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Introduction: For a History of Anthropology in the Plural

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Histories of Anthropology

Abstract

What are the reasons behind the “scientific” positioning that anthropology had adopted since its origins up to a few decades ago? They were certainly cognitive reasons, but they were intertwined with political concerns, ideological frameworks and cultural references. The urge to gain academic legitimacy, reliance on “Western-centric” perspectives and the aspiration to build broad, universal knowledge all played a role. Another significant role was played by its involvement in the project and the projection of colonial supremacy. These are all implicit factors that started to take on an increasingly deliberate problematic form, and finally culminated in the “crisis of representation”, falling into the wide-open sea of post-modernism, in an effort to “give a voice” to those who, despite everything, still did not have one. The structure of anthropology, which was a Western projection and, inside the West, a projection of modernity on the domestic “pockets” of backwardness, was forced to change because it was challenged by the increasingly strong quests for pluralism and the consequent requirement to rethink its very organisation. In our essay, we present and sustain the many reasons at the basis of the actual quest for pluralism in anthropology.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As part of the post-modern turn, discussions were about, among other things, the idea that anthropological knowledge could be constituted by other voices and other points of view than those of researchers, to the extent of asking who, between the anthropologist and the natives, was really the author of the field notes and then of the ethnographic monograph (cf. Clifford, 1988), thus bringing the identity of the discipline, and at the same time its crisis, to the centre of attention. Among the relevant bibliographical references, see Said, 1978; Butler, 2002; Harvey, 1989; Rosaldo, 1993; Clifford, 1988, 1997; Spiro, 1996; Clifford & Marcus, 1986.

  2. 2.

    Cf. Beattie, 1964; Kilani, 1994; Fabian, 2000.

  3. 3.

    With regard to the comparative character of anthropology and the main considerations on this matter, we merely refer here to Fabietti, 2001, 189-226 (chapter VI “Comparing”) and the references cited there.

  4. 4.

    See: Lanternari, 1977, 1990; Signorelli, 2015; Satta, 2018.

  5. 5.

    Furthermore, if Western science is a procedure that provides “order” to the world, its paradigms are also part of a “cosmology” (Herzfeld, 2001).

  6. 6.

    A device that has already been identified at the root of global organ trafficking (Scheper-Hughes, 2000): the act of selling a kidney, of selling an eye, by placing a blood print on a sheet of paper, are choices (so to say) that reflect the grip of technical perspectives (economics, biomedical practices, social relations, or hierarchies) in a (re)definition of the relationship between subjectivity and corporeality.

  7. 7.

    As Comaroff and Comaroff observed: “What if we posit that, in the present moment, it is the global south that affords privileged insight into the workings of the world at large? […] That, in probing what is at stake in it, we might move beyond the north-south binary, to lay bare the larger dialectical processes that have produced and sustain it” (Comaroff & Comaroff, 2012, pp. 1-2). And then: “these frontiers fostered conjunctures of Western and non-Western values, desires, conventions, and practices, fusions that fueled the destructive, innovative urges of Euromodernity, but with little of the ethical restraint that reined them in ‘back home’” (Comaroff & Comaroff, 2012, p. 5).

  8. 8.

    Recurrent waves of xenophobia, racism and violence; the assault by right-wingers against critical race theory and post-colonial theory, in the United States, United Kingdom, France and many other European countries. Riots in the Parisian banlieues reveal France’s failure in thinking post-colonial, according to Mbembe (2021), a failure that is catastrophic in its consequences on how France faces its persistent problems of racism and discrimination against minorities, whether they are African, Arab, Asian or Caribbean. This failure not only is a mark of France, as is quite evident, but causes a Western downfall (or return) to inhumanity. In all of this, it is extremely difficult to think that Westerners will ever be able to stop approaching others without the attitude that only their own reality matters.

  9. 9.

    Cfr. Fforde et al. 2002; Kramer, 2006.

  10. 10.

    Harrison, 2013; Paini & Aria, 2017.

  11. 11.

    Cfr. Fassin, 2012, 2013; Faubion, 2011.

  12. 12.

    Nevertheless, the structuralist and semiotic lessons do not say anything different.

  13. 13.

    Ridington, 1988; Rushefort, 1986; Scollon & Scollon, 1979.

  14. 14.

    The Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Heritage and the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions respectively.

  15. 15.

    However, a recent work edited by Matera and Biscaldi (2021) follows a disciplinary historical reconstruction, although it has a different configuration. Amongst the histories that have been circulating, Barth, Gingrich, Parkin, Silverman’s work (Barth et al., 2005) has certainly held a prominent place, although it is limited to the British, German, French and American patterns, as seen in its subheading. More recently, in 2018, as discussed later, The International Encyclopedia of Anthropology published by Wiley offers a more deliberate openness to disciplinary national and regional histories.

  16. 16.

    A well-known academic in the field of history of anthropology; other than her works about anthropological linguistics, among her scholarly output concerning our topic of interest, we mention And Along Came Boas: Continuity and Revolution in Americanist Anthropology (John Benjamins Publishing Company, 1988); Theorizing the Americanist Tradition (University of Toronto Press, 1999); Invisible Genealogies: A History of American Anthropology (University of Nebraska Press, 2001). She is the credited author of the annual series “Histories of Anthropology” (HOAA), co-editor Frederic W. Gleach, published by the University of Nebraska Press.

  17. 17.

    See also Rubio Gómez, García Castaño, and Calabresi’s essay in this volume.

  18. 18.

    “Matthew Arnold, E.B. Tylor, and the Uses of Invention”, published the following year (Stocking Jr., 1963).

  19. 19.

    When noticing that only few conference participants could be called professional historians, Hymes identified some qualifying common traits in their approach: the use of unusual unpublished sources, such as letters; attention to textual datum, to the relation between ideas and their verbal incorporation; attention to meanings while keeping track of their use in the past and not as mere semantics; the ability to refer to an author in the horizontal dimension of his contemporaneity rather than following a vertical dimension as a linear sequence through time; acute awareness of the historical context and its issues in order to avoid articulating a priori anachronistic analyses to favour evaluations emerging from historical relativism instead, which could keep ethnocentrism under control (Hymes, 1962, p. 26).

  20. 20.

    With regard to this, Darnell makes reference to Stocking’s reflection on “historicism” and “presentism”, which launched a mature focalisation of the matters involved in history writing. The essay was published both in the first issue of Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences (1965), and in Stocking Jr. (1968).

  21. 21.

    A reference point for decades, in 2016, HAN’s issue n. 40 was put online on open access. HAN stopped printing in 2013 due to Henrika “Riki” Kuklick’s death (she took up the reins from Stocking in 2004). The editorial contains a short reminder of the history of the journal, while its goals and purposes are herein reaffirmed and renewed in view of its new digital format. In 2019 its name was changed to History of Anthropological Review (HAR). In 2016 HOAN, “History of Anthropological Network”, was relaunched during the 14th EASA biennial conference in Milan, and it came after HEAN, “History of the European Anthropology Network”, born at the 2nd EASA conference in Prague in 1992. HOAN’s Advisory Board is made up of 14 members belonging to institutions from Austria, Brazil, Czech Republic, France, Germany, Great Britain (2 members), Poland, Portugal, Slovenia, Sweden, United States (3 members). Its “Circle of Correspondents” includes scholars from Austria, Brazil, Canada, Croatia, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Lithuania, New Zealand, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Serbia, Spain, Turkey, the United States and an expert from the Arctic and Siberian areas. The Italian correspondent is Filippo Zerilli, from the University of Cagliari.

    On the HOAN website—History of Anthropology Network (HOAN) (easaonline.org)—additional references to other editorial projects on the history of the discipline are also available for anyone who is interested.

  22. 22.

    For a summary of this issue cf. Hannerz, 2010, pp. 14-18.

  23. 23.

    The table of contents is listed as follows: “Uncertain Transplants: Anthropology and Sociology in India”, by Satish Saberwal (Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi); “Polish Ethnography after World War II”, by Józef Burszta (University of Poznań, Poland) and Bronislawa Kopczyńska-Jaworska (University of Lódź, Poland); “The State of Anthropology in the Sudan”, by Abdel Ghaffar M. Ahmed (University of Khartoum, the Sudan); “In Bed with The Elephant: Anthropology in Anglophone Canada”, by Gordon Inglis (Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada); “After the Quiet Revolution: Quebec Anthropology and the Study of Quebec”, by Gerald L. Gold (York University, Toronto, Canada) and Marc-Adélard Tremblay (Université Laval, Quebec, Canada); “Through Althusserian Spectacles: Recent Social Anthropology in Brazil, by Otávio Guilherme Velho (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro, Brazil); “Twenty Years of Swedish Social Anthropology: 1960-1980”, by Ulf Hannerz (University of Stockholm, Sweden). The afterword, “Afterword: A View from the Center”, is by George W. Stocking jr.

  24. 24.

    See Bassi’s essay in this volume.

  25. 25.

    However, according to Palumbo, nowadays both hegemonic and subaltern anthropologies tend towards a higher “residual position” compared to other fields of knowledge. They “dispel the illusion of organicity to take up a critical-deconstructive position: a solid social science […] that since its very beginnings one century earlier, had essentially taken a step back from modern, rational, reformist imagination […] it is therefore clear that the contrast between empire building and nation-state building anthropologies is eventually toned down on a political-intellectual level […]. If the verbiage of those representations […] is to be retained, we might then argue that, regardless of “hegemonic” and “subaltern” traditions, this field of study seems to be currently closer to a “critical” analysis of “local” rearrangement/adjustment processes in certain national states and supranational dynamics (nation-state deconstructing anthropologies) and modulation/articulation processes of a new global empire (global empire (de)structuring anthropologies)” (Palumbo, 2018, p. 195).

  26. 26.

    ram-wan—Red de Antropologías del Mundo—World Anthropologies Network. The Conference programme in Pordenone, introduced by Ribeiro and Escobar, was structured as follows: Part I: “Transnationalism and State Power”, speeches: Reshaping Anthropology: A View from Japan, Shinji Yamashita; Transformations in Siberian Anthropology: An Insider’s Perspective, Nikolai Vakhtin; In Search of Anthropology in China: A Discipline Caught in the Web of Nation Building Agenda, Socialist Capitalism, and Globalization, Josephine Smart; Mexican Anthropology’s Ongoing Search for Identity, Esteban Krotz. Part II: “Power and Hegemony in World Anthropologies”, speeches: How many ‘centers’ and ‘peripheries’ in anthropology? A critical view on France, Eduardo Archetti; The Production of Knowledge and the Production of Hegemony: Anthropological Theory and Political Struggles in Spain, Susana Narotsky; Anthropology in a Post-Colonial Africa: the Survival Debate, Paul Nchoji Nkwi. Part III: “Epistemological, Sociological and Disciplinary Predicaments”, speeches: Generating Non-Trivial Knowledge in Awkward Situations: Anthropology in the UK, Eeva Berglund; The Production of Other Knowledges and its Tensions: From Andeanist Anthropology to Interculturalidad?, Marisol De la Cadena; A Time and Place Beyond and of the Center: Australian Anthropologies on the Process of Becoming, Sandy Toussaint; Official Hegemony and Contesting Pluralisms, Shiv Visvanathan; Part IV: “From Anthropology today to World Anthropologies”, speeches: The Pictographics of Tristesse: An Anthropology of Nation-Building in the Tropics and its Aftermath, Otávio Velho; “World Anthropologies”: Questions, Johannes Fabian.

  27. 27.

    The Spanish edition of the volume, Antropologías del mundo. Transformaciones disciplinarias dentro de sistemas de poder, published in 2008, is available on the Network’s website. The translation of the opening chapter of the book was published on ANUAC, vol. 7, n. 1, June 2018. Also included in the general project, WCAA, The World Council of Anthropological Associations, was founded by Gustavo Lins Ribeiro, in 2004, in Recife (Brazil), with the aim of establishing a global community in dialogue. For this reason, representatives of associations in different areas of the world have served as presidents (Brazil, Japan, Australia, Poland, Ireland), up to Isaac Nyamongo from Pan-African Anthropological Association, who is currently in office. Likewise, Gustavo Lins Ribeiro started “Déjà Lu” journal, where selected articles from major specialised peer-reviewed journals are republished in order to spread research worldwide.

    A recent monographic issue of “Horizontes Antropológicos” (y. 28, n. 62, 2022), História das Antropologias do Mundo, a Portuguese journal edited by Patrícia Ferraz de Matos, Frederico Delgado Rosa and Eduardo Dullo follow this striving towards world anthropologies. Significantly, the editors’ opening text is called: “Caminhos para uma história inclusiva das antropologias do mundo” (https://www.scielo.br/j/ha/i/2022.v28n62/). We want to thank Valeria Ribeiro Corossacz for suggesting the journal in time so that it could be mentioned in this introduction.

  28. 28.

    See Pozzi and Pussetti’s essay in this volume.

  29. 29.

    See Aria’s contribution to this volume.

  30. 30.

    Interestingly for this purpose, young researchers from peripheral traditions striving for international recognition by hegemonic traditions tend to avoid considering some consistent “peripheral” bibliographical references in their scientific production to focus exclusively on hegemonic traditions. Likewise, what further underlines the centre/periphery relationships is the fact that some of the young scholars occasionally conducting research within the institutions of “hegemonic” centres and aiming to secure permanent positions in “peripheral” centres fail to take account of potential reference sources, and this speaks well for “metropolitan provincialism” in their centres.

  31. 31.

    See at least Hannerz (2010), Ch. VI on linguistic anthropology.

  32. 32.

    These are sensitive questions that, on the one hand, are linked to an increasingly shared sense of intolerance towards these “neoliberal” procedures, which has little to do with evaluation and exchanges, but affects the increasingly standardised procedures; on the other hand, these procedures have an impact on the involved individuals when it comes to starting their academic career advancement path or living their ordinary life. And this very impact determines how deliberate avoidance of this can be difficult, complicated and even dangerous. Over the last few years, our experience as members of comparative assessment panels (public exams) as well as the National Scientific Habilitation process, namely a necessary requirement to apply for permanent positions in Italian universities, has prompted the candidates to strategically build up their curricula as far as scientific publications are concerned. Generally, after conducting extensive research as part of their doctoral studies, all applicants (including candidates with long-standing experience) will eventually publish their results as monographs. Later, the monograph is broken down into single journal essays that will be published nationally and, more often, internationally in English and French without any significant and substantial changes from the original draft. If anything, sometimes the monograph is not even included in the current bibliographical references, or the monograph is preceded by journal essays or chapters in miscellaneous volumes that are later left unchanged and put together in the monograph with no explicit reference to the previous publisher. Those are important clues to understand how the Italian evaluation system has become more focused on reaching “thresholds” and fulfilling formal quantitative criteria at the expense of quality, freedom and originality, as well as the development and interpretive phases of research.

  33. 33.

    Introduction-1615327025.pdf (wiley.com) (last reference 20th February 2022).

  34. 34.

    It is interesting to remark how the question about the language chosen for the contributions is brought up. The use of English as a lingua franca is a clear advantage, albeit the apparent prejudice and opposition from the academy due to the fact that it is still the dominant language of scientific publications. Two entries examine this phenomenon: “Anthropological Knowledge and Styles of Publications”, by Gordon Mathew, and “Academic Literacies, Ethnographic Perspectives on”, by Anna Robinson-Pant. If Mathew hopes for the use of universal English among non-native speakers for global anthropology, English is still the main language for the Encyclopedia, although the “editorial effort” to encourage and favour non-Anglophones in all the editing phases must be pointed out (Callan, 2018, pp. v-vi).

  35. 35.

    See “Anthropologies of the South” dossier, published on the first issue of the Network’s e-journal (June 2005), and available for download on www.ram-wan.net. Restrepo found some additional key elements at the bottom of the debate on world anthropologies: considerations on both “indigenous anthropologies” (Fahim & Helmer, 1980) and “native anthropologies” (Jones, 1988; Narayan, 1993), Hymes’ considerations (1974) as mentioned earlier, the “anthropologies with an accent” notion by Teresa Caldeira (2000), Haitian anthropologist Michel-Ralph Trouillot’s contribution (1991) (also cf. 2003) as well as the active involvement of South African Archie Mafeje (2001).

  36. 36.

    Available for download here. \Iround\wbiea2119.dvi (ram-wan.net)

  37. 37.

    Anthropological Knowledge and Styles of Publications; Globalization; Glocalisation; Interculturality; Interethnic Frictions; Postcolonialism; Postsocialist Europe; World Music.

  38. 38.

    The language question is obviously only one of the reasons of this condition for Italian anthropology. For this purpose, Giovanni Pizza recently wrote an essay on this topic in relation to “hermeneutic frontiers” and “hegemonic dialectics among ‘several intellectual traditions’”, to inquire into “mutual receptions/omissions among global anthropologies” (Pizza, 2017, pp. 198-199), with a special focus on Ernesto de Martino. For further considerations on de Martino in international anthropological literature, see Palumbo, 2018, Ch. 5 and passim. Cf. see also Dei’s contribution to this volume.

  39. 39.

    We would like to thank Charlotte Buckmaster for her competent and professional approach in reviewing the English language.

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D’Agostino, G., Matera, V. (2023). Introduction: For a History of Anthropology in the Plural. In: D'Agostino, G., Matera, V. (eds) Histories of Anthropology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-21258-1_1

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