Abstract
While body searches are an inherently invasive procedure for all prisoners, some vulnerable groups (e.g. women, LGBTQI+ people, children, people with disabilities and/or any religious/ethnic/cultural minorities in a specific prison context) might be significantly more affected by its degrading character. This chapter examines how body searches are experienced by vulnerable groups, with a focus on women and LGBTQI+ people in prison. As with most practices in prison, initial guidelines on body searches have been developed with mainly male, cisgender and straight people in prison in mind. Because the specific needs and sensibilities of women and/or LGBTQI+ people are not always considered, these searches can be experienced as particularly degrading or humiliating by women and/or LGBTQI+ people in prison. This is especially the case when the search is conducted by prison staff of the opposite sex/gender, or for more invasive body cavity searches. This chapter will confront the recommendations for conducting body searches on vulnerable groups with how body searches are experienced by vulnerable groups based on literature and CPT reports. The chapter proposes a more gendered and queer perspective on body searches, with specific attention to the gendered dynamics that shape the experience of body searches, the experience of searches as humiliation or sexual abuse by some prisoners and recommendations on conducting body searches on vulnerable populations in prison.
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Notes
- 1.
Yogyakarta Principles (November 2006) on the Principles on the Application of International Human Rights Law in Relation to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (2007). Available at: http://yogyakartaprinciples.org/, note 1.
- 2.
Yogyakarta Principles (November 2006) on the Principles on the Application of International Human Rights Law in Relation to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (2007). Available at: http://yogyakartaprinciples.org/, note 2.
- 3.
People who were assigned as female at birth (biological sex), but identify as a man (gender identity).
- 4.
People who were assigned as male at birth (biological sex), but identify as a woman (gender identity).
- 5.
People who regularly or sporadically express their inner lived (sub)gender identity through clothing, language, behaviour, attitude, etc. This is usually temporary and dependent on the context.
- 6.
‘Non-binary’ includes a wide variety of gender identities. Some people’s androgynous or mixed gender identity may consistently include both male and female elements, while genderfluid people have a more changing, fluid experience of gender over time. There are also people who identify as third gender or other gender, while others are genderless, agender, or gender-neutral. Some people also prefer the term ‘pangender’ to refer to their complex and fluid understanding of their gender identity (see e.g. Matsuno and Budge 2017; Richards et al. 2016).
- 7.
See Mavronicola & Webster’s chapter in this book for further discussion on ECtHR case law and this principle.
- 8.
Dignity is one of the key concepts in the revised United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners (the Nelson Mandela Rules), adopted by the UN Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice on 22 May 2015, endorsed by the Economic and Social Council on 9 September 2015, UN-Doc. E/RES/2015/20 and adopted by UN General Assembly Third Committee on 5 November 2015. Hereafter: Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners.
- 9.
Recommendation Rec(2006)2-rev of the Committee of Ministers to Member States on the European Prison Rules, adopted by the Committee of Ministers on 11 January 2006 and revised and amended by the Committee of Ministers on 1 July 2020 (Hereafter: the European Prison Rules).
- 10.
United Nations Rules on the Treatment of Women Prisoners and Non-custodial Measures for Women Offenders (the Bangkok Rules).
- 11.
Yogyakarta Principles (November 2006) on the Principles on the Application of International Human Rights Law in Relation to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (2007). Available at: http://yogyakartaprinciples.org/.
- 12.
Statement of the World Medical Association (WMA) on body searches of prisoners, adopted by the 45th World Medical Assembly, Budapest, Hungary, October 1993, editorially revised at the 170th Council Session, Divonne-les-Bains, France, May 2005 and revised by the 67th WMA General Assembly, Taipei, Taiwan, October 2016. (https://www.wma.net/policies-post/wma-statement-on-body-searches-of-prisoners/, consulted 21 February 2022), paragraph 12.
- 13.
This formulation was chosen to include all women as well as trans, intersex and non-binary people who do not identify as women, but bear an active uterus.
- 14.
Statement of the WMA on body searches of prisoners, op. cit., paragraph 8.
- 15.
There are numerous other contexts where searches and sexualised forms of punishments were used as a control mechanism for women. For example, sexual violence has been used as a colonial subjugating and controlling strategy on Indigenous and enslaved Black women and has racial, colonial and cultural implications to the present day (See e.g. Davis 2003; Marcoux Rouleau 2021; McCulloch and George 2008).
- 16.
Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women of the mission to the United States of America on the issue of violence against women in state and federal prisons, E/CN.4/1999/68/Add.2, 4 January 1999, paragraphs 55 and 58.
- 17.
Report of the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment to the Human Rights Council, A/HRC/7/3, 15 January 2008, paragraph 35 and footnote 18.
- 18.
Miguel Castro-Castro Prison v. Peru, Inter-American Court of Human Rights judgement of 25 November 2006, paragraph 312.
- 19.
Misgendering refers to numerous (intentional or unintentional) ways in which trans people are not recognised in their gender identity. This includes using the wrong gender terms (pronouns, forms of address) and/or name (deadnaming).
- 20.
Van Kück v. Germany, App. No. 35968/97, 12 September 2003, para 73.
- 21.
- 22.
Rule 50 of Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners; Commentary to Rule 19 of the Bangkok Rules.
- 23.
The legality principle states that the nature of body searches, the reasons for conducting them and the procedures should be defined by national law. The principle of proportionality refers to whether the invasive body search is proportionate with regard to the perceived risk (of the prisoner carrying an object) for the prisoner themselves, other prisoners or prison staff. This is closely linked to the final principle of necessity; whether the body search is necessary based on the perceived safety risk.
- 24.
Commentary to Rule 19 of the Bangkok Rules; The recommendation that strip and body cavity searches should never be conducted routinely is also one of the key principles of ECtHR case law on this matter. See Mavronicola and Webster’s chapter in this book for further discussion on ECtHR case law and this principle.
- 25.
Rule 20 of the Bangkok Rules; Statement of the WMA on body searches of prisoners, op. cit., paragraph 12; CPT (2018: 7).
- 26.
Rule 19 of the Bangkok Rules; Rule 54.2 of the European Prison Rules; Statement of the WMA on body searches of prisoners, op. cit., paragraph 11.
- 27.
Statement of the WMA, op. cit., paragraph 11.
- 28.
For example, this is part of voluntary agreements for transgender residents in prisons in England and Wales, which also includes rules on showering, living space, laundry, dress code and the ownership of certain items related to one’s gender expression. See HMPPS Diversity and Inclusion Team (2020). The Care and Management of Individuals who are Transgender: Operational Guidance. London: Her Majesty's Prison & Probation Service.
- 29.
Commentary to Rule 20 of the Bangkok Rules; Statement of the WMA on body searches of prisoners, op. cit., paragraph 12.
- 30.
Rule 52, Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners; Rule 54.6 of the European Prison Rules. Because body cavity searches are a security procedure and not a medical care procedure, the normal patient-care provider relationship does not exist. This entails that medical confidentiality does not apply, as the results of the search are communicated with the prison authorities. This puts the medical professional in a particularly difficult position regarding their relationship with their patient. By participating in the prison’s security system (e.g. by conducting a body (cavity) search), physicians’ obligation to provide medical care to prisoners can be compromised. The nature of a physician’s relationship with a prisoner should first and foremost be one between a physician and a patient, with the patient’s best clinical interest at heart. Therefore, it is recommended that vaginal, anal or other intrusive searches are conducted by medical staff who are not the ones primarily responsible for the care of the prisoner. The World Medical Association (WMA) also states that forced body cavity searches (without the consent of the person undergoing the search) are ethically unacceptable, like any other clinical action without consent. See Statement of the WMA on body searches of prisoners, op. cit., paragraphs 6, 8, 9 and 10; See also Enggist et al. (2014),Lehtmets and Pont (2014).
- 31.
Rule 19, Bangkok Rules; Rule 54.3 of the European Prison Rules.
- 32.
Rule 54.3 of the European Prison Rules.
- 33.
Rule 21 of the Bangkok Rules; Rule 81.3 of the European Prison Rules.
- 34.
Principle 9, H of the Yogyakarta Principles.
- 35.
Reference to the ‘not all men’ argument (or #NotAllMen) that is used as a response in discussions of feminist issues like rape culture, sexual assault, gender income inequality to deflect attention away from these topics.
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Vanliefde, A. (2023). Body Searches and Vulnerable Groups: Women and LGBTQI+ People in Prison. In: Daems, T. (eds) Body Searches and Imprisonment. Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20451-7_6
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