Abstract
China’s policy toward Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) has become more comprehensive and assertive since 2014. At the same time, the political situation has become tenser and more uncertain at the regional and global levels. Our primary goal in this article is to understand how these two dynamics intertwine. First, we discuss China’s grand strategy and how Latin America fits in. Second, we examine the institutional setting in which foreign policy is decided. Finally, we combine the contextual analysis with a principal-agent model to analyze implementation costs. In particular, the challenges to implementing the CELAC-China Joint Plan of Action for Cooperation on Priority Areas (2019–2021). When feasible, we considered the interests, capabilities, and attitudes (opinions and values) of Brazil, Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina. China has already begun to adapt its policies toward LAC. Whether or not the Latin American countries will be able to revitalize regional multilateral institutions remains uncertain. To achieve the agreed collective objectives expressed in the 2018 Santiago Declaration, China and CELAC members, specially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, need to address current challenges with strategic vision and close cooperation.
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Notes
- 1.
See 专访秦亚青: 十七大后中国外交将更重视多边舞台. Interview with Qin Yaqing, China News Agency, October 12, 2007, available at http://cpc.people.com.cn/GB/100804/6370470.html, (accessed 15 September 2018).
- 2.
This matrix is not to be confused with the 3 × 3 Model for Cooperation proposed by Premier Li Keqiang in 2015, referring to capacity building in logistics, power generation, and IT, through synergy between businesses, society, and government. Li’s model has been expanded later to include enhancing funds, credit loans, and insurance financing.
- 3.
The 20th National Party Congress will be held in October 2022. It is not possible to anticipate if Xi Jinping will be confirmed for a third term. See more at: South China Morning Post. 2021. “As the Communist Party turns 100, Xi Jinping has a problem: who will take over?” June 25, 2021. Available at https://encurtador.com.br/ipwT3 [Accessed 11 September 2021].
- 4.
To assume otherwise would wrongly imply that China is becoming a Sultanistic regime. See H. E. Chehabi, J. J. Linz, Sultanistic Regimes (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998).
- 5.
We disagree with Jing Sun, 2016. Growing Diplomacy, Retreating Diplomats—How the Chinese Foreign Ministry has been Marginalized in Foreign Policymaking, Journal of Contemporary China.
- 6.
Following the “1 + 3 + 6” cooperation framework proposed by President Xi in his keynote speech at the China-Latin American and Caribbean Countries Leaders’ Meeting held in Brasilia, 2014. One plan, three engines (trade, investment, and financial cooperation), and six areas (energy, infrastructure, agriculture, manufacturing, Science and Technology, and information technologies).
- 7.
After all, the US is not about to “lose” LAC in any meaningful sense: “The United States remains the region’s largest trading partner, accounting for around a third of the region’s export growth. Countries in the region account for 11 of the United States’ 20 free trade agreements and 8 of its 42 bilateral investment treaties. Militarily, the United States maintains close ties with the region with robust military training programs, regular military training exercises, and high-level visits.” See more in Koleski, Katherine, and Blivas, Alec. 2018. “China's Engagement with Latin America and the Caribbean.” US-China Economic and Security Review Commission: 28.
- 8.
The Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR), the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (OTCA), UNASUR, ALBA, and the Pacific Alliance (formed by Mexico, Colombia, Peru, and Chile) risk becoming “zombie institutions.” Banerjee, R. and Hofmann, B., 2018. The rise of zombie firms: causes and consequences, BIS Quarterly Review.
- 9.
The last CELAC Summit took place in January 2017, in the Dominican Republic. Bolivia would take the pro tempore Presidency in 2019.
- 10.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China, available at https://bit.ly/38Qlauf (accessed 8 September 2021).
- 11.
Interview conceded to the authors in Beijing, on July 23, 2018.
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Funding
Funding from the Brazilian National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (Grant number 309208/2017-3), from the Scientific Research Fund of Renmin University of China (The Fundamental Research Fund for China’s Central Universities, Grant number 14XNJ005), as well as from the Confucius Institute Headquarters (China Studies Program-Understanding China Fellow) helped to research this article. The authors wish to thank Aline Gazola Hellmann, Zhang Zheng, Beatriz Vieira Rauber, Victoria Ellwanger Pires, Victor Hugo Dresch da Silva, and Francisco Fabris for their assistance. In addition to the editorial team and the anonymous reviewers, we wish to thank Lucas Paes Oliveira, Javier Vadell, and Enrique Dussel for their comments on an earlier draft of this text.
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Shoujun, C., Cepik, M. (2023). China’s Foreign Policy Toward Latin America: Context, Decision, Implementation. In: Schneider, A., Teixeira, A.G. (eds) China, Latin America, and the Global Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-18026-2_5
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