Keywords

7.1 Introduction

Czechia and Poland are two West Slavic countries located in the heart of Europe. The two share a similar modern history, including being separated from Western Europe by the Iron Curtain and undergoing a post-communist transformation in the early 1990s. In this chapter, we originate from several life course and lifespan models that deal with human functioning in the context of macrosocial (or sociohistorical) changes and highlight the interaction between microlevel related to an individual and macrolevel, such as economy, politics, and other structures of a specific society. We propose that theoretical and empirical studies focused on understanding hope, its nature and experience, should account for the degree of embeddedness of an individual in a particular culture and its sets of beliefs. The inclusion of a sociocultural context not only allows the general concept of hope and its dimensions to be broadened but also helps identify its unique elements and sources. People across cultures face specific challenges in their life trajectories, which are related to the number of cultivated traditions and the macrosocial changes they experience, both in their countries and globally. Little is currently known about whether people from the same geographic regions and similar historical backgrounds share the same or similar hopes and wishes. Furthermore, we found it interesting to explore whether these two countries differ in their levels of mental health characteristics, particularly perceived and dispositional hope, and whether these characteristics are influenced by age.

7.1.1 Macrosocial Changes

The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have undergone substantial macrosocial changes in the past few decades as they have transitioned from totalitarian to democratic societies. These changes took place both on the level of social institutions (political, social, cultural, or educational systems) and in a broader sociocultural context. These institutions create certain societal structures that also provide a more general view of human development across the lifespan, since any social change, to a greater or lesser degree, is reflected in the individual level (Elder Jr., 1998). For example, according to Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model, personal development is influenced by several ecological systems acting at different distances to the individual (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). The nearest (proximal) system includes microsystems such as family, peers, school, or workplace, while the furthermost (distal) system includes cultural and societal macrosystems, which incorporate social norms and opinions, historical events, and cultural values. The elements of the proximal system change much more rapidly than social values and attitudes, which transform very slowly and gradually in stable societies (Bronfenbrenner, 2005).

Macrosocial factors significantly influence both the psychological and social aspects of human development. Psychological functioning is substantially shaped substantially by norms and worldviews approved and appreciated by society. Schwartz (2012) viewed values as central constituents of the personality and self; these play an essential role in the motivation of behavior and attitudes and can be used for describing individuals, societies, and cultural groups. Pursuing ‘healthy’ values (e.g., benevolence, self-direction, achievement, and universalism) can contribute to higher subjective well-being, while pursuing ‘unhealthy’ values (e.g., conformity, power, tradition, and security) can reduce it (Sagiv & Schwartz, 2000). Personal desired goals, and their stability and change, are also very good indicators of the macrosocial and historical events occurring in a certain society and moderate their influence on the individuals therein (Hnilica, 2007). Major macrosocial changes can often provoke a significant generational gap in worldview; however, intergenerational similarities and differences can also be influenced by other factors such as family norms, membership in specific social groups, or sociocultural background (Knafo & Schwartz, 2012; Ranieri & Barni, 2012).

Social functioning, on the other hand, is more closely connected to social norms and requirements, both of which are affected by fundamental macrosocial transitions. Societies in transition show several unique attributes that differentiate them from stable societies. One of these is considerably lower intergenerational stability in areas like education level or social status, as well as in personal worldviews in general. In contrast to stable societies, which are characterized by high intergenerational stability, societies in transition often undergo major changes in institutional structures, such as transformations in educational or economic systems. This leads to the emergence of key differences between the individual experiences of the younger generation and those of their parents (Silbereisen & Tomasik, 2008; Titma & Tuma, 2005).

The influence of macrosocial changes on individual successful development is also moderated by age. The most extensive losses usually occur in elderly people (Hofäcker et al., 2010). This was the case in post-communist countries, where those older than 50 when the macrosocial transition occurred felt the strongest negative impact. They lost many sources of security that were previously ensured by the state and were often unable to compete with younger generations in new economic conditions. In contrast, young people in their 20s or 30s could use the new social situation to improve their lives: they were at the start of their careers; it was much easier for them to change career direction, start their own businesses, or work abroad (Titma & Tuma, 2005).

7.1.1.1 Macrosocial Changes in Czechia

The macrosocial changes that took place during the second half of the twentieth century have affected the lives of several consecutive generations differently. In societies that went through major macrosocial changes throughout the past decades (see Silbereisen & Chen, 2010), such as Czechia, where the downfall of communism, the so-called Velvet Revolution in 1989, and the subsequent dissolution of the former Czechoslovakia in 1993, was followed by an economic and technological boom and globalization beginning in the 1990s (Švejnar, 1999); these changes resulted in profound intergenerational differences in multiple interdependent domains of functioning. One such difference can be found in the domains of education and career: Career lines, which used to be highly uniform and stable in Czech society before the 1990s, became diversified by the introduction of phenomena like unemployment, free choice of study, career flexibility, and free travel abroad (Klicperová et al., 1997; Millová et al., 2015). The percentage of adults with university education has also grown substantially, especially compared to western countries (Eurostat, 2018). During the totalitarian regime, Czech society also exhibited uniformity in the domain of family and romantic relationships. After the downfall of communism at the end of the 1980s, romantic and family relationship structures have become substantially diversified (Chaloupková, 2006), and the age at first marriage increased sharply (OECD, 2018), as did the age of parenthood (Eurostat, 2015). Taken together, it could be argued that changes such as these are likely to cause profound intergenerational differences that extend far beyond what is normally understood as a “generation gap”.

The factors described above have also contributed significantly to the generational differences observed in values in Czechia; they are related not only to the intergenerational discontinuity in worldviews in general society, but also to their transmission within families. For example, in a cross-cultural study of intergenerational transmission of work values between parents and their offspring in young adulthood, Sümer et al. (2019) found Czech families to demonstrate a lower parent-child similarity in work values compared to their Turkish and Spanish counterparts. Changes in sets of beliefs in general Czech society have also been indicated in older sociological studies. Spousta (2002) notes that Czech society significantly changed in the area of religious beliefs, by moving from the traditional Christian dogmatic or atheistic ideology towards more religious syncretism, spirituality, and Far East inspirations. Rabušic (2001) draws attention to the different life principles of people born in the 1970s and 1980s, who tend to demonstrate more ‘rational’ attitudes to family, work, childbearing and gender roles in general compared to older generations in Czech society.

A more recent study by Slezackova et al. (2018a) explored the hierarchy of life values in relation to the level of subjective well-being among Czech adults: The most important values were found to be family relationships, intimate relationships and friends, and social life. It also showed that life satisfaction was significantly associated with the perceived importance of family relationships. These results are in line with previous findings showing that happy family relationships were ranked among the most important hopes and personal wishes among Czech adults: those who were satisfied with the quality of their relationships also reported greater life satisfaction (Slezackova & Krafft, 2016). The significant impact of interpersonal values, such as family and friends, on subjective well-being is also in agreement with findings suggesting that quality of close relationships plays an important role in well-being (Delle Fave et al., 2016; Diener & Seligman, 2002).

7.1.1.2 Macrosocial Changes in Poland

The number of major socio-political changes occurring since the Second World War have also affected Poland: the country lived under a totalitarian regime ruled by the Soviet Union, which led to suppression of human rights in domains ranging from mobility, education, and justice to the free market, lifestyle, and religion. An important role at that time was played by the Roman Catholic Church. Its representatives played a vital role in fighting against communism, boosting public national-catholic identity and maintaining traditions (Marody & Mandes, 2017).

Like Czechia, Poland underwent a key political transformation associated with the Round Table Agreement in 1989, i.e., at the same time as the Czechoslovak Velvet Revolution, and joined NATO (in 1999) and the EU (in 2004) at around the same time; these changes opened a new chapter of European integration and resolved similar socioeconomic challenges such as unemployment, economic migration, late motherhood, or low fertility rate (Genowska et al., 2018). Having access to the European labor market resulted in one of the largest waves of economic migration to Western European countries. These new challenges were connected with economic growth, boosting globalization, and increasing the number of younger Poles completing higher education, suggesting that the risk to democracy and further prosperity was rather low.

Still, like in Czechia, certain groups (i.e., working class, retired) found themselves somewhat disadvantaged in the post-communist system. Not surprisingly, the government escalated top-down polarization, using populist, national-conservative propaganda, stoking frustrations, mutual hostility, and redistributing certain goods to lower class groups (Żuk, 2017). Right-wing political movements contributed, first and foremost, to divisions within society (within-generation gap), as well as the erosion of the democratic state, with various threats to freedom, and the sense of a civil and inclusive society (Tworzecki, 2019). Overall, the current macrosocial situation in Poland could be expressed in terms of transition, and can be discussed through the lens of global changes in society, post-communist transformation in Central Europe, contemporary transitions in religiosity or domestic sociopolitical strains.

Following the number of macrosocial changes in Poland, there have been intergenerational differences in worldviews that are partially related to the processes that affected the Czech community. On the ethnic and religious maps of the world, Poland could be characterized as one of the most homogeneous societies. However, there are many examples of individualization of morality, with national surveys conducted between 2014–2015 indicating high approval of sex before marriage (74%), acceptance of in vitro fertilization (76%), and positive attitudes towards the liberalization of abortion regulations (84%) (Borowik, 2017). The value change process could also be represented by the transition from a traditional family lifestyle to the emancipation of women or the increase in the number of informal relationships. Still, pro-family values seem to be shared traditionally or selectively across generations (Mariański, 2015). Positive views on further European integration and pro-Western orientation, indicated by more than 80% of Polish respondents in favor of remaining in the European Union (Balcer et al., 2016), could be attributed to, among others, acquired benefits such as financial gains, free movement of people, and employment availability (Kołodziejczyk, 2016). The current macrosocial situation may have moved society towards a more materialistic orientation, represented, for example by consumer behavior in various age groups, including older adults (Zalega, 2016). Concerning political participation, an indicator of the level of democratization and one that reflects the structure of civic attitudes, Polish society shows lower political activism than western democracies such as Germany (Vecchione et al., 2015).

A person-centered approach by Bojanowska and Piotrowski (2019) identified different sets of values among the young generation of Poles and analyzed their relationships with psychological well-being. They found that individuals with different value hierarchies, i.e., those valuing conservation and self-transcendence vs. those with a higher valuation of openness and self-enhancement, differed in terms of psychological well-being. However, those with ‘healthier’ sets of beliefs report lower indices of well-being in some aspects, such as positive relationships, compared to people who share traditional spiritual worldviews (conservation, self-transcendence).

7.1.1.3 Religiosity

Religion can be defined as a system of beliefs and rituals by means of which people acknowledge God, a greater-than-human power or non-empirical dimension of reality (Golan, 2006). It plays a potentially important role in psychological adaptation, affecting coping with stress mechanisms, emotion regulation (Abu-Raiya & Pargament, 2015), and the process of discovering purpose and meaning in life (Krok, 2009). Keyes (2002) states that spiritual well-being can positively affect both the emotional, psychological, and social components of mental health.

Religion and religious beliefs are also known to be associated with negative phenomena, such as in-group and out-group effects, intolerance, military conflicts, or certain acts of violence within its institutions (Cairns et al., 2006; Toft, 2007; Tombs, 2014). Emmons (1999) emphasizes that spiritual yearnings are aimed at fulfilling various important personal needs, such as those related to ethics, end-of-life purpose, identifying more complex parts of reality, seeking manifestations of transcendence in everyday situations, and discovering the mystery of life. All countries may express and manifest hope in different ways depending on their culture, which comprises shared beliefs. Discovering the nature of hope, especially its transcendent aspect, provides possible pathways toward understanding human religiousness and spirituality (Krafft et al., 2018). For instance, the spiritual-religious dimension of hope might play a more central role or manifest itself differently in countries known as religious, with long-term traditions of prayer or worship. In contrast, Emmons humanistic-existential view emphasizes the universal character of spiritual strivings; this is similar to considering the concept of hope as something related to other people, the universe, or a transcendent power (Krafft & Walker, 2018a). The integrative approach to hope by Scioli et al. (2011, p. 82) identifies its spiritual subsystem; however, they clarify that ‘faith does not have to be religious in nature’. Exploring religiosity and spirituality collectively may allow a deeper insight into understanding the holistic and transcendent nature of hope and the possible cultural differences of its structure. This view is supported by previous studies showing significant differences in religiosity between Czechia and Poland (Biolcati et al., 2020).

As mentioned above, Poland and Czechia share a lot in common, such as their culture, modern history, and language, but they significantly differ in religiosity (Biolcati et al., 2020; Halman et al., 2011). According to IndexMundi (2011, 2017), 10.4% of Czechs declared themselves Roman Catholics, 1.1% Protestants, 54% other and unspecified, and 34.5% had no religion (2011 est.); in contrast, in Poland, 85.9% were Roman Catholics, 12.1% unspecified, 1.3% Orthodox, 0.4% Protestant, and the other 0.4% included Jehovah’s Witness, Buddhist, Hare Krishna, Muslim, Jewish, and Mormon (2017 est.).

During the 1990s, significant changes occurred in the attitudes of the Czech population in their religious beliefs. Many people distanced themselves from religious institutions and developed a rather noninstitutional approach to religious beliefs, a so-called ‘alternative religiosity’ (Hamplová, 2013; Spousta, 2002; Václavík, 2010). According to the International Social Survey Program (ISSP, 2008), 40% of respondents claimed they did not believe in God, which made Czechia one of the most secular European countries, in terms of the share of the population professing a religion, attending services, and trusting churches. However, distrust of churches does not automatically mean distrust of Christianity as such: 71% of those who expressed sympathy for Christianity claimed that they did not trust churches (Hamplová, 2013). The data from the ISSP 2008 also showed that only 6% of Czechs do not believe in the existence of God and at the same time strongly reject the existence of other supernatural phenomena, while more than 80% admitted the existence of at least one supernatural phenomenon.

The post-communist period was also associated with the change in religious attitudes in Poland. Recent years events suggest that the instrumental and fundamentalistic use of religious, conservative, and superpatriotic ideology by the Polish government and the political involvement of the domestic catholic church have exacerbated the existing intergenerational gap, which is typical for changing societies (Silbereisen & Tomasik, 2008). An example of this phenomenon is the progress in laicization of Polish society in the last two decades, especially among adolescents and young adults (Stachowska, 2019). Older generations raised in more hostile environments are generally still more religious, while people born after 1990 seem not to believe that the Church gives relevant answers to their moral or social problems or the needs of the individual (Halman et al., 2011; Marody & Mandes, 2017). However, despite the increasing number of young Poles becoming alienated from the Church, as reflected in the European Values Study, this country is still considered as one of the most religious in Europe (Marody & Mandes, 2017).

Previous studies have found that religiosity and spirituality are connected with personal well-being. For example, Slezackova and Janstova (2016) indicate a significant relationship between positive mental health and spiritual intelligence conceptualized by King and DeCicco (2009). Of the four dimensions of spiritual intelligence (i.e., critical existential thinking, personal meaning production, transcendental awareness, and conscious state expansion), the strongest predictor of mental health was personal meaning production. This is in alignment with the conclusions of King (2010), who emphasizes the importance of the ability to find meaning in difficult situations to effectively cope with life difficulties. The crucial role played by meaningfulness in psychological well-being and mental health has also been highlighted elsewhere (Byron & Miller-Perrin, 2009; Delle Fave et al., 2011; Emmons, 2005).

7.1.2 Positive and Negative Indicators of Mental Health

7.1.2.1 Mental Health

Before incorporating positive indicators of well-being, traditional mental health models offered a one-sided approach, focusing on negative symptoms. Since then, several positive models (Diener, 1984; Masten et al., 1990; Seligman, 2012) have been empirically confirmed to present an accurate picture of the state of psychological well-being and to predict impaired functioning (Joseph & Wood, 2010). Combined models, such as the dual-factor model of positive mental health (DFM) (Greenspoon & Saklofske, 2001), also known as the complete state model of mental health (Keyes, 2005), conceptualize mental health on two interrelated continua (negative indicators—psychopathology and positive indicators—subjective well-being). Although DFM is not restricted to a particular list of indicators, it stresses the possible negative outcomes of incomplete mental health (low well-being and low psychopathology) (Antaramian et al., 2010) and languishing (low end in two continua) (Wang et al., 2011).

7.1.2.2 Dispositional and Perceived Hope

Snyder’s (Snyder, 2000) cognitive theory of hope construes dispositional hope as a positive motivational state that focuses and maintains goal-directed behavior. From this perspective, dispositional hope is directly related to personal goals and the sense of control necessary to achieve these goals through one’s own efforts. In contrast, perceived hope is a broader concept that particularly accounts for phenomena that are beyond human control. Perceived hope is the sense of deep trust that things will turn out well, regardless of the outcome of one’s personal strivings (Krafft et al., 2017).

Both dispositional and perceived hope showed significant relationships with various factors of positive psychosocial functioning. Multiple studies have established a positive relationship between dispositional hope and various aspects of mental health (e.g., Alarcon et al., 2013; Grigg, 2017). Perceived hope is more related to experiencing meaning in life, enjoying close and trusted relationships, and spiritual or religious experience (Krafft et al., 2018). Slezackova and Krafft (2016) report significant positive interrelationships among perceived hope, dispositional hope, life satisfaction, and meaning in life in a large sample of Czech adults. Both types of hope served as independent predictors of life satisfaction, with perceived hope being the strongest predictor. Similarly, in a study among Swiss and German populations, perceived hope showed stronger predictive power with respect to life satisfaction and happiness than dispositional hope (Krafft et al., 2017). Perceived hope has recently been confirmed to be related to subjective well-being in an Indian sample (Krafft & Choubisa, 2018).

In a recent study among samples of Czech and South African adults, perceived hope was found to serve as an independent predictor of harmony in life, which is a more holistic and flexible perspective on well-being, emphasizing peaceful acceptance over satisfaction. Furthermore, perceived hope mediated the relationship between positive feelings and harmony in life (Slezackova et al., 2021). While research on perceived hope has been expanding, there is still a need for studies on the dynamics of perceived hope in diverse contexts and cultures.

Hope is closely interconnected with mental health—it is not only a significant predictor, but it is also predicted by various characteristics of mental health. For example, a comparative study explored the psychosocial correlates and predictors of perceived hope among Czech and Maltese adults (Slezackova et al., 2018b). In both samples, a key predictor of perceived hope was dispositional optimism, a characteristic responsible for one’s positive outlook on life. However, the predictive capacity of the varying predictors in relation to perceived hope was shown to be culturally dependent: while higher perceived hope was predicted by higher generativity and lower loneliness in the Czech sample, the second independent predictor of perceived hope was found to be spirituality in the Maltese sample.

7.1.2.3 Depression and Anxiety

Positive and negative emotions reflect the affective component of subjective well-being (Lucas & Diener, 2015). Positive emotions are consistently associated with higher levels of well-being, psychological resilience, and better mental and physical health (Le Nguyen & Fredrickson, 2018; Pressman et al., 2019). Experiencing negative emotions in response to daily stressors could have a long-term negative effect on well-being and health (Leger et al., 2018). Evidence suggests that cultural differences may exist in the psychological meanings and value ascribed to positive and negative emotions and feelings (Diener et al., 2017; Tsai et al., 2006; Wirtz et al., 2009). Therefore, we consider it important to explore possible differences in the experience of negative emotions in this study.

7.1.2.4 Social Relationships and Loneliness

Evidence suggests that poor social relationships have a negative effect on mental health outcomes, such as psychological well-being and psychological distress, including depressive symptoms and anxiety (Kawachi & Berkman, 2001). Perceived emotional and instrumental support and diverse social networks were confirmed to show significant protective effects on depression in the general population (Santini et al., 2015). A better quality of relationships with others was repeatedly associated with higher levels of psychological well-being (Diener et al., 2017; Diener & Seligman, 2002). The importance of social relationships has been confirmed also in relation to dispositional hope (Lopez, 2013) and perceived hope (Krafft et al., 2017; Slezackova, 2017; Slezackova & Krafft, 2016).

Lack of social and intimate relationships can lead to loneliness (Betts & Bicknell, 2011; Cacioppo et al., 2006a). Loneliness has been identified as a key predictor of mental and physical health (Cacioppo et al., 2002) and one of the significant factors increasing the risk of depression among elderly (Golden et al., 2009). Studies show that loneliness also has negative effects on mental health among adolescents and young adults (Goosby et al., 2013; Mahon et al., 2006). Longitudinal studies revealed that loneliness increases the risk of developing depression (Stessman et al., 2013) and exacerbates mental health problems among people who are already depressed (Wang et al., 2018). Moreover, loneliness and depression influence each other, i.e., those who are lonely are more likely to become depressed, and reciprocally, their depression increases their loneliness (Cacioppo et al., 2006b). A population-based survey on a representative sample of individuals aged 16 to 102 years described a shallow U-shaped distribution of loneliness, with higher rates of loneliness among young people and the elderly (Lasgaard et al., 2016).

Similar results were found in a recent study that included Czech adults: loneliness was negatively associated with life satisfaction, perceived hope, optimism, and positive relationships. Furthermore, lower loneliness along with higher optimism and generativity predicted higher levels of perceived hope (Slezackova et al., 2018b).

7.2 Objectives of the Study

A relatively small body of literature focusing on Czech and Polish cultures identified similarities between Czech and Polish cultures in the framework of Hofstede’s model. Although a larger power distance and a more individualistic and short-term orientation were reported in Czechia, those patterns did not vary substantially between Czech and Polish societies (Kolman et al., 2003). Another study based on the Inglehart value change model (Inglehart, 1990) indicated that Czech society estimated work-life and religion as less desirable domains, while leisure time and relationships were considered more important and worthwhile (Swadźba, 2015). Considering all of this evidence for differences between Czech and Polish societies, one may be concerned that these countries may vary in terms of well-being and mental health. However, there is a lack of research investigating possible differences in the domains of psychological well-being and mental health between these two countries. To address this research gap, the present article stemmed from the theory and empirical findings presented and reviewed in the text above and focuses on the influence of hope on negative and positive indicators of mental health. It also examines whether the generation effect interacts with these relationships.

Our research aims were as follows: First, considering the intercultural variability of the structure of hope, the aim of the study was to determine whether the Czech and Polish participants differ in their levels of dispositional and perceived hope. Second, it compares positive and negative indicators of positive mental health, satisfaction with the past year and views on the upcoming year between the studied generations, controlled for cultural background, religious, and spiritual beliefs. The study also investigates whether dispositional and perceived hope are related both to negative and positive mental health indicators (controlled for cultural background). Finally, it examines whether the Czech and Polish participants vary in their predictors of positive mental health.

7.3 Method

7.3.1 Sample

Participants for online collection of data were recruited through national newspapers, social networks, and announcements on university websites. Participation was completely voluntary and anonymous. The entire sample consisted of 1007 adult persons; of these, 526 (52.2%) participants were from Czechia and 481 (47.8%) were from Poland (Table 7.1). Data was collected during November 2019 in both countries simultaneously. The two samples were comparable with respect to sample size, gender distribution, and parenthood. The Czech participants were slightly older (t = 2.81, df = 945.67, p ˂ 0.01, Glass’ Δ = −0.22), with a lower level of education (χ2 = 39.19, df = 2, p ˂ 0.001, Cramer’s V = 0.20), more often single (χ2 = 28.76, df = 5, p ˂ 0.001, Cramer’s V = 0.17), and more often studying (χ2 = 44.77, df = 5, p ˂ 0.001, Cramer’s V = 0.21) compared to the Polish participants.

Table 7.1 Sample characteristics
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7.3.2 Measures

Age groups: In alignment with the socio-historical background of Czechia and Poland, we divided both samples into three age groups. New generation = 18 to 29 years (people born after macrosocial changes in the 1990s in Czechia and Poland); transition generation = 30 to 50 years (people born during the totalitarian regime in both countries but growing up after macrosocial changes); and the oldest generation = 51+ years (people living most of their lives during the totalitarian regime).

Religiosity-Spirituality: We identified three groups according to religious affiliation: Christians = persons affiliated with Catholic, Protestant, or other Christian churches; spiritual but not religious = spiritually grounded persons who do not profess any traditional world religion; and atheists = people without religion or belief.

Perceived hope: The Perceived Hope Scale (PHS; Krafft et al., 2017; Czech version Slezackova et al., 2020; Polish version was translated for this study) consists of six items rated on a 6-point Likert-type scale (0 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree). The scale measures the self-reported level of perceived hope.

Dispositional hope: The Adult Dispositional Hope Scale (ADHS; Snyder et al., 1991; Czech version Ocisková et al., 2016; Polish version Łaguna et al., 2005) consists of 12 items. In this study we used 6-point Likert-type scale (0 = strongly disagree; 5 = strongly agree). The scale measures a cognitive model of hope comprised of two dimensions: agency (goal-directed energy; measured by four items) and pathways (planning to meet goals; measured by four items). Four items (distractors) are not included in the total score.

Depression and anxiety: The Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-4; Kroenke et al., 2009; Czech and Polish translations were created for this study) is a brief, 4-item scale to measure depression and anxiety. Items are rated on a 4-point Likert-type scale in which participants indicate how often they experience a certain situation or state (0 = not at all; 3 = nearly every day).

Positive mental health: The Mental Health Continuum-Short Form (MHC-SF; Keyes, 2005; Czech version Singh et al., 2016; Polish version Karaś et al., 2014) measures the emotional, psychological and social aspects of subjective well-being. It allows the identification of the presence and absence of mental health. In the tool, 14 items are rated on a 6-point Likert-type scale in which participants indicate how often they experience a certain situation or state (1 = never; 6 = every day).

Loneliness: The Loneliness Scale from The National Institute of Health Adult Toolbox Social Relationship Scales (Cyranowski et al., 2013; Czech and Polish translations were created for this study) assesses the level of loneliness in five items rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = never; 5 = always).

Life satisfaction in the past year: Life satisfaction in the year 2019 was assessed in five life domains: personal life, national politics, national economy, current social issues, and climate and environment. They were measured by a single item for each life domain rated on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = very unsatisfied; 5 = very satisfied).

Expectations for the upcoming year: The expectations for the upcoming year 2020 were assessed in the same five domains of life: private life, national politics, national economy, current social issues, and climate and environment. They were measured by a single item for each life domain rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = very pessimistic; 5 = very optimistic).

7.3.3 Data Analysis

Descriptive analyses, correlation and regression analyses, and group comparisons were performed using IBM SPSS Statistics. The internal consistencies of all scales were assessed using Cronbach’s alpha, and the scale distribution was assessed by skewness and kurtosis. Since the scales measuring life satisfaction in various life domains in the current year and expectations for the upcoming year consisted of a single item each, their levels of internal consistency were not computed. Differences in the studied variables according to age group or religiosity and country were tested by factorial ANOVA with Bonferroni post hoc tests. The significance of the differences of correlation coefficients was compared between Czech and Polish samples according to Eid et al. (2011). Predictors of mental health were assessed using regression analysis for each sample separately. Since some of the were slightly skewed, analyses including these variables were checked against nonparametric versions (where applicable). The results of the nonparametric analyses are only reported in cases when their results differed from those of the parametric analyses.

7.4 Results

7.4.1 Descriptive Analysis

The descriptive statistics are shown in Table 7.2. Since the values of skewness indicated positive skewness in Depression/anxiety and Loneliness in the Czech sample and negative skewness in Life satisfaction in personal life and Expectations for personal life in both samples, the analyses including these variables were cross-checked with nonparametric versions of the used tests. Reliability analysis revealed acceptable values of internal consistency coefficients for all studied scales.

Table 7.2 Descriptive statistics and internal consistency of measured characteristics for both countries
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7.4.2 Comparison of Czech and Polish Samples in General

In addition to the differences in demographic characteristics between the Czech and Polish samples described in the Sample section, other studied characteristics were also included in the analysis. In life satisfaction in the past year, significant differences were found in the national economy and social issues: the Czech participants were more satisfied in both areas compared to the Polish sample (national economics: t = 5.62, df = 933.28, p ˂ 0.001, Glass’ Δ = −0.36; social issues: t = 5.50, df = 989.22, p ˂ 0.001, Glass’ Δ = −0.34). Participants in both countries were similarly satisfied in the other three domains (personal life, national politics, and climate and environment).

In life expectations for the upcoming year, the Czech participants were more optimistic about national politics (t = 3.36, df = 1005, p ˂ 0.001, Cohen’s d = −0.21), national economy (t = 4.47, df = 971.32, p ˂ 0.001, Glass’ Δ = −0.28), social issues (t = 5.58, df = 970.62, p ˂ 0.001, Glass’ Δ = −0.34), and climate and environment problems (t = 3.31, df = 1005, p ˂ 0.001, Cohen’s d = −0.21) than the Polish participants. They did not differ only in expectations in personal life.

The Czech and Polish participants differed in perceived and dispositional hope, positive mental health, depression and anxiety, and loneliness: the Czech respondents reported higher perceived hope (t = 2.99, df = 1005, p ˂ 0.01, Cohen’s d = −0.19) and positive mental health (t = 2.81, df = 962.19, p ˂ 0.01, Glass’ Δ = −0.15). In contrast, the Polish participants scored higher in dispositional hope measure (t = 2.13, df = 1005, p ˂ 0.01, Cohen’s d = −0.13), depression and anxiety (t = 4.03, df = 1005, p ˂ 0.001, Cohen’s d = −0.25), and loneliness (t = 7.13; df = 961.92; p ˂ 0.001, Glass’ Δ = −0.48).

7.4.3 Comparison of Czech (CZ) and Polish (PL) Samples According to Age Groups

As reported above, the participants were divided into three age groups: the new generation (18–29 years old; NCZ = 282, NPL = 246), the transition generation (30–50 years old; NCZ = 154, NPL = 246) and the oldest generation (51 years old and older; NCZ = 90, NPL = 42). Although the size of the new generation was similar in both samples, the transition generation group was slightly larger in the Polish sample and the oldest generation group was slightly larger in the Czech sample (χ2 = 22.33, df = 2, p ˂ 0.001, Cramer’s V = 0.15).

The results of 2 × 3 (country × age group) factorial ANOVA showed that neither country nor age group had a significant effect on satisfaction with personal life. However, there was a significant interaction effect (F(2, 1005) = 3.19, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.005), with the Polish transition generation scoring higher and the oldest generation scoring lower in satisfaction with personal life compared to the Czech groups. No effects (main or interaction) were found among the Czech and Polish age groups in satisfaction with national politics. Czech participants had higher satisfaction with the national economy and satisfaction with social issues (national politics: F(1, 1006) = 11.62, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.010; social issues: F(1, 1006) = 10.69, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.009). Finally, in satisfaction with climate and environment, Czech participants in general scored higher (F(1, 1006) = 4.03, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.005) and young people from the new generation scored lower (F(2, 1005) = 8.91, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.008). A significant interaction effect was also observed, indicating that Czech participants from the transition and oldest generations scored higher compared to the Polish sample (F(2, 1005) = 5.31, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.005).

Factorial ANOVA revealed several significant results in expectations for the upcoming year; however, in the case of expectations for personal life, only a significant main effect of the age group (F(2, 1005) = 4.80, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.008) with the oldest generation scoring significantly lower compared to the transition generation. No significant main effect was observed for the country or interaction effect (country x age group). In expectations for national politics, social issues, and climate and environment, Czech participants were more optimistic than Polish participants (politics: F(1, 1006) = 5.36, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.005; social issues: F(1, 1006) = 16.40, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.016; climate and environment: F(1, 1006) = 6.41, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.006). No significant results were observed for different age groups or for the interaction effect of the country x age group. On the contrary, for expectations for national economy, the results of factorial ANOVA indicate that the country had a significant main effect (Czech participants scored higher than Polish participants: F(1, 1006) = 8.79, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.009) as did the age group (the youngest group scored lower than the two older groups: F(2, 1005) = 3.26, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.007). However, similarly to previous expectations, we did not find any significant interaction effect of the country and age group.

In perceived hope, the country was found to have significant main effects (Czechs scored higher than Poles: F(1, 1006) = 7.42, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.007) as did the age group (new generation had the lowest and the oldest generation had the highest level of perceived hope: F(2, 1005) = 20.01, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.038); however, no significant interaction effect was observed. Regarding dispositional hope, the results showed that members of the transition generation scored higher than members of the new or oldest generation (F(2, 1005) = 11.27, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.022). The country did not demonstrate any significant main effect or any interaction effect. Loneliness was higher in the Polish sample (F(1, 1006) = 42.38, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.041) and in young people from new generation (F(2, 1005) = 21.14, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.041). However, neither country nor age group demonstrated any significant interaction effect. Similarly, the level of depression and anxiety was higher in Polish participants (F(1, 1006) = 21.51, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.021) and the youngest in the new generation group. The results of the factorial ANOVA also showed a significant interaction effect: members of Polish oldest generation had a higher level of depression and anxiety than their Czech counterparts (F(2, 1005) = 2.93, p = 0.05, ηp2 = 0.006). On the other hand, positive mental health was higher in the Czech sample (F(1, 1006) = 8.08, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.008) and in participants from transition and the oldest generation (F(2, 1005) = 8.33, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.016). No significant interaction effect was observed for the country x age group.

7.4.4 Comparison of Czech and Polish Samples According to Religiosity and Spirituality

Participants were divided into three groups with regard to religiosity and spirituality: Christians (NCZ = 151, NPL = 323), spiritual but not religious (NCZ = 155, NPL = 50), and atheists (NCZ = 134, NPL = 96). The Chi-square test revealed significant differences in religiosity: There were more Christians and less ‘spiritual but not religious’ participants in the Polish sample compared to the Czech sample (χ2 = 121.67, df = 2, p ˂ 0.001, Cramer’s V = 0.37).

The results of 2 × 3 (country × religiosity-spirituality) factorial ANOVA in satisfaction with personal life did not indicate that the country had any significant main effect or interaction effect; however, a significant main effect was observed for religiosity: Christians were more satisfied with their personal life than atheists (F(2, 1005) = 3.04, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.007). On the other hand, country and religiosity demonstrated significant main effects in satisfaction with national politics (higher in the Czech sample: F(1, 1006) = 5.78, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.006; higher in Christians compared to atheists: F(2, 1005) = 5.67, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.012); in addition, a significant interaction effect was found (country x religiosity) indicating that Czech atheists scored higher than Polish atheists (F(2, 1005) = 15.86, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.034).

Czech participants were more satisfied with the national economy, social issues and climate and environment compared to Polish participants (economy: F(1, 1006) = 32.76, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.035; social issues: F(1, 1006) = 34.41, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.037; environment: F(1, 1006) = 5.54, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.006) and Czech atheists also obtained higher scores than Polish atheists (economy: F(2, 1005) = 3.52, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.008; social issues: F(2, 1005) = 12.13, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.026; environment: F(2, 1005) = 9.24, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.020). Furthermore, in general, Christians were more satisfied with social issues than atheists (F(2, 1005) = 8.10, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.018). No significant main effect was observed between religiosity-spirituality groups in general and satisfaction with national economy, environment, and climate.

Factorial ANOVA also revealed several significant results in the expectations for the upcoming year: the Czech participants were more optimistic about national politics and national economy than Polish participants (politics: F(1, 1006) = 15.06, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.016; economy: F(1, 1006) = 18.03, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.020), as well as Christians compared to atheists (in politics: F(2, 1005) = 11.59, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.025) or spiritual but not religious compared to atheists (in economy: F(2, 1005) = 4.05, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.009). The results of the interaction effect showed that Czech atheists had more optimistic expectations for national politics and national economy than Polish atheists (politics: F(2, 1005) = 4.92, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.011; economy: F(2, 1005) = 3.64, p ˂ 0.05, ηp2 = 0.008). Similarly, in the area of expectations for social issues and climate and environment, the Czech sample scored higher than the Polish sample (social issues: F(1, 1006) = 28.85, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.031; environment: F(1, 1006) = 15.36, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.017), and atheists scored lower than both the Christian and the spiritual but not religious group (social issues: F(2, 1005) = 17.14, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.037; environment: F(2, 1005) = 6.48, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.014). In line with previous areas of expectations, Czech atheists showed more optimistic expectations in these areas compared to Polish atheists (social issues: F(2, 1005) = 6.71, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.015; environment: F(2, 1005) = 8.83, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.019). On the contrary, in expectations for personal life, the analysis revealed neither any significant main effects (country, religiosity-spirituality) nor any interaction effect (country x religiosity-spirituality).

Regarding differences in perceived hope in the context of country and religiosity-spirituality, the results of factorial ANOVA showed a significant main effect for the country (higher in Czechia: F(1, 1006) = 15.90, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.017) and religiosity (lower in atheists: F(2, 1005) = 19.03, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.040) but without significant interaction effect. In dispositional hope, loneliness and depression and anxiety, only the main effect of the country was significant (all characteristics were higher in Poland; dispositional hope: F(1, 1006) = 7.20, p ˂ 0.01, ηp2 = 0.008; loneliness: F(1, 1006) = 40.51, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.043; negative emotivity: F(1, 1006) = 14.91, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.016). On the other hand, positive mental health was higher among Czech participants (F(1, 1006) = 11.91, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.013), the Christian and the spiritual but not religious groups (compared to atheists; F(2, 1005) = 7.64, p ˂ 0.001, ηp2 = 0.017). No significant interaction effect was found for any of the variables.

7.4.5 Relationships Between Hope, Loneliness, Negative Emotivity, and Mental Health in Czech and Polish Samples

The next stage of our analysis examines the variables relationships between the studied variables in the Czech and Polish samples using correlation analysis (Table 7.3). Since we wanted to compare both samples, correlation analyses were run for the Czech and Polish samples separately. The results for the Czech sample are reported below the diagonal line, and the results for the Polish sample above the diagonal line.

Table 7.3 Correlations between measures of hope, loneliness, depression and anxiety and positive mental health in the Czech and Polish samples (nCZ = 526; nPL = 481)
Full size table

The results of the correlation analysis revealed very similar patterns of relationships between variables in both samples. A comparison of the correlation coefficients between the Czech and Polish samples showed only a single significant difference; a stronger correlation was observed between depression/anxiety and positive mental health in the Polish sample (rCZ = −0.52, rPL = −0.59, p ˂ 0.001; Fischer z = 1.60; p = .05; Cohen q = 0.10).

To test whether perceived hope, dispositional hope, loneliness, and depression/anxiety would predict mental health differently in the Czech and Polish samples, we conducted a regression analysis for each sample separately. The results are shown in Table 7.4.

Table 7.4 Results of regression of positive mental health in the Czech and Polish samples
Full size table

The two national samples demonstrate very similar structures regarding the predictors of positive mental health: While perceived hope and dispositional hope positively predicted mental health, depression/anxiety and loneliness negatively predicted mental health. The only difference between the samples was in the level of depression and anxiety: although it was a significant negative predictor in both samples, the effect was much stronger in the Polish sample than in the Czech sample.

7.5 Discussion

The present study compares various aspects of psychosocial functioning (i.e. satisfaction with different life domains in the past year and expectations in these domains for the upcoming year) demonstrated by groups from the Czech and Polish populations. It also looks at the differences between them in the levels of various concepts of hope (dispositional and perceived) and indicators of positive mental health. To account for the macrosocial framework, it explores these differences between different age groups: each group represents people with different life experiences in societies that underwent major macrosocial transition in the last couple of decades. These differences were controlled not only for cultural background or age, but also for religious and spiritual beliefs. Finally, it reveals the structure of the relationships between dispositional and perceived hope and positive mental health indicators in the Czech and Polish groups separately.

7.5.1 Satisfaction with the Past Year and Expectations for the Upcoming Year

Firstly, the study focused on the general cultural differences in satisfaction with the past year. The results showed that both Czech and Polish respondents were highly satisfied with their personal life, in addition, both samples were equally satisfied with the national politics, climate and environmental issues. However, the Czech respondents were significantly more satisfied with their national economy and social issues in the past year than the Polish participants. This might be explained by the economic and macrosocial differences between the two countries. Recent estimations conducted by Bertelsmann Stiftung (Sustainable Governance Indicators, 2020) suggest that political trust in Poland has declined rapidly between 2014 and 2020 due to the downfall in quality of democratic governance, which has been placed in the bottom rank in the EU. Another possible explanation may be that Czechia has better economic indicators, such as unemployment rate, inflation, or GDP per inhabitant, and better overall quality of life than Poland (Eurostat, 2021a, 2021b). Our findings indicating stronger dissatisfaction with politics and more pessimistic expectations towards the future in the Polish sample suggest that the current socio-political transformations could be vital agents of prospective hope.

Satisfaction with the past year might also affect expectations for the future. Both the Czech and Polish participants were equally highly optimistic about their personal lives for the upcoming year. Similar results regarding the transmission of optimistic or pessimistic expectations towards the future were obtained in a recent study by Slezackova et al. (2018b), who note that Czech adult respondents were most satisfied with their personal life in the past year and, at the same time, they were most optimistic about the same domain for the forthcoming year. These findings are also in line with the results obtained in previous studies on larger samples of Swiss and German respondents (Krafft & Walker, 2018b). This could be explained either by the effect of the optimistic bias, which postulates that people tend to believe that their future will be better than the future of others (Weinstein, 1980), or it can be also related to the fact that people tend to show higher perceived control over their personal life than over the broader circumstances such as politics, economy, and social issues.

Secondly, the study examined the general cultural differences and similarities regarding expectations for the next year. Our findings indicate that both the Czech and Polish groups shared a generally low level of optimism about their national politics. This appears to be related to a shared perceived lack of trust in political leaders and public institutions, which seems to be common in many post-communist countries (Eurostat, 2020). The higher social economic and political expectations towards the future observed in the Czech sample could be better understood when comparing our results to the recent data (Sustainable Governance Indicators, 2020): they show that Czechia scores generally better in democracy quality (civil rights, access to information, rule of law, electoral process) compared to Poland. Low community-related expectations towards the future in Poland could also be attributed to the intensification of social polarization by populist right-wing movements and the Catholic church through anti-abortion discourse or stigmatization policies, i.e., introducing ‘LGBT-free’ zones or anti-gender campaigns (Koralewska & Zielińska, 2021; Korolczuk, 2020).

7.5.2 Cultural Differences in the Positive and Negative Indicators of Mental Health

Further analyses revealed significant differences between the Czech and Polish participants in the positive and negative indicators of mental health: The Czech group showed higher levels of perceived hope and positive mental health, and lower levels of dispositional hope, negative emotivity and loneliness than Poles. This is to some extent congruent with the findings of Slezackova et al. (2018b), which revealed that Czech adult respondents scored significantly higher in perceived hope, optimism, life satisfaction, and perceived importance of spirituality compared to participants from other countries (i.e. Malta). These results can also be supported by the World Happiness Report 2019, which showed that Czechia (the 20th happiest country out of 156 countries) was higher in the happiness ranking of happiness than Poland (the 40th happiest country). Both countries showed similar values for positive affect, however, Poland reported higher values for negative affect (Helliwell et al., 2019).

In general, the Czech group showed higher levels of positive characteristics, apart from dispositional hope, which was higher among the Polish group, together with greater loneliness and negative emotivity. Although this result may seem paradoxical at first glance, growing evidence from research studying dispositional and perceived hope has suggested that the two may form different relationships with other positive and negative characteristics, such as life satisfaction, self-efficacy, resilience, happiness, optimism, gratitude or depression and anxiety (Krafft et al., 2017, 2021; Krafft & Walker, 2018a; Slezackova et al., 2020; Slezackova & Krafft, 2016). The overall comparison shows that while Snyder’s concept of dispositional hope is rather self-concerned and it is very close to the construct of self-efficacy, with an emphasis on personal control and active involvement in problem-solving, perceived hope emphasizes the emotional, social, and spiritual aspects of hope in the sense of self-transcendence (Krafft & Walker, 2018b; Slezackova, 2017).

7.5.3 Generational Differences in Psychosocial Functioning

The study also compared studied characteristics according to three age groups, which were formed according to the specific macrosocial context in Czechia and Poland: a new generation born after macrosocial transitions, a transition generation born in a totalitarian regime but growing up in democratic society, and the oldest generation born in a totalitarian regime and living most of their lives in this regime. These age groups also reflect different parts of adulthood—young adulthood, middle to older adulthood, and old age. The findings show relatively consistently that the youngest group reported more negative characteristics: low satisfaction with climate and environment, pessimistic expectations for the national economy, low levels of perceived hope and positive mental health, and high levels of loneliness, anxiety, and depression. These results are in line with several previous studies indicating that older adults report higher well-being, life satisfaction, and more positive views toward the future than their younger counterparts (e.g., Carstensen et al., 2011; Chopik et al., 2020; Chowdhury et al., 2014). One of the possible explanations is brought by socioemotional selectivity theory suggesting that people tend to select emotionally more relevant and satisfying goals as they grow older (Carstensen et al., 1999). Similarly, growing research on dispositional and perceived hope suggests that both types tend to increase even in old age (Krafft & Walker, 2018b; Perrig-Chiello et al., 2018; Slezackova et al., 2020; Slezackova et al., 2018b).

These findings suggest that age differences could be assigned to general developmental trends throughout life. In terms of the macrosocial context, our results show that the Czech and Polish samples differed in many studied domains mentioned in the text above. Although they share many common areas in terms of modern social development, especially in the second half of the twentieth century, i.e., several decades of a totalitarian regime followed by its disintegration in the late 1980s and transformation into a democratic society, in both cases, their functioning is also influenced by current macrosocial characteristics which are also reflected in their individual functioning, as suggested by Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005).

It is possible that macrosocial factors, such as the current political and economic situation mentioned in the text above, could have a significant influence on these results. Therefore, an analysis was performed on the three age groups in Czechia and Poland separately. However, only a few differences were found in a couple of areas (satisfaction with personal life, satisfaction with climate and environment, and negative emotivity), and these differences did not follow any specific trend. The patterns of the results suggest that either country or age has a general significance, without any interaction effect: The studied characteristics may be influenced by the country where a person lives, but they tend to increase or decrease in a similar way during the lifespan.

7.5.4 Cultural Differences in the Context of Religiosity and Spirituality

The differences in religiosity and spirituality observed between the Czech and Polish samples are similar to those observed elsewhere and reflect the religious specificity of those two countries (IndexMundi, 2011, 2017). Therefore, the study examined the predictive value of religiosity and spirituality for three characteristics: positive expectations for the upcoming year, satisfaction with the past year in different life domains, and positive mental health. Our findings suggest that religious participants were more satisfied with politics and social issues, and that atheists tended to report lower satisfaction with economy and social issues. Similarly, religiousness was found to have a positive association with expectations for the next year in politics. It is possible, therefore, that religious individuals are generally more satisfied with different life domains and can share more positive expectations towards certain domains of the proximal future. This should be explained with caution: Religious engagement is associated with conservative attitudes and is known to determine the political involvement of citizens. However, a recent Polish study did not indicate any straightforward connection between being religious and developing populist attitudes favored by the government or Catholic Church (Turska-Kawa & Wojtasik, 2020). Rather, it suggests that our present findings linking religiousness with positive expectations towards the future in the political domain could not be explained only by identification with nationalist-conservative state policy. Religiousness could also be interpreted as a factor including various norms, values, and beliefs producing more optimistic expectations towards different aspects of the future.

Our results also show that both the Christian group and those considering themselves spiritual scored higher in different aspects of well-being, suggesting that these groups report better mental health. Religion and spirituality could be defined both as an idiosyncratic system allowing the search for meaning and one related to the self, other people, the universe and the sacred. Previous research has suggested many possible pathways to explain this effect, including the positive influence of religion and spirituality on the ability to cope with stressful life events, the promotion of positive emotions, and the facilitation of hope and a sense of meaning (Abu-Raiya & Pargament, 2015; Krok, 2009). Regarding the relationship between religiousness and negative indicators of mental health, Krok (2014) found little evidence that religious orientation is negatively associated with somatic symptoms but not with other mental health problems (anxiety, insomnia, social dysfunction, depression). This suggests that both religion and spirituality appear to have a moderate positive impact on positive mental health and a rather weak effect on negative indicators of mental health.

Regardless of cultural background, the religious participants displayed higher levels of perceived hope, suggesting that religion may act as an important source of perceived hope; however, the Czech participants reported a higher level of perceived hope, despite being a nonreligious country. These results may indicate that there might be cultural differences between Czechia and Poland regarding the variability of sources of perceived hope. This research problem remains unsolved and could be studied in further Hope Barometer studies. It should also be noted that any generalizations on how cultural differences correspond to the structure of hope based on our present findings should be made with caution, particularly considering the convenience sampling method employed and cultural diversity of each studied country.

7.5.5 Relationships Between Hope, Loneliness, Negative Emotivity, and Mental Health in a Cultural Context

In addition to the expected strong positive correlations between perceived hope, dispositional hope and positive mental health, significant negative relationships were observed between the two concepts of hope, depression and anxiety, and loneliness. These results revealed very similar patterns of relationships in both national samples. A similar structure was found for the predictors of positive mental health: While perceived hope and dispositional hope positively predicted mental health, negative emotivity and loneliness negatively predicted mental health. The only difference between the groups was in depression and anxiety: Although it served as an independent negative predictor in both samples, the effect was much stronger in the Polish sample than in the Czech sample. From the macrosocial point of view, it is not surprising that the structure of relationships in Czech and Polish samples is similar: even though the level of psychosocial characteristics per se can be influenced by macrosocial characteristics (for further discussion see Silbereisen & Chen, 2010), the structure of the relationship is generally quite constant, regardless of the country and macrosocial situation.

Our empirically confirmed observations establishing similarities between Czech and Polish samples can also enrich the understanding of national autostereotypes, heterostereotypes and their relevance with real personality traits of people in Central Europe. Hřebíčková and Graf (2014) determined that the Polish national autostereotype is similar both to that of Czech and to self-reporting ratings; however, Polish respondents have considered themselves slightly more anxious and depressive than Czechs (in line with our results). In contrast, national heterostereotypes were not consistent with real personality traits, suggesting that cross-cultural comparisons can sometimes overrate differences between countries due to the individual’s tendency to achieve a sense of distinct social identity.

Our findings are to some extent in line with previous studies, which found perceived hope to be significantly positively related with life satisfaction and negatively with loneliness (Slezackova et al., 2018b). It was also found that perceived hope predicted most of the variance in psychological well-being operationalized as harmony in life, and, furthermore, perceived hope mediated the relationship between positive feelings and harmony in life (Slezackova et al., 2021).

7.6 Limitations and Perspectives on Future Research

The main limitation of our study consists in the cross-sectional design and the use of convenience sampling, resulting in nonrepresentative samples and slightly uneven demographic data distribution in each of the research samples. Further bias might have been caused by factors such as self-presentation and lack of introspection.

A longitudinal study would shed more light on a deeper understanding of the investigated variables and the dynamics of the relations between them. Interesting results about the dynamics between current life satisfaction, short-term future expectations, and experiencing different aspects of hope (cognitions on capability to pursue goals, belief in self and others, sensing hope or positive general expectations towards future) could be delivered using a repeated-measures design or cross-sectional comparisons from the past Hope Barometer waves with the forthcoming data collection. We acknowledge that our findings are preliminary: further cross-national comparisons with more countries involved and waves of data collection might contribute to better understanding of the role played by current sociopolitical changes (including COVID pandemic) in experiencing hope and positive mental health.

7.7 Conclusion

The present study contributes to the discussion about the complexity of the relationships between life satisfaction, future expectations, positive mental health, negative emotivity and different manifestations of hope in the Czech and Polish populations. The findings are discussed in the context of intergenerational differences, the cultural, religious, and spiritual diversity of Poland and Czechia, and the framework of macrosocial changes in Central Europe.

The experience of hope is implicitly reflected in life satisfaction over the past year and the expectations for the upcoming year. Satisfaction with the past year and optimism related to different aspects of life in the upcoming year varied between the Czech and Polish samples; however, the two groups demonstrated similar contentment and positive expectations towards their personal life. Lower satisfaction with national politics and environment could be attributed to psychological factors, such as low sense of control in areas of life they are not personally involved, or to social factors, i.e., the context of macrosocial changes in this region. Our results support previous findings that indicate the transmission of negative or positive satisfaction with the proximal past to reflections on the near future.

Our findings highlight the differences in positive and negative indicators of mental health between the Czech and Polish populations. It is possible that the lower perceived hope observed among Polish participants could be explained by higher indices of loneliness, anxiety and depression in this group. Among atheists, the Czech group demonstrated higher perceived hope than its Polish counterparts, suggesting that the religiosity-spirituality domain does not solely explain the variability of hope in its transcendental aspects. We conclude that this issue should be discussed with respect to the different trajectories of transformations that Polish and Czech society underwent, particularly concerning religious beliefs. Furthermore, our findings seem to reveal that the Polish sample may experience hope differently, associating it with optimistic beliefs about self and the capability to set future-oriented goals.

Despite the non-experimental design of the study, our findings may also suggest that growing older is associated with becoming happier, more hopeful, less depressed and lonely; however, in both samples, the young generation also appeared to display difficulties in developing a complete state of mental health, as manifested by lower indices of hope and well-being, or more negative emotivity symptoms. Therefore, policies aimed at boosting positive mental health should acknowledge that particularly young adults suffer from insufficiencies regarding their trust in themselves and other people, goal-oriented motivation, self-efficacy, emotional experience of hope or psychological well-being, making this subpopulation more vulnerable to macrosocial changes. The young generation is a potential target population for implementing preventive mental health interventions, focusing on negative indicators of mental health, such as depression and anxiety.