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Well-Being, Mental Illness, Co-Production and Social Prescription: Social Constructionism, Relational Integrity, and Agency

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The Ontology of Well-Being in Social Policy and Welfare Practice

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Abstract

As with Chap. 6, this chapter starts with sociability as one of the six ontological features of the human condition, identified in Chap. 2, via The Ontology of Well-Being Thesis (TOWT), and defended throughout the book. The argument here maintains an important sociological distinction between the social causation and the social construction of mental health/illness. The socially causation of mental health, focuses on its social epidemiology, so on what kind of social determinants lead to or produce mental health/illness. Whereas the social construction of mental health/illness focuses on how notions of illness, health and care are ‘given meaning’ within and between societies, so on those social determinants that socially define certain people as mentally ill, which, in turn, affects how this group is publicly viewed and treated. Drawing from this sociological distinction, the main claim here is that promoting mental health must accommodate the six ontological features of the human condition identified in Chap. 2, and in TOWT – these features being, in no prioritised order, human embodiment, finiteness, sociability, cognition, evaluation, and agency. Therefore, when exploring the social causation and social construction of mental health/illness, any epistemological and normative implications for people diagnosed as mentally ill must, in some way, reflect these ontological features. For example, the claim here is that a person who is socially constructed as ‘mentally ill’ should also be viewed publicly as someone who can exercise agency, cognition, and evaluation. That is, with these features underpinning a non-determinist epistemological and normative account of mental health/illness and well-being. The further argument is that this account should be central to the co-productive development of mental health policies and practices (notably concerning the practice of social prescription), so opening-up new ways for viewing and treating those people who are socially constructed as ‘mentally ill’.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Berger and Luckmann (1967) were the first to use the term ‘social construction’. However, their central treatise concerning the sociology of knowledge and how public or shared meaning is socially created is also traceable to the other primary sources referenced here, and more besides.

  2. 2.

    As explored in Chap. 2, these lists do not imply that emotions are entirely caused by these biological and physical characteristics. Merely that aspects of our emotional responses are caused by these characteristics, reflecting human embodiment. Precisely how our physical bodies and experiences are interpreted and viewed as members of social groups is highly debated, particularly within the social constructionist literature (see, for example, Rabinow 1984; Lechte 1994; Joseph 2003; MacKenzie 2004; Lloyd 2004).

  3. 3.

    This raises very difficult questions about the meaning of ‘transcendence’. So, following the arguments in this chapter (and in Chap. 2 and TOWT) none of the six ontological features of the human condition, arise entirely independently of social context. Nevertheless, insofar as these ontological features of the human condition are universal (and therefore are ontological qualities which are shared across time and between cultures), they also transcend social context. Once this, admittedly controversial move is made, we can accommodate the social constructionist account of mental health, but without reducing explanations about human behaviour and experience to the social construction of language and discourse solely. Accommodating a ‘non-reductionist’ understanding of social constructionism can also be found in Smith (2011, pp. 107–132), and in Chap. 6 here, which explore how different interpretations of the social model of disability can be understood via this ‘non-reductionist’ understanding of social constructionism.

  4. 4.

    Martin Heidegger is often regarded as the founder of twentieth Century existentialism. These existentialist issues (so issues relating to the ontological question of what it is to be a human being), are also explored in Chaps. 2, 4, 8 and 9.

  5. 5.

    For example, Alan Gewirth, in his 1998 book Self-fulfillment, regards ‘mental equilibrium’ as a constituent of ‘basic well-being’, as he calls it (alongside life and health), and so is a precondition of what he defines as the purposes of successful actions: “The fullest development of basic well-being requires that there be adequate protections of life, health, mental equilibrium, and other preconditions of successful action. The purposes of action must provide, at least implicitly, for these preconditions” (Gewirth 1998, p. 121). The point here is that notions of ‘mental equilibrium’ are themselves socially constructed, which is a point often missed in these philosophical discussions (and see Smith 2001a, b).

  6. 6.

    Also see Chaps. 4 and 6, where the ontological condition of sociability is explored as related to disability issues. Two broad interpretations of the social model of disability were found within the Disability Rights Movement’s (DRM’s) position. One interpretation – the Politics of Disablement (POD) – stresses the above kind of epistemology regarding what we know about disability. So, POD focusses on the social causation of disablement reflecting disabled people’s lack of access to social resources. Whereas, the Social Construction of Disablement (SCOD) interpretation of the social model, focusses on how disability is normatively defined or ‘given meaning’ which can often undermine the value of disabled people’s identities, related to their ‘impairments’ which are socially constructed wholly negatively by the medical model of disability as, ‘abnormal’, ‘dysfunctional’, ‘deficient’, and so on.

  7. 7.

    For a discussion concerning ‘future selves’ and the promotion of well-being over a whole life see Chap. 3. One of the main claims defended is that interpersonal comparisons of well-being are notoriously problematic as the levels and quality of well-being is often hard to meaningfully measure between persons. Moreover, Chap. 3 also explores how these problems occur with intrapersonal comparisons of wellbeing if plural identities occur over time for one person (which, for many commentators, they often do). These latter problems have important implications for social policy debates about well-being enhancement across time and between generations, for example, as related to pensions policy.

  8. 8.

    It could be argued that evaluation is a form of cognition, insofar as evaluation is a mental process culminating in a normative judgement in the ways just described. However, the contention here, in Chap. 2 and in TOWT, is that evaluation has such a significant effect on well-being – concerning how a person evaluates her own life – that it should be treated separately to this person’s more general capacity for cognition, that may, or may not, include evaluation.

  9. 9.

    According to Jason Raibley, when understanding how life is defined as ‘meaningful’ various factors come into play, including the admiration and inspiration of others (Raibley 2016, p. 351). Moreover, for Raibley, when considering how fulfilling values relate to well-being, it is important to assess, not only the degree to which an individual agent is suited to and engaged with these values. But also, the degree to which this person’s valued projects reflects a balanced and coherent understanding of her life led as a whole. The point here is that this ‘holistic coherency’, as it might be called, cannot be achieved without also acknowledging the deeply socialised contexts in which the values themselves are formed and implemented.

  10. 10.

    In contrast, biological and/or social determinists argue that human beings exercise little, or no agency as human lives are shaped or ‘determined’ by their natural and/or nurtured environments (for a recent defence of this view see Miles 2015). Agency is also debated extensively within the social constructionist literature explored here. The central question is, whether or the extent to which human beings can exercise agency, given the influence of public discourse and language in shaping how we view and experience our lives (for example, see Rabinow 1984; Mackenzie 2004).

  11. 11.

    And see Kavedžija (2021) for a more general account of how the process of care to enhance well-being involves engaging in mutual acts of conviviality, care, and creativity. Also see Chap. 6 for an exploration of how the promotion of co-production in these ways can be conducive to the positive development of disability policy and practice.

  12. 12.

    Also see Gewirth (1981, 1988, 1998, 2001), Boylan (2014) and Griffin (2008). And see discussions here, and in Chaps. 2, 3, 4, 6, and 8, notably reflecting the ontological condition of agency, as related to the meaning of well-being and its promotion in social policy and welfare practice.

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Smith, S.R. (2023). Well-Being, Mental Illness, Co-Production and Social Prescription: Social Constructionism, Relational Integrity, and Agency. In: The Ontology of Well-Being in Social Policy and Welfare Practice . Library of Public Policy and Public Administration, vol 18. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18142-9_7

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