Reporters Without Borders. It aims to protect the media system as is consistent with international standards; conduct media research; create a database to serve media segments; create a memorial to be an international database to immortalize figures, leaders, and victims of free media; and provide assistance to media professionals who are exposed to abuses in the performance of their jobs, especially in a state of crisis. In January 2008, the Doha Centre for Media Freedom signed a protocol of cooperation with the Reporters Without Borders organization. It could be argued that the aim of this center is to build communication with journalists across the world and creating strong beneficial relations with them. The importance of this seems to be logical in light of knowledge of the importance of the media and media workers in covering and following up public diplomacy initiatives and the accumulative output of this in the final product of the process of creating the national brand.

Qatar has shown that it has some ambitious and delicate plans for media. For example, the country started the Qatar Media City project in 2017 and with the start of the blockade. The Qatar Media City will give services to TV channels, publications, and the social media. An interesting line of development in Qatar Media City is the attention paid to social media so that social media influencers and bloggers will have studies so that they access whatever facilities they need to produce content for free. Another significant policy for Qatar Media City is to make Qatar a hub of freedom of speech and freedom of expression. As HE Sheikh Saif bin Ahmed Al Thani said:

Well see, our attraction point is that we will have no editorial limits. We will have a code of ethics. Now this code of ethics to simply explain it to you, is that we trust that those media outlets that come here, are responsible—responsible for what they say and their actions. We will not have any limitations on that sort. And the code of ethics is basically built on responsible media.

www.gco.gov.qa

Media specialists believe that the Qatar Media City will be a major advancement in Qatar’s media activities and expect it to significantly promote Qatar influence in the region.

4.3 The Economic Profile

Hydrocarbon resources, particularly natural gas, are at the top of the economic profile, as they are the dynamic resources that provide sufficient funds for Qatar to finance all of its developmental, political, and economic plans. Moreover, these resources allow Qatar to fund its activities building its national(nation) brand, including providing support for public diplomacy efforts, the Al Jazeera network, and other tools that are used in parallel profiles.

For this profile, it is important to pay attention to the unique and smart “how” of employing natural wealth and resources in the process of creating the national (nation) brand of Qatar, by highlighting the beneficial relationship between Qatari gas and all people around the world. This is shown obviously in a smart (TV) commercial: a Japanese child is playing an electrical guitar, and suddenly the musical instrument stops working because the child’s father unplugged it, turning it off. This advertisement shows that the child could not practice his hobby (playing guitar), unless his family enjoys the benefits of Qatari gas. Analyzing this commercial, which is broadcast on many international TV channels, shows very important results concerning its content, especially when asking the viewer very provocatively: Now, imagine the world without Qatari gas?

This smart message goes beyond the fact that this natural wealth is an instrument of pressure, facility, or even blackmailing at the international relations level, turning it into a bridge for a beneficial relationship between the source and the consumer. Perhaps this leads us also to understand the relationship that Qatar is seeking to build between Qatar’s natural gas and its national (nation) brand, making people think all the gas that is consumed around the world comes from Qatar and that Qatar takes credit for their ability to use this natural resource and its outputs. Thus, the existence of this state is necessary for big companies just as it is necessary for this Japanese child.

The other side of this economically beneficial relationship is the smart distribution of Qatar’s foreign investment portfolio. For years, Qatar has been seeking to diversify foreign investments away from the oil and gas industry by channeling its sovereign wealth fund, the Qatar Investment Authority, to buy assets in Europe, Africa, Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere. These investments range between service, financial, banking, and real estate sectors, along with agriculture and industry.

This distribution is described as being “smart” because of the vertical and horizontal distribution of these investments, as they include major companies such as those investing in gas and petrochemical ventures (China and Indonesia) and touristic and real estate ventures (Canary Wharf and One Hyde Park in London) and entering into business partnerships with overseas banks such as the British (Barclays). They also include specific projects such as purchasing the famous Harrods stores in London and around the world, as well as projects directly related to ordinary people, i.e., buying shares in companies, car factories, and retail outlets, such as Qatar Holding’s acquisition of Harrods stores for $2.2 billion, which is visited by 15 million people yearly.

Also, in Britain, Qatar is the most prominent investor in the Sainsbury’s supermarket chain and operates in the retail industry by owning about a quarter of the company’s shares. In addition, Qatar is the largest investor in Song Bird Estates, which owns the business district of Canary Wharf in the British capital.

Qatari Diar owns some famous buildings in London such as the US embassy. Also, the Barwa Real Estate Company, which is 45% owned by Qatari Diar, owns the famous Park House building on Oxford Street. The real estate company Qatar Holding raised its share in the British Song Bird Estates by purchasing 28.5 million new stocks, raising its share to $27.7 million. Song Bird is one of the largest real estate companies in Britain owning and operating Canary Wharf, the famous financial center of London.

In the industrial sector, Qatar is the third largest investor in Volkswagen, owning 17% of the German company that includes some international brands of cars. The Qatar Investment Authority also increased its share in the German company Porsche to $7 billion; thus, the share of the Qatar Investment Authority in the company reaches 17%. Qatar Holding lifted its ownership of the German construction group HOCHTIEF, which is one of the largest general construction companies in Europe. Furthermore, Qatar Holding purchased a 6.2% share of Iberdrola, a Spanish private multinational electric utility company, for $3 billion. In the financial services sector, Qatar dominates more than 15% of the London Stock Exchange, as well as about a 6% share of the British bank Barclays. Qatar is also one of Credit Suisse’s largest shareholders, now holding more than 10% of the Swiss banking group.

In the sector of tourism and hospitality, Qatar purchased a tourist resort in Switzerland in a region that rises 600 m above sea level for 300 million Swiss francs, i.e., $289 million, to renovate it in a new look by early 2014. Qatar also bought a significant stake in Vermont, the international hotel chain from the Kingdom Holding Company run by the Saudi Prince Al Waleed bin Talal. Qatar Holding also purchased the Four Seasons Giza Hotel, the largest hotel in Cairo, Egypt, as well as the commercial attaché First Mall for $250 million. Qatari Diar acquired the Le Royal Monceau Hotel in France, a work of art hotel, the Raffles Hotel in Singapore, and the MAIA resort in the Seychelles.

Concerning the field of agricultural investment, in 2010, Qatar Holding invested $2.8 billion in the IPO of the Agricultural Bank of China. Hassad Company, a wholly owned subsidiary of the Qatar Investment Authority, has an Australia-based investment of $412 million. This investment is in the sector of agriculture and animal husbandry and seeks in the first stage to produce 150 thousand sheep per year, along with 50 thousand tons of wheat for export to the Qatari market. Interestingly, the agriculture sector witnessed a huge progress after the blockade. According to a report published by Laura Wellesley (2019, chathamhouse.org), Qatar’s domestic food production grew fourfold during the blockade. For example, the rate of vegetable imports decreased 85–60% during the blockade. Also, the most important progress was made in the dairy industry and Baladna, Qatar’s principal dairy producer, played a remarkable role in decreasing the amount of dairy imports (Castelier & Pouré, 2018). In addition, significant advancements were made in the field of water management. Many countries adopted to the so-called “circular” practices to achieve more efficient resource use, which led to significant progress in successful management of water supplies.

Qatari investments also include the entertainment and cinema industry. In 2011, Filmyard Holdings, a joint venture investment group that includes the Qatar Investment Authority, purchased Miramax from Walt Disney for $663 million. Qatar Holding also signed a title sponsorship deal with the United Kingdom’s British Champions Series. Under this agreement, Qatar Holding will be the official partner of the Derby Race held every year in London, as well as the St. Leger Race, the Guineas Race, and others.

Qatari investments do not only focus on the traditional mature investment destinations; they also go to emerging markets in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and the Indian subcontinent. In total, according to Sheikh Hamad bin Jassem bin Jabr Al Thani, the former Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Qatar plans to invest between $30 and 35 billion abroad in 2011, and the value of Qatar’s foreign investments during 2010 had reached $20 billion.

On the other hand, Qatar is interested in attracting foreign investment. The well-known American Chronicle newspaper published a lengthy report on the best parts of the world now attracting international investment. The report said that Qatar is at the top of these countries. The report pointed out that the ability of Qatar’s economy to maintain its status and effectiveness is one of the most significant factors that have made Qatar the best place to attract international investments, especially in light of the recovery of the collapsed real estate sector in European countries and neighboring countries, as well as the recovery of the oil sector and liquefied gas projects. Foreign investment in Qatar reached 5.1% of Qatar’s GDP in 2010. Arab social security institutions confirmed Qatar’s continuous ability to attract direct investments in 2011, estimating them at no less than $9 billion. Thus, Qatar comes second to Saudi Arabia in the Arab world in this regard. According to the previous report, Qatar offers the foreign private sector opportunities to contribute to the implementation of investment plans valued at $125 billion in the next 5 years.

4.3.1 Qatar’s Economy During the Economic and Political Crises

In June 2019, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) published a report in which different aspects of Qatar economy during the political rift in the region and decline in hydrocarbon prices. In this subsection, we will report the key findings of the analysis performed by IMF. These findings were:

• 1. Qatar’s economy has successfully absorbed the shocks from 2014 to 2016 drop in hydrocarbon prices and the 2017 diplomatic rift. The country could keep it ties with the world successfully and built new trade relations. Qatar successfully continued and finished many major infrastructure projects in preparation for World Cup 2020. Qatar also strengthened its policy framework, including fiscal policy and institutions, financial regulation and supervision, and macro-prudential policies. IMF reported that high-frequency economic indicators pointed to a stronger economy for Qatar.

• 2. Qatar is advancing a comprehensive structural reform agenda to respond to the identified economic challenges. In so doing, Qatar implemented a structural reform to widen the geographical structure of trade and financial transactions, advance the business environment, augment domestic food production, encourage special economic zones, and permit majority foreign ownership of companies. Qatar has also implemented a visa-free program to improve the status of tourism.

• 3. The findings of IMF also showed that Qatar improved the economic activated and successfully kept the inflation rate subdued. Non-hydrocarbon growth moderated to 4.3% during the third quarter of 2018. The IMF results also indicated that Qatar witnessed a growth in its GDP from 2017 to 2020.

• 4. Qatar’s fiscal position in getting stronger. As stated in IMF report “The central government’s fiscal position is estimated at a surplus of 2.3% of GDP in 2018 from a deficit of 6.6% of GDP in 2017” which shows that Qatar’s fiscal position got even stronger after the rift in the region and the siege by some Arab countries.

• 5. The report indicated that liquidity conditions have enhanced and the growth of private-sector credit has augmented. Specifically, the report mentioned that “The recovery in non-resident deposits (by 23% y-o-y by December 2018) and foreign bank funding (up by 23%) helped banks increase private sector credit by 13% y-o-y by December 2018” (p. 13).

• 6. Qatar external position has improved, and Qatar’s banking system remains healthy which is a proof for strong capitalization and high-quality asset.

• 7. Macro-financial prospects remain favorable and fiscal consolidation has continued. Moreover, the yearly budget rightly continues with the prudent fiscal policy.

All in all, the results of financial reports indicate that Qatari economy has remained prosperous and flourishing during the political rift in the region and Qatar has successfully improved in several domains during the period.

4.4 The Humanitarian Profile

For this profile, there is a dynamic collection of Qatari civil society’s initiatives and charities, representing the humanitarian side of the Qatari people. We should not overlook the fact that “the people” is a key element of the “national(nation) brand”; thus, it should be introduced and represented to other people in the best and most noble way: serving humanity, helping the needy, and relieving the afflicted.

Such initiatives also provide other essential features in building the “national(nation) brand,” such as hospitality and generosity of ethics. Once again, these community-based initiatives reach all parts of the world, regardless of religious, racial, or ethnic barriers. They provide assistance to the people of Gaza; just as they provided it to those affected in the Asian tsunami, hurricane Katrina, the Australian flooding of 2011, and the Japanese earthquake of 2011, as well as providing ships for thousands of displaced people by the armed conflict in Libya in 2011. In 2020, Qatar financed more than $530 million for humanitarian activities around the world.

What is important is that these humanitarian efforts and aid are distributed by Qataris wearing traditional Qatari clothes, carrying boxes and equipment labeled as “the state of Qatar,” transported in aircraft carrying the logo of Qatar Airways, the oryx, which has become a symbol of the state, and the word “Qatar” in bold. Among the most important humanitarian relief organizations operating in the state of Qatar are as follows.

4.4.1 Reach Out to Asia (ROTA)

A non-profit organization seeking to build the future by allowing access to education at different levels to all the world’s youth. The organization, which was established in 2005, seeks to extract the energies of youth to enhance the prospects for the development of society.

ROTA makes every effort at the domestic level to empower young people and improve the lives of disadvantaged social groups within Qatar by organizing youth conferences, training programs, and global volunteer trips. ROTA’s various activities fall under the following broad headings: support, development, contact, and action.

• Support: ROTA supports activities in Asia and the Middle East by providing technical, financial, and moral assistance.

• Development: ROTA develops the local education sector’s infrastructure, capacities, and programs.

• Contact: ROTA links schools and universities in Qatar to the educational institutions in developing countries in order for these institutions to share educational information and knowledge, as well as learning resources.

• Action: ROTA provides relief aid in emergency situations, whether natural or manmade. It also focuses on increasing access to education facilities in crisis situations.

4.4.2 Sheikh Eid Charity Association

By the end of 2010, Sheikh Eid Charity announced that it had carried out tens of thousands of charitable and relief projects in the past 3 years, at a cost of more than 530 million riyals. The foundation built 239 education institutions around the world. It also drilled 3304 wells within 3 years, an average of close to three wells per day. These wells have helped rural and pastoral communities, saving them from drought, and allowing them to take care of their livestock and to resume a normal life, especially in poorer communities like Somalia and across the Sahel in Africa. In this regard, the foundation’s projects conducted humanitarian action that saved thousands of children from the risk of hunger, homelessness, and behavioral deviation.

In the field of relief, the Sheikh Eid Charity Association accomplished 1104 relief projects, an average of 368 projects per year in the past 3 years. Through these years, the foundation made efforts to provide rapid and effective support for hundreds of thousands of people who have found themselves victims of various types of natural disasters. In the health field, the foundation contributed to the construction of 25 health centers throughout the world.

4.4.3 Qatar Charity

Qatar Charity is a non-governmental organization, founded in 1992 for the development of Qatari society and other needy communities. It works in the fields of sustainable development, poverty reduction, disaster relief, and emergency response.

Qatar Charity endeavors to serve all needy people and communities regardless of their color, sex, religion, race, or nationality. It has been in a consultative status with the UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) since 1997. It has also been a member of the General Founding Conference of the Arab Network for NGOs in Cairo since 1999 and is one of the largest charities in the Gulf.

Qatar Charity works in different countries around the world and its activities cover many countries in Asia, Europe, and Africa, including Qatar, Palestine, Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Morocco, Egypt, Bahrain, Sudan, Somalia, Chad, Niger, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Comoros, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Kosovo, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, India, and Sri Lanka.

The main foci in the field of relief are shelter, food and non-food aid, water, healthcare, educational services, and income-generating activities. In the field of education and culture, the focus is on basic education, literacy, training and vocational rehabilitation, and youth work.

4.4.4 Qatar Authority for Charitable Activities (QACA)

QACA is a national government agency based in Doha, the capital of Qatar. It was established by Law No. 13 in 2004 and aims to develop, support, and promote charitable and humanitarian work, supervising and controlling them within the framework of the general policy of the state of Qatar. At the global level, at the end of 2010, the state of Qatar in cooperation with the United Nations launched the Consolidated Humanitarian Appeal of 2011 to raise about $7.4 billion to provide humanitarian assistance to some 50 million people in 28 countries around the world.

The Assistant Foreign Minister for Follow Up Affairs, Mr. Mohammed bin Abdullah Al Rumaihi, the representative of the state of Qatar at this event, said that launching this humanitarian appeal from Doha reflected Qatar’s and the international community’s keenness on the necessity of joint work, coordination, and intensifying efforts to alleviate humanitarian catastrophes and disasters around the world that result in millions of victims.

Qatar managed to achieve the Millennium Development Goals for 2015 before the deadline that was set by the United Nations. Qatari humanitarian and developmental assistance is a key element of the state policy in the field of international cooperation. The total aid and development assistance provided by the state of Qatar in the period from 2005 to 2009 amounted to about $2 billion, benefiting about 106 countries in Asia, Europe, Africa, the Americas, and other parts of the world.

Qatar’s former Prime Minister and Foreign Minister, Sheikh Hamad Bin Jassim Bin Jabr Al Thani, launched a state initiative in conjunction with the Institute of World Peace. The initiative aims to create a force for humanitarian operations that will provide a framework for the cooperation of countries willing to contribute under the umbrella of the United Nations. The “HOPEFOR” initiative is described as a humanitarian force deployed in areas affected by disasters in the exact same way as the United Nations’ peacekeeping forces are deployed in areas of armed conflict. The 65th session of the United Nations General Assembly adopted the draft resolution submitted by the state of Qatar entitled “Improving the Effectiveness and Coordination of Military and Civil Defense Assets for Natural Disaster Response,” under agenda item (69 a) of the UN General Assembly entitled “Strengthening the Coordination of Emergency Humanitarian Assistance of the United Nations.”

4.4.5 Qatar Fund for Development

As we noted earlier in this chapter, Qatar also allotted budgets for development in other countries through its QFFD program. This fund was allotted to humanitarian projects around the world and was allocated to developing education in different regions and countries. For example, Qatar spent $1.3 million for school construction in Tirana, which benefited more than 800 teachers and students.

Also, Qatar constructed a new fully equipped, multi-facility, 58-classroom school in Kazakhstan’s Akimat of Astana city. The budget spent on this project was more than $12.7 million, which benefited more than 1200 students. Moreover, one of the biggest Qatari projects was facilitating access to education for students in Mali. Qatar contributed $40 million to accomplish the “Education Above All (EAA)” projects in Mali by providing the government with a concessional loan of $24.5 million and an amount of $15.5 million as a grant in association with EAA. In addition, Qatar contributed $5 million to develop an institute for Palestinian studies. Additionally, in 2015, Qatar signed a 3-year contract with the Unite Lebanon Youth Project for $1.5 million to deliver scholarships for 42 Palestinian students to study at the American University of Beirut (AUB) and the Lebanese American University (LAU).

Qatar also helped to develop housing and infrastructure at different countries as a part of its QFFD program. It constructed the H. H Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Hospital for the Rehabilitation and Artificial Limbs in Qaza as a part of its program to develop education and infrastructure in this region.

Qatar also assisted in road construction in Sultanate of Oman and participated in rebuilding projects in Somali by constructing two roads for a total amount of $165 million. In Sudan, Qatar assisted in reconstruction of ten villages in Darfur’s five states for about $70 millions. It also spent $2 million for training public health in Sudan. Qatar also aided the wounded people in truck bombings in Somalia as a part of humanitarian activities.

The data released in May 2021 shows that Qatar spent funds for humanitarian projects in Sudan, Lebanon, the Philippines, and Syria. Moreover, in 2020, the Emir of Qatar donated more than $100 million to support small island developing countries and the underdeveloped countries which were combating the effects of climate change. Qatar’s endeavors are not limited to these, and they financed different projects to support green job opportunities, food industry, and agriculture in GCC counties as well. Qatar also builds healthcare centers in Mogadishu, Ethiopia, and Gaza.

4.4.6 The Civil Society and Institutions Profile

In the process of building a “national brand,” there is no doubt that the role of the individual is very important, especially when it is polished and organized in the framework of civil society’s organizations and formations. Civil society is defined as the overall political, economic, social, and cultural institutions that operate in their different fields in relative independence from the state’s authority and the private sector. Civil society organizations consist of bodies called secondary organizations such as NGOs, trade and labor unions, businesses, chambers of commerce and industry, charitable foundations, civic associations, voluntary bodies, human rights associations, women’s rights associations, sports clubs, consumer protection associations, and similar voluntary organizations.

Despite the differences in the names and forms of civil society organizations, they share some essential characteristics, such as being private, non-profit, independent, and voluntary organizations. The main tasks and functions of civil society organizations are as follows:

• Bringing order and discipline to society.

• Achieving democracy by providing channels of voluntary participation in the public sphere and in the political sphere. Also, civil society’s organizations and associations are tools for individual initiatives expressing free will and active participation stemming from volunteering, and not the compulsory mobilization imposed by the state to pretend having popularity and support.

• Social and political upbringing, developing the values of loyalty, belonging, cooperation, solidarity, willingness to take responsibility, the initiative to take action, as well as attention to and enthusiasm for public affairs.

• Meeting the particular needs and the protection of fundamental human rights.

• Providing services and helping the needy.

• Achieving social solidarity.

• Overall development.

These functions integrate with each other. Civil society’s protection of the rights and interests of individuals and groups does not conflict with being a tool for organizing and maintaining the stability and unity of the society as a whole. And, its defending of the special interests of particular groups does not prevent it from being committed to issues of general interest to all or providing assistance to vulnerable and needy groups. Standing against the state in the case of aggression on freedom does not conflict with helping it in the implementation of development plans and programs, etc. As these functions are integrated with state functions, it could be said that there is what seems to be a sharing of economic and social responsibilities between the government and civil society.

Given the growing importance of civil society organizations, Qatari society was concerned with establishing such organizations, so the number of civil society institutions, bodies, and organizations in Qatar reached more than 20 professional, charitable, cultural, and social organizations in 2010. The programs offered by these institutions are varied, and the base of beneficiaries of their activities and programs was expanded to include all segments of society, domestically and internationally, such as cultural institutions and associations, including the Qatar Fine Arts Society, the Qatar Photographic Society, the Qatar-Japan Friendship Association, the Al-Balagh Cultural Society, and Islam Online, as well as charitable societies and institutions, including the Qatar Red Crescent Society, the Qatar Charitable Society, the Sheikh Eid bin Mohammed Al Thani Charity organization, the Sheikh Thani bin Abdullah Al Thani Foundation for Humanitarian Services, and the Sheikh Jassim bin Jabr Al Thani Charitable Foundation.

Professional institutions and associations include the Association of Physicians of Qatar, the Qatar Society of Petroleum Engineers, the Qatar Society of Engineers, the Qatari Lawyers Association, the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Qatar, and the Gulf Heart Association. Social institutions and associations include the Reach Out to Asia Foundation (ROTA), the Silatech Foundation, the Social Development Center, and the Young Arab Leaders Association. Institutions and associations that serve particular groups include the Qatar Society for Rehabilitation of Special Needs, the Qatar National Cancer Society, and the Qatar Diabetes Association.

Qatar’s national interest in human rights is reflected in the establishment of several institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights in the full sense of the concept. At the governmental level, many departments concerned with human rights have been established within the ministries of the state, for example, but not limited to, the Office of Human Rights in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Human Rights Department at the Ministry of Interior, and the Supreme Council for Family Affairs. Private institutions have been established as a public utility, such as the Qatar Foundation for Combating Human Trafficking (QFCHT) and the Qatar Foundation for the Protection of Women and Children. At the non-governmental level, the National Commission for Human Rights was established, as well as many civil society organizations concerned with human rights and development. In May 2008, in conjunction with the sixth Doha Interfaith Conference, the Doha International Center for Interfaith Dialogue was inaugurated. It was founded after the recommendations of the fifth Doha Interfaith Conference, held in May 2007. The center aims to disseminate and promote the culture of dialogue and peaceful coexistence.

In May 2007, Qatar hosted the Second Forum on Democracy and Political Reform in the Arab World, which resulted in establishing the Arab Foundation for Democracy, the first of its kind in the Arab world, based in Doha. The foundation aims to encourage the region to promote a culture of democracy. It is worth mentioning that Qatar has donated $10 million in support of the work of the foundation. The foundation issued its first report on the state of democracy in the Arab countries in 2008. This report was based on 17 national reports.

4.5 The Cultural Profile

The most prominent active cultural institution in Qatar is the Qatar Foundation, which for years has focused on academic and cultural dimensions, employing both in the framework of creating the “national brand”(nation brand). Thus, the Qatar Foundation put educational and academic activity as a top priority by investing heavily in higher education and attracting international universities to open branches and programs in Doha. This was shown most specifically in the “Education City” complex, which now hosts Weill Cornell Medical College (2002), Georgetown University (2005), local branches of Texas A&M University (2003), Carnegie Mellon University (2004), Virginia Commonwealth University and School of the Arts in Qatar (1997), and the Qatar Science and Technology Park (opened in March 2009). Therefore, the Qatar Foundation’s Education City is the largest complex of American universities outside the United States.

Education City is distinguished by the fact that it attracts Qatari students, students from neighboring countries in the Middle East and South Asia, as well as other foreign students living in Qatar or the Gulf states. The Qatar Foundation provides integrated programs, starting from pre-school to high school up to university faculties and then to the post-graduate level. This unique experience provides contact and exchange of experiences and expertise among a diverse mix of students from various cultural and social backgrounds. Without a doubt, Education City is essentially a tool in the process of creating the “national(nation) brand,” and it influences young people of the new future generation, whether Qataris or their peers coming from Gulf, Arab, Islamic, or Western countries.

On the cultural side, the Qatar Foundation, founded in 1995, sponsors the Doha Debates, which began for the first time in 2004 in the form of a television series and soon turned into a monthly forum to discuss political and cultural issues affecting the Middle East. The majority of participants in these discussions are Qatari university students, as well as students from universities in the Middle East and the Islamic world. The British Broadcasting Company, the BBC, broadcasts the Doha Debates regularly, and they are watched by nearly 300 million viewers all over the world.

Outside the Education City, the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (DI) aims to achieve its objectives via the integration of learning and teaching with scientific research through adopting an interdisciplinary approach. The Doha Institute aims to follow the objectives of space for intellectual independence, critical awareness and intellectual responsibility, commitment to academic standards, and Arab contribution to knowledge production.

The culture profile is also interested in attracting political and intellectual leaders in the world by attracting international research centers such as the Brookings Center and establishing new centers such as the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies in Doha. The Doha Brookings Center conducts research and programs in the following areas:

• 1. Governance issues, such as the analysis of constitutions and laws of media and society.

• 2. Humanitarian development and economic issues, such as the analysis of policies in the field of education, health, environment, business, energy, and the economy.

• 3. International affairs issues, such as the analysis of security frameworks, political and military conflicts, and other contemporary issues.

The Doha Brookings Center also conducts independent political research on social, economic, and geopolitical issues, engaging states and communities with a Muslim majority, including relations with the United States. The center receives advice and guidance concerning research and programs from the International Board of Advisors headed by Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jabr Al Thani; the co-chair, Strobe Talbott, President of the Brookings Institution; and the membership of Madeleine Albright, Samuel Berger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Edward Dgerjian, and others.

The Brookings Doha Center is the research platform of the Brookings Institution in the region and is open to all points of view. The agenda of the center includes interrelated essentials, such as calling for dialogue on public policy with political leaders, businessmen, and intellectual leaders from the region and the United States; hosting visiting scholars occupying prestigious positions in academia and public policy to write analytical research; and inviting the media to publish Brookings analyses. The Brookings Doha Center, in cooperation with the Qatari Ministry of Foreign Affairs, contributes to the design and organization of the annual US-Islamic World Forum, which brings together prominent leaders in the fields of politics, business, media, academia, and civil society for necessary dialogue and debate.

Alongside the American Brookings Center, the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies in Doha was established in 2010, headed by the Arab thinker Dr. Azmi Bishara. On its website, the center identifies itself as an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. Through its academic and research activities, the center strives to foster communication between Arab intellectuals and specialists in the social sciences and humanities in general; to build synergies between them and their societal and national concerns; and to network with Arab and international research centers and think tanks. These intellectual exchanges and interactions will be channeled through the process of research and critique, as well as the development of epistemological and conceptual tools and knowledge-building mechanisms. While committed to advancing the Arab nation’s causes, it does so by means of edification. It is not only based on the premise that progress does not contradict Arab culture and identity but also on the fact that progress is not possible without the advancement of society and all its constituent groups while respecting its historical circumstances, culture, and language.

The introduction of the center states, It is common knowledge that an American orientation has long dominated political science discourse and methodology, especially in the field of so-called “Middle East Studies.” This represents an intellectual expression of the political, economic, and media hegemony exercised and maintained by US think tanks and intellectual institutions, whose research programs are driven by the general policy needs and interests of the United States. Such intellectual compliance is secured not only by the agency of donor agendas and orientations but also by the pervasive use of specific intellectual, terminological, and conceptual tools. Moreover, by catering primarily to a market of US policy and decision-makers, US think tanks are often prone to oversimplification—reductionism and selective observation at best and distortion of facts and reconfirmation of their assumptions at worst. From here emerged the idea of establishing an Arab research institution whose work, activity, and output focus on exposing and contesting the research produced by Western think tanks in the Arab world, as well as research about the Arab world.

The center examines geostrategic, political, economic, and social issues. Thus, by providing a credible, politically independent, and professional Arab alternative which pursues objective, original research, it would challenge the mainstream insofar as it is critical, controversial, and provocative in its approach.

Once again, the vertical and horizontal presence is repeated in the aspect of culture. Examining the two models of centers for research and studies previously mentioned and their ideas and thinkers, correlating them to the educational (the Qatar Foundation), leads to the conclusion that the cultural activity in the framework of “national (nation) brand” creation extends vertically: from the students and learners to the academic content, intellectual caliber, and training expertise. And, it extends horizontally: from the extreme of the Western schools of thought (see the list of participants at the Brookings Institution) to the extreme of Arab nationalist thought (see the list of management and fellowship of the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies in Doha, headed by the Arab Intellectual Dr. Azmi Bishara) extending through Islamic thought by adopting the International Union for Muslim Scholars and its president, Dr. Yusuf Al Qaradawi. This presence and extension through intellectual mainstreams is perfectly consistent with the former Qatari Prime Minister’s description when he noted the “contributions from men of science and thought in realizing this vision.”

Concerning the profile of culture in Qatar, there is significant interest in museums and a focus on heritage as a key component in the system of elements that create the “national(nation) brand” and an important tool that represents several aspects of the Qatari character, as well as customs, traditions, and values through which the people of Qatar view others. Since early 2000, the state of Qatar has established and updated a number of public and specialized museums including the National Museum of Qatar, the Museum of Arms and Armours, the Heritage Collection Museum, the Museum of Photography, and the Arab Museum of Modern Art. The most important one is the Museum of Islamic Art, which was inaugurated in 2008. Given these projects, it could be concluded that the recently formed state of Qatar (compared to neighboring countries—Iran and Saudi Arabia) is seeking to find its roots extended in its Arab and Islamic heritage, in hope that these roots would:

• 1. Be factor of strengthening its presence and protection.

• 2. Provide a global dimension by highlighting its contribution to the heritage of mankind and human thought.

• 3. Confirm the legitimacy of the state of Qatar, as well as its originality and extension in history, thus overcoming the “weakness” associated with the geographic and demographic limitations.

We cannot talk about the dynamic aspect of culture without mentioning Bloomsbury-Qatar Foundation Publishing (BQFP), a unique joint venture between the Qatar Foundation and the British publisher Bloomsbury. BQFP publishes literary works, as well as references, academic, and educational books. The works are in Classical Arabic and in English with high-quality translations and are distributed to an Arabic and English readership of all ages. BQFP provides a diversity of literary culture from Qatar and the region, focusing on the development of Arab culture through international literature. BQFP’s adoption of the program of practical workshops for creative writing is characterized by discovering and developing emerging literary talent. BQFP also provides educational grant programs in Doha as Bloomsbury does in London, allowing the learners to take advantage of a unique experience in publishing skills. In cooperation with local and international institutions, BQFP organized the annual celebration of World Book Day, a global event to celebrate books, in order to encourage Qataris of all ages to enjoy reading.

On the cultural side also, a dynamic emerging music group, the Qatar Philharmonic Orchestra, was founded to develop culture and society in Qatar and the region. Formed in 2008, the band plays Eastern and Western pieces of music and is composed of 101 players from 30 countries. Led by the Maestro Lorin Maazel, the group plays musical works of great international composers like Beethoven. The group has the great artist Marcel Khalife as its resident composer. He composed two concertos, “Arabian Concerto” and “Salute.” The orchestra has gained global attention and fame, playing in Washington, Paris, and Italy. The Qatar Philharmonic Orchestra has developed a program for school bands as a part of its mission to expand musical awareness of classical, oriental, and Western music. The Qatar Music Academy (QMA) is a new addition to the Qatar Foundation, aiming to produce professional musicians able to play both Western and Arab music. Opened in January 2011, QMA’s overall ambition is to increase the appreciation of music within the Qatari community.

4.6 The Sports Profile

This profile is crowned by the victory achieved by Qatar to host the World Cup in 2022. However, before going into receiving the honor of the first Arab and Islamic country to organize the World Cup, it is worth mentioning that Qatar paved the way for the World Cup with some achievements at the level of organizing other international sports events, Qatar’s success in hosting the 15th Asian Olympic Games in 2006. Doha was the first city in the region and the second in West Asia to host the Asian Games. The following list presents the major sport events in Qatar in the past two decades:

• 2004—Asian Handball Championships

• 2004—ITTF World Team Table Tennis Championships

• 2005—Asian Basketball Championships

• 2005—World Weightlifting Championships

• 2005—West Asian Games

• 2006—Asian Sailing Championships

• 2006—Asian Games

• 2008—Asian Indoor Athletics Championships

• 2008—Asian Youth Wrestling Championships

• 2008—Asian Optimist Sailing Championships

• 2009—Asian Fencing Championships

• 2009—FIVB Club World Championships

• 2009—ISF World Gymnasiade

• 2010—IAAF World Indoor Championships

• 2010—ISAF World Junior 470 Sailing C’ships

• 2011—Asian Football Cup

• 2011—Arab Games

• 2012—Asian Shooting Championships

• 2014—FINA Short Course World Championships

• 2015—IHF Handball World Championships

• 2015—Doha 2015 IPC Athletics World Championships

• 2015—World Amateur Boxing Championships

• 2015—World Robot Olympiad

• 2016—UCI Road Cycling World Championships

• 2018—FIG Artistic Gymnastics World Championships

• 2019—IAAF World Championships

• 2019—FIFA Club World Cup

• 2020—AFC Champions League

• 2022—FIFA World Cup

Qatar has also organized many international sporting events, such as the Qatar Masters Golf Championship, the Qatar Open Tennis Tournament, and the Qatar Squash International Tournament. Before making the bid for hosting the 2022 World Cup, Qatar implemented a number of sports infrastructure and facilities projects, including the inauguration of Qatar’s Academy of Sports Excellence (Aspire) for young athletic hopefuls, offering them world-class training by experts and trainers from all over the world.

Qatar was also supported in the bid for the World Cup by the acquisition of sports rights from the largest paid television network in the Arab region, ART, which owned the exclusive rights to broadcast the matches of the World Cups of 2010 and 2014 in the Arab East and North Africa. After this historic deal at the level of the Arab media, the Al Jazeera network had the rights to broadcast World Cup matches and most of the European tournaments and leagues to millions of viewers across the Arab world.

The World Cup bid was the most prominent event in the sports profile, as it brought the Qatari effort to a global level, providing the “ (nation) brand” with unprecedented space. Amazingly, the bid to host the 2022 World Cup was inspired by the Qatari strategy to create a national brand relying on the elements of power in this national brand as it managed to overcome the weakness of climate or “hot weather” and formulate a “cool” mental image of Qatar by having the visual materials attached to the bid focus on scenes and clips showing the sea, beach, water sports and activities, as well as trees and flags flying through the air along the Doha Corniche.

The bright and cool colors were also employed in the media and illustrative materials attached to the bid. More importantly, Qatar provided a bid that includes modern sports facilities equipped with air conditioning systems that are capable of moderating the temperature of the stadiums and stands. Because football is a popular sport, the bid file highlighted the national brand of the Qatari people. The attached visual materials included photographs that show the people’s love for football and eagerness to host the World Cup, highlighting the tendency of hospitality and welcoming guests inherent in the Arab character. Thus, the bid file presented Qatar as a tourist destination with “cool weather and (warm) feelings.”

The bid file included other aspects related to health facilities, tourist destinations, hotel facilities, and other infrastructure in Qatar. More recently, Qatari investments in the sports sector expanded to include the partnership deal between the Al Jazeera Sports Channel and Canal Plus to broadcast French Football League matches in the local market between the years 2012 and 2016 for €510 million, of which the Qatari channel would pay €90 million, noting that it also recently acquired the rights to broadcast internationally as of 2012–2013.

The government-owned Qatar Sports Investment Company, established in 2005 by the Emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, purchased 70% of the French club Paris Saint-Germain, while the former American owner, the Colony Capital company, kept 30% share of the club. The Saint-Germain deal was just one in a series of deals by Qatar. It was preceded by buying the Spanish Primera Liga football club Málaga CF by Sheikh Abdullah Al Thani, a member of the ruling family.

The non-profit Qatar Foundation has signed a sponsorship contract with FC Barcelona. The Qatar Sports Investment Company and Qatar Foundation for Education, Science, and Community Development entered a new global partnership with FC Barcelona until 2016 that is worth €166 million. Observers believe that the goal Qatar is attempting to achieve through its government or civil sports companies is to strengthen its presence on the world international map, especially after gaining the honor of hosting the 2022 World Cup for the first time in the history of the region, as well as to transfer the global expertise and capacity of Qatar.

In the newspaper L’Equipe, Pascal Boniface, a French specialist in geopolitics, analyzed the role of sports in the context of Qatari public diplomacy, saying that “Qatar chose sports diplomacy to exist on the map… in a geopolitically troubled region, and soft power, image, and attraction are key factors… Today, it is difficult for any country that may have bad intentions towards Qatar to take a step as long as Qatar has the vision and clarity it has now … It is turning into a small superpower because it plays a diplomatic role that surpasses the potential of its population. To be a major player in global sports will cause it to be a major player in global diplomacy.” The French newspaper L’Equipe quoted Sheikh Khalid Al Thani as saying that “Qatar is interested in sports recognized by the International Olympic Committee. The goal is to be recognized as an integrated country, not only as a source of gas and oil. We need to have the trust of the world, and this could be achieved through good organization of global sporting events.”

Moreover, Qatar has shown its interest in sports by constructing world-class stadiums and its excellent sporting facilities. Normally, many outstanding football clubs in the world spent part of their training season in Qatar to get ready for their national and international competitions. Many people believe that Qatar’s investment in building world-class stadiums for World Cup 2022 and discussions about the excellence of the facilities for the event has introduced Qatar as a country interested in developing sportsmanship, peace, and joy around the world. Below, we have included some photos of these newly built stadiums.

As can be seen, the name and façade of the stadiums have been chosen so that they promote Qatari and Arabic culture during the World Cup 2020.

4.7 The Touristic Profile

The tools Qatar uses to develop tourism in order to contribute to the process of creating the national brand are diverse. There are many projects for the development of infrastructure and hotel capacity. Qatar is also interested in business tourism, conferences, and exhibitions and other tools that seek to attract the world’s attention to know more about Qatar and its potential. Although tourism in Qatar faces intense competition from neighboring countries and the region, tourism remains a supportive and essential tool in reinforcing other profiles by providing the necessary facilities to host sports events, as well as political, economic, and cultural conferences, etc.

Qatar Airways remains the most prominent entity in the touristic profile. Within a few years, the national airway, which was re-launched in 1997, succeeded in becoming a world-class airway that in early 2011 flew to over 100 destinations across the world.

In 2011, Skytrax World ranked Qatar Airways the third best airline in the world, according to a poll that included about18 million passengers from around the world. According to the same poll, Qatar Airways was also named Best Business Class Catering and Best Airline in the Middle East for the fifth year in a row. By the year 2021, Qatar Airways will be reaching more than 130 destinations worldwide with a modern fleet of over 120 last-generation aircraft. Based on international air transport rating organization Skytrax, Qatar Airways has won the following prizes during the past few years:

• Airline of the Year (five times)

• World’s Best Business Class

• Best Business Class Seat

• Best Airline in the Middle East

In parallel with the development of the national airways, Qatar has been working since 1995 to establish a new international airport according to modern standards and facilities. In January 2005 the first phase of the project started, scheduled for completion in 2011. After the first phase completed, the new airport will serve up to 24 million passengers a year. This number reached over 50 million passengers yearly after the completion of construction operations in 2015.

What Qatar Airways does is no less relevant and influential to people of all backgrounds, nationalities, and languages than the other elements interacting in the process of creating the “national brand” of the state of Qatar. The role of Qatar Airways is as follows:

• 1. Transferring the largest possible number of passengers to, from, and across Doha to all parts of the world.

• 2. Conveying the “national brand” and all aspects of it to the world, including touristic, cultural, anthropological aspects, etc.

• 3. Contributing to charitable and civil society initiatives through participation in humanitarian campaigns led by public diplomacy or civil society institutions.

• 4. Promoting tourism in Qatar through organizing attractive programs to convince travelers to stay for a few nights in Doha on their indirect flights.

Since 2006, Qatar Airways’ logo, which is shown on the tail and wings of its planes, has been significantly redesigned. The word “Qatar” and the oryx logo that symbolizes Qatar became bigger. This could be interpreted as an advertisement that travels the world day and night, crossing countries and continents, to introduce Qatar to the peoples of the earth. There is no doubt that the investments of Qatar Airways in advertising in international media and initiatives of supporting athletic, artistic, cultural, and humanitarian events across the world all contribute to establishing the national brand of Qatar.

In addition to Qatar Airways, Qatar has tried to introduce and publicize its tourism attractions as well. Some of these tourism attractions include Katara Cultural Village, Souq Waqif, The Pearl Qatar, Doha Corniche, Aspire Park, and Museum of Islamic Art. The data from www.worlddata.info indicates that Qatar is becoming more and more popular as a tourism destination.

Moreover, the number of visitors to Qatar is increasing exponentially, which shows that the Qatar’s policies for attracting tourism have been successful. The data presented in the reports by WorldData website also show that Qatar’s revenues from tourism have increased even during the economic crises in the world and after the siege by Saudi Arabia and its allied Arab counties (www.worlddata.info). In summary, the results show that establishing and promoting tourism policies have been successful and have played an important role in establishing Qatar’s national brand.