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Responding to Racial Injustice: Insurrection and Social Justice Pragmatism in Ida B. Wells-Barnett and Richard Rorty

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Insurrectionist Ethics

Part of the book series: African American Philosophy and the African Diaspora ((AAPAD))

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Abstract

This chapter extends Leonard Harris’s insurrectionist challenge beyond formal criteria and a preoccupation with normative grounds by highlighting the insights of Ida B. Wells-Barnett and Richard Rorty for practicing philosophy in the service of social justice. These two very different thinkers offer a model of intellectual agency oriented to fostering a moral commitment to the reduction of suffering through the generation of collective action. Their insights come together in recognizing that the motivation to commit insurrectionist acts or engage in advocacy of just causes is a function of the strength of our ties to concrete others and that counteracting dehumanization requires cultivating positive sympathies. Rather than compromising normativity, their accounts rely on an alternative understanding of it as situated within communal, affectual relations to others, instead of decontextualized justification or warrant of concepts. This alternative view prioritizes the motivational over the conceptual side of Harris’s insurrectionism, foregrounding the imagination and building resistance struggles. Moving beyond the framing of insurrectionism and pragmatism as an either/or, I argue that responding to the range of racial injustice, from historical legacies and institutional racism to implicit biases and microaggressions, demands a multidimensional strategy like Wells-Barnett’s, which included appeals to economic self-interest, to affect, and, ultimately, to armed militancy, if needed.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Medina similarly insists that pragmatism “must create conceptual and motivational space for insurrection” (2017, 203).

  2. 2.

    On the limits of insurrectionism, along with suggestions for augmenting it, see Dotson (2013), Kaag (2013), Koopman (2017), Medina (2017), and Taylor (2017).

  3. 3.

    While beyond the scope of the present essay, Carter’s (2013) argument for a distinctly feminist insurrectionist ethics no doubt is important as well.

  4. 4.

    Interestingly, McBride notes in passing that “Harrisian philosophy” is “like (Richard) Rorty without the bourgeois American exceptionalism” (2020, 10n10). See Voparil (2020, 2014) for a full picture of Rorty’s ethical-political resources.

  5. 5.

    See, for example, “Justice as a Larger Loyalty,” in Rorty (2007).

  6. 6.

    See Voparil (2014).

  7. 7.

    See Voparil (2011).

  8. 8.

    See, for example, Medina (2017, 211). Medina’s take on Rorty’s position on solidarity, like many, is a caricature.

  9. 9.

    Curry (2012) makes a compelling case for the influence of T. Thomas Fortune’s agitationist philosophy on Wells-Barnett and for her commitment to the radical agenda of the Afro-American League, especially with regard to the economic dimensions of white opposition to Black progress that spur lynching. This is an important corrective that gives us a fuller, more accurate picture of both the historical genealogy and the critical content of her ideas. In places, Curry may risk reducing Wells-Barnett to Fortune’s ideas. As I argue here, there are other dimensions of her project that fall outside Fortune’s agitationist thought, even if his ideas are the best frame for interpreting her antilynching interventions. In suggesting Wells-Barnett might be read as an insurrectionist pragmatist, I follow Joy James in interpreting Wells-Barnett as “merg[ing] Black feminism and Black nationalism” (qtd. in Bogues 2003, 67), such that Fortune’s agitationist philosophy is augmented by the particular concerns of Black women. See also Aptheker (1982), who suggests that “the antilynching crusade of Black women was also a movement—a Black women’s movement—against rape,” that used the resources, ideas, and paradigms available to Black women at the time (54). Similarly, Carter reads Maria Stewart as practicing a distinctly feminist insurrectionist ethics (2013, 55).

  10. 10.

    These dimensions are present, either implicitly or explicitly, in Medina’s rich and nuanced account. My aim here is merely to capture these dimensions in a different way without having to stretch the epistemic label so far that it is no longer practically helpful. See also Dotson’s (2013) call for greater attention to epistemic conditions.

  11. 11.

    Ramberg has characterized such philosophical approaches more broadly as reducing humans to “subservient responders” to the nature of things (2008, 444).

  12. 12.

    Harris’s exemplars of an insurrectionist morality, including David Walker, Maria Stewart, Henry David Thoreau, and Lydia Child, with the exception Walker’s “a secular and theological basis for insurrection,” find their motivations for support of insurrection elsewhere than in their philosophical commitments. See Harris (2020, chaps. 10–11).

  13. 13.

    Harris likewise recognizes the need for creating a personal sense of stability given constantly changing, radically shifting, and incongruous conditions” (2020, 202).

  14. 14.

    See Locke (1989) and Harris (2020, chap. 11). On Locke’s notion of imperatives, see Gbadegesin (1999).

  15. 15.

    As Curry (2012) establishes, this is one of T. Thomas Fortune’s key insights.

  16. 16.

    See, especially, Aptheker (1982), Bogues (2003), Collins (2002), and Curry (2012).

  17. 17.

    As she puts it, “The appeal to the white man’s pocket has ever been more effective than all the appeals ever made to his conscience” (2002, 51).

  18. 18.

    For an in-depth discussion of Rortyan normativity, see Calcaterra (2019).

  19. 19.

    For some of Harris’s remarks on Rorty, see Harris (2020, chap. 15; 1994).

  20. 20.

    See Rorty, “Feminism and Pragmatism” (in 1998), and Voparil (2013).

  21. 21.

    For Harris’s critique of Dewey’s appeals to intelligence, see, e.g., (2020, 183, 202).

  22. 22.

    See also Rorty (1987).

  23. 23.

    Calcaterra, likewise, holds that on Rorty’s picture of normativity, “any interpersonal and intercultural relationship is not only ‘sentimental’ but also contains an interpretative process of the reasons of others” (2019, 97).

  24. 24.

    Similarly, Medina argues that repairing the refusal to come to terms with a violent and unjust past demands “developing an adequate sensibility for American racial injustices” through “a long and difficult process of rethinking values, ideals, institutional arrangements, and practices” (2017, 200).

  25. 25.

    Here Rorty’s insistence on the importance of unwarranted assertions, combined with Llanera’s insights about fundamental conversions of belief through “redemptive relationships,” suggest a program for attaining the transformation Harris’s “wakefulness” invokes. See also Turner (2012).

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Voparil, C. (2023). Responding to Racial Injustice: Insurrection and Social Justice Pragmatism in Ida B. Wells-Barnett and Richard Rorty. In: Carter, J.A., Scriven, D. (eds) Insurrectionist Ethics. African American Philosophy and the African Diaspora. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16741-6_10

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