Keywords

6.1 Introduction

Guided by Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) 1, 6 and 13, which were part of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development that was adopted by UN member states in 2015 (Nerini et al. 2019), in this chapter we assess the impact of climatic stressors on water security in the mountain city of Phuthaditjhaba. SDG 1 aims to reduce poverty, SDG 6 aims to promote access to water and sanitation, and SDG 13 aims to strengthen the resilience and adaptive capacity of communities to climate-related and natural hazards and their associated disasters. The main objective of SDG 1 is to eradicate extreme poverty for all people everywhere in the world by 2030 (United Nations 2015). People are considered to be poor if they are living on less than $1.25 a day (United Nations 2015), but this threshold is contested, with critics claiming that an average of $5 is a more realistic figure, especially in rich countries (Edward 2006; Hickel 2017; Reddy and Lahoti 2015). Among other objectives, the aim of SDG 6 is to achieve universal and equitable access to safe and affordable drinking water for all by 2030 and ensure access to adequate and equitable sanitation and hygiene for all. Similarly, one of the targets of SDG 13 is to strengthen resilience and adaptive capacity to climate-related and natural hazards and associated disasters in all countries. The three SDGs have been shown to be interrelated, since climate change affects the achievability of goals relating to material and physical well-being, including poverty eradication and water availability (Nerini et al. 2019).

Hoekstra, Buurman and Ginkel (2018) maintain that water security focuses on four elements. The first is welfare and relates to the use of water in a manner that increases economic welfare. The second element of water security is the enhancement of social equity. The third element is the attainment of long-term sustainability in water resource availability and the fourth element relates to the reduction of water-related risks. These elements are closely linked to the three aforementioned SDGs. In this chapter we examine the labyrinth of challenges that communities in Phuthaditjhaba navigate in their attempt to attain water security while confronted with poverty and threats from climate-change related hazards, and drought in particular. Attaining sustainable urban water management under such circumstances is a huge challenge. Under normal circumstances Sustainable Urban Water Management (SUWM) can reduce water insecurity. SUWM is an approach that deals with the root causes of water insecurity, for instance through the integration of spatial planning with climate change adaptation and urban water management (Hurlimann and Wilson 2018). Spatial planning involves careful allocation of land uses within an urban area. In South Africa, every local municipality is required to draw up a Spatial Development Framework, which it uses as a guide to allocate land uses to specific locations or land use zones. Spatial planning often incorporates Urban Ecological Infrastructure (UEI) into the urban design. UEI comprises three elements, namely “green”, “blue” and “grey” infrastructure. Green infrastructure consists of forests, woodlands, farmlands, urban parks, and other natural or artificial green spaces (Li et al. 2017). On the other hand, blue infrastructure includes ponds, streams, lakes, wetlands, and other wet areas with flowing or fluctuating water, while grey infrastructure refers to the presence of conditions characterized by permeable surfaces that regulate the flow of water, nutrients, and air as they pass through the urban environment or control their storage or filtration during the process (Li et al. 2017). If carefully incorporated in spatial plans UEI can promote water seepage, storage, and purification as it passes through the urban environment. In SUWM, the way water resources are allocated, used and managed should be considered alongside prevailing environmental conditions, including the physical conditions of the environment such as local landscapes and climate. A critical question that needs to be answered about water security relates to the water related risks, confronting marginalized people in urban communities.

Water related risks vary considerably and include those related to its abundance or shortage in the environment and those related to its quality. For instance, when water is in abundance within the environment it can lead to loss of life through flooding and the contamination of potable water resources. On the other hand, when water shortages occur, people rely on poor quality resources, which exposes them to health hazards such as waterborne diseases. In addressing this question, we analysed trends for the Standardized Precipitation Index (SPI) values for the period between 1960 and 2019 to determine how these trends have influenced spatiotemporal changes of water reservoirs that supply water to Phuthaditjhaba, namely the Fika Patso and Metsimatsho dams. As shown in the scope of this chapter, we confined our assessment to precipitation and maximum temperature data to determine patterns of urban drought frequency.

In Phuthaditjhaba, urban droughts are increasingly becoming an issue of concern for both the residents and water resource planners and managers. We also undertook the content analysis of government reports to determine the nature of water related risks that the residents of Phuthaditjhaba face due to urban drought. Drought is a condition that occurs when less than normal precipitation falls for an extended period of time and the lack of precipitation has reached a point of threatening water supply (Mukhawana et al. ND; Mukwada et al. 2020). Recently, a water pipeline was built between Phuthaditjhaba and the Sterkfontein Dam, which stores water from the Tugela-Vaal Water Transfer Scheme, to augment the city’s water supply. Currently, The Phuthaditjhaba-Sterkfontein pipeline is supplying 6 mega litres to QwaQwa per day, but there are plans to increase the supply to 20 mega litres per day. This strategic development was undertaken following the realization that the local environment is becoming prone to drought and the traditional sources of water, namely the Fika Patso and the Metsimatsho dams no longer have the capacity to meet the city’s water requirements.

In the Orange River Basin, where Phuthaditjhaba is situated, populations have become urbanized and the basin now experiences many challenges (Earle et al. 2005). The remaining part of this paper comprises four sections. In Sect. 6.2 we first describe the circumstances under which extreme events associated with climate change impact access to potable water in urban environments, drawing examples from different parts of the world. In Sect. 6.3 we present the methodology of the study, as well as the description of the study area. The last two sections (Sects. 6.4 and 6.5) comprise the discussion and the concluding section of the paper.

6.2 Background: Relationship Between Climate Change and Water Supply in Urban Environments

6.2.1 Urban Drought and Water Availability

The IPCC notes that globally climate change has already begun to alter water accessibility (IPCC 2012). Considering that more that 50% of the world’s population live in urban areas, alongside the fact that cities contribute 70% of global economic output, the impact of climate change on water supply in urban areas is an issue of critical concern, especially where climate change affects local water availability (Jaramillo and Nazemi 2018; Sachs et al. 2019). Impacts of climate change “are predicted to undermine the ability of many existing urban water supply systems to meet both the future and present needs of the populations they serve” (Hurlimann and Wilson 2018: 1). Consequently, many urban areas are expected to face critical water shortages in the future. Population growth and proliferation of socio-economic activities have continuously heightened both water demands and vulnerability to droughts and floods in urban areas (Jaramillo and Nazemi 2018; Zubaidi et al. 2020). For instance, in South East Asia, increasing urbanization, population growth, changing lifestyles, and climate change are increasingly becoming a threat to water security (Bajracharya et al. 2019; Rickert et al. 2019). Over the past decades, major cities in this region, especially in India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan and other countries have been faced with water scarcity, with millions of people receiving only intermittent water supplies or bracing long queues for drinking water (Bajracharya et al. 2019).

Similar challenges have been reported in other parts of Asia (Liu and Jensen 2018; Gao et al. 2019; Dong et al. 2020), as well as across North America (Sullivan et al. 2017; Jaramillo and Nazemi 2018; Igondou 2020), Europe (Hoekstra, Buurman and Ginkel 2018; Özerol et al. 2020), parts of Australasia (Hurlimann and Wilson 2018; Liu and Jensen 2018), Africa (Fisher-Jeffes et al. 2017; Luker and Harris 2019; Rickert et al. 2019; Zubaidi et al. 2020) and other parts of the world. In many parts of the world climate change has been the major cause of urban drought and water insecurity. For instance, in North America, climate change is critically impacting the lives of New Mexicans through decreased water supply, with serious implications for both the society and ecosystems in New Mexico, where the population depends on a reliable, clean supply of drinking water to sustain their health, and for livelihood through agriculture, energy production, recreation, and manufacturing (Igondou 2020).

Cities are highly vulnerable to climate change (Sachs et al. 2019). Indirectly, urban drought related water shortages pose health implications. For instance, in South Africa a severe drought in 2016 left many urban parts of the country with limited access to water (Fisher-Jeffs et al. 2017). Most literature indicates that climate change is expected to alter the frequency and severity of extreme weather events such as drought and floods, with possible consequences for the safety of drinking water supplies (Rickert et al. 2019). In concluding this section, we refer to the case of Lilongwe in Malawi, where water insecurity has recently been reported. In 2008, Lilongwe had a population of about 700 000, which is projected to grow at the rate of about 4% to over 3 million people by 2030 (Adams 2018). Due to this rapid population growth, water supply has been unable to keep up with demand, forcing the majority of the poorer urban dwellers to rely on water from polluted sources such as urban rivers, which are reported to be laden with pollution from nutrients and other effluents, especially during the rainy season (Hranova et al. 2006). In Lilongwe, the majority of households in informal settlements depend on water kiosks, special concrete booths that were built in the 1980s to water supply in these impoverished areas (Adams 2018). Other sources of water for the poor majority of the residents include boreholes. As expected in most informal settlements throughout Sub-Saharan Africa, the crisis of water insecurity in Lilongwe’s informal settlements is expected to deepen as a result of climate change.

6.2.2 Urban Water Quality

The extreme events resulting from climate change do not only affect water availability, but the quality of the water available. Excessive precipitation can lead to flooding and promote the proliferation of pathogenic microorganisms in water sources such as cyanobacteria, resulting in gastrointestinal illnesses among people who depend on water from such sources (Fouladkhah et al. 2019). Cyanobacterial blooms and the proliferation of enteric pathogens cause diarrheal diseases in urban populations that rely on unprotected water sources. Conversely, climate change induces drought and forces urban communities to rely on poor quality water resources. Fouladkhah et al. (2019) mention that reduced river discharges, flushing rates and increased eutrophication resulting from nutrient loading in water sources enhance the proliferation of diarrheal diseases. The shortage of water that often occurs during drought forces some urban communities to rely on untreated or unprotected water sources, rendering them vulnerable to waterborne diseases. The increase in temperature arising from climate change acts as a stimulus to the proliferation of bacteria in exposed water sources. Climate change has a direct effect on water resource availability as well.

6.2.3 Urban Drought and Water Security

Climate change induced warming is a threat to water resource availability. Increasingly extreme and unpredictable precipitation has impacts not only on surface water availability, but also on ground water recharge and water quality.

The attainment of urban water security is essential for developing resilient environments in smart cities, particularly now when cities are under the onslaught of climate change and socio-economic challenges such as rapid population growth, unemployment and worsening poverty (Zubaidi et al. 2020). In short, smart cities are sustainable cities. Climate change hazards can indirectly undermine water security in many ways. For instance, floods can increase costs of water treatment or waste-water treatment (Muller 2007) or disrupt or even damage water supply infrastructure (Hunt and Watkiss 2011), while both drought and floods can increase demand for water (Charlton and Arnell 2011).

Whereas water insecurity is expected to worsen in urban environments, there is no agreement about how to address its challenges. Some researchers suggest storm water harvesting to augment dwindling water supplies (Fisher-Jeffes et al. 2017), while others suggest solutions that are based on spatial planning (for instance, Hurlimann and Wilson 2018; van Biljon 2022, this volume). Within the context of water insecurity, spatial planning approaches put into consideration “activities of economic and service sectors (such as housing, energy, economic development, transport, water, waste, social welfare and health) that have spatial or land use consequences in their wider social and environmental context” (Wilson and Piper 2010: 10). In such approaches, spatial planning is integrated with climate change adaptation and urban water management, best illustrated in urban planning in the UK, USA and Australia (Hurlimann and Wilson 2018). While these authors acknowledge the importance of managing urban landscapes and public areas, and control of stormwater, they argue that SUWM can best be achieved through careful management of water resources across sectors in a comprehensive and integrated manner. In this context, urban planning is viewed as a process that is integrated with the protection, conservation, and management of the whole urban water cycle, since water resources and infrastructures serve multiple purposes and functions, including the provision of ecosystem services (Özerol et al. 2020). This therefore calls for “a comprehensive evaluation framework that can assess a wide range of water supply and demand management policy options in terms of economic, social, environmental, risk-based, and functional performance is crucial to ascertain their level of sustainability” (Rathnayaka et al. 2016: 1).

Integrated approaches require the adoption of a holistic management of the city, involving the whole city” planning approach, timely response to climate hazard events (such as floods and drought), all key actors from diverse professional, disciplinary and cultural backgrounds at different temporal and spatial scales. Consequently, approaches to water resource sustainability have not just aimed to provide an overarching understanding of an entire water governance system, but also to include “natural science, engineering, and social science perspectives, capable of informing change and innovation” (Sullivan et al. 2017: 3), and where applicable they use artificial intelligence technologies in decision-making (Vinuesa et al. 2020).

Apart from providing spatial amenities, urban landscapes “have ecological functions that facilitate hydrological processes such as evaporation, transpiration, infiltration and detention” (Liu and Jensen 2018: 127). However, Özerol et al. (2020: 2) cited five conditions that relatively small cities usually experience, which large cities rarely experience, which tend to undermine climate resilience. These include the following:

  • “A lack of expertise in dealing with climate challenges in an integrated manner,

  • Insufficient human resources to develop and implement a comprehensive climate change adaptation strategy,

  • Low budget and few opportunities to make large investments for climate change adaptation and mitigation,

  • Limited benefit from climate-related research programs and funding, and

  • Less autonomy due to dependency on or limitations by upper governance levels.”

This suggests that SUWM is a complicated process requiring synchronization of environmental, economic, social and political, as well as historical information. As noted by Jaramillo and Nazemi (2018), addressing water security in urban landscapes is a process that is inherently complex. A key aspect characterizing literature on urban water supply is a shift from past notions which were centred on augmenting supply by expanding existing infrastructure to a stance emphasizing the importance of diversification of water sources and approaches (Luker and Harris 2019). However, in this characterization it may not be possible to distinguish the role that different factors play in determining level of water security. For instance, as noted by Rasifaghihi et al. (2020) it is far from straightforward to distinguish the influence of the climatic factors from that of the socio-economic factors. Accordingly, there are five different categories of criteria for assessing urban water security, namely economic, environmental, social, risk-based and functional criteria. Economic criteria embrace the cost of capital, maintenance, and operational costs of water supply. Environmental criteria relate to impacts on “ecosystems (which) can (include) ecosystem, land ecosystem, or atmospheric ecosystem”, while social criteria include social sustainability, human health and sanitation, and risk-based criteria to assess the ability of water supply sources to withstand climate change induced trends, such as long droughts and higher number of peak runoff days and short term climate perturbations, as opposed to functional criteria which deal with “technical feasibility as a criterion to assess water supply augmentation projects to ensure their long-term functionality” (Rathnayaka et al. 2016: 9–10).

In this chapter, therefore, in line with Rasifaghihi et al. (2020) suggestion we examine this complex process by assessing the environmental, economic, social, political and historical contexts of the city of Phuthaditjhaba in relation to the water insecurity conundrum the city is facing. We acknowledge that there are many factors that contribute to water scarcity in Phuthaditjhaba, though we primarily focus on climate change and its effects on urban drought, whose frequency and severity has increased alongside other extreme hydrological events that are becoming more prevalent as a result of climate change (Dong et al. 2020).

6.3 Study Area

Figure 6.1 shows the area where the study was undertaken, including the location of Phuthaditjhaba Urban and Phuthaditjhaba Rural and the reservoirs from which its water supplies are drawn. Phuthaditjhaba, referring to “a place where tribes meet” is located in the Maluti-a-Phofung Local Municipality (MaP). It is the main settlement in QwaQwa, formerly known as Witsieshoek, which was established as a homeland of the Sotho speaking people by the apartheid government in 1969. Phuthaditjhaba is the business hub of QwaQwa, the poorest part of the Free State Province (Mensah and Benedict 2010) and Setsing is its Central Business District. Approximately located at 28.5106 S, 28.8264 E, Phuthaditjhaba Urban (Fig. 6.1) is about 23.83 km2 in areal extent and comprises around 17 529 households (StatsSA, 2011). In 1996 its population was about 40 159 (StatsSA, 1996), compared to 54 661 in 2011 (StatsSA, 2011). The average population density is approximately 2294 people per km2, making Phuthaditjhaba (Urban) one of the most densely populated areas in the country. Without bottlenecks imposed by drought and administrative inefficiencies, 79.6% of Phuthaditjhaba (Urban) would have access to piped water in their own dwellings (StatsSA, 2011). With an unemployment rate of 41.8% and youth unemployment of 53% (StatsSA, 2011), poverty levels are high (Mensah and Benedict 2010). Maluti-a-Phofung Water, a government parastatal, is the main bulk water supplier in the city.

Fig. 6.1
figure 1

Phuthaditjhaba and its surrounding catchments, including the Fika Patso and Metsimatsho reservoirs from which water is sourced. The main land use within the catchments is conservation, but extensive free-range grazing is prevalent

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Phuthaditjhaba’s main sources of water supply include the Fika Patso and Metsimatsho dams (Fig. 6.1). When they were constructed, the Fika Patso and Metsimatsho dams could contain 28 000 and 4 500 mega litres, respectively (DWAF 2007). Fika Patso Dam was built on the Elands River (also known as Namahadi River), a tributary of the Vaal River, while the Metsimatsho Dam was built on Metsimatsho River. Both dams are situated in Catchment C81F, which is part of the Witsiehoek Community Conservation Area (WCCA). The WCCA is part of the Drakensberg Transfrontier Conservation Area, which was set up with the objective of promoting watershed management. The Namahadi and Metsimatsho catchments are sub-catchments of the C81F Catchment and they are approximately 650 km2 and 146 km2 in size, respectively (DWAF 2007), hence they are relatively small catchments.

6.3.1 Data Sources

Using World Meteorological Organization—Time Series (4.04) climate data for Phuthaditjhaba we analysed precipitation and temperature trends for the period between 1960 and 2019. The data used was for the January–March months. The resolution of the data was 0.5° × 0.5°. Trends in SPIs were analysed for the precipitation data to determine if the climate of the area is changing, as well as if this change has any effect on water supply in the area. Streamflow data was sourced from the National Integrated Water Information Systems (NIWIS) (http://www.dwa.gov.za/niwis2/ClimateChange) to determine if river discharge in C81F is changing. SPI values were calculated using the Drought Index Calculator (DrinC), an online calculator. The trend analysis was also meant to determine if the capacity of water supply of the two major reservoirs that supply water to the city is being influenced by climate change. McKee et al. (1993) SPI classification was adopted. It consists of seven classes, including near normal (−0.99 to 0.99), moderately wet (1.0 to 1.49), severely wet (1.50 to 1.99), extremely wet (≥2.0), moderately dry (−1.49 to −1.0), severely dry (−1.99 to −1.50) and extremely dry (≤−2.0) categories.

Landsat images from the USGS Earth Explorer website (https://earthexplorer.usgs.gov/) were used to assess spatiotemporal changes of the two water bodies over the study period. To achieve this goal we built Bands 5, 6 and 4 composites from the Landsat images to determine how these water bodies have been changing over time during this period. This process was undertaken in an ArcGIS 10.2 environment. Bands 5, 6 and 4 are ideal for detecting water and land changes in the environment. Additional information was acquired from online government reports and newspapers, as well as personal observations.

6.4 Results

As shown in Fig. 6.2, there is evidence that the climate of Phuthaditjhaba is changing. The trend of maximum temperature reflects a continual increase. Both linear regression analysis and the Mann-Kendal test indicate a statistically significant trend of temperature increase between 1960 and 2019.

Fig. 6.2
figure 2

The changing climate of Phuthaditjhaba. Note the prevalence of below average SPI values in the latter part of the time series. The precipitation data used was for the JFM months

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High temperatures have been associated with drought recurrence, with the most conspicuous being the 2015/16 drought. The 2015/16 drought can be classified as an extremely severe drought according to McKee et al. (1993) classification. Altogether, there has been three severe droughts since 2014. Since 2002, there has been only four years in which above average rainfall was received in the area (Fig. 6.2). The continual upsurge of maximum temperature and drought recurrence have contributed to the depletion of streamflow in the C81F catchment, and subsequently to the decline of water supply in Phuthaditjhaba. The impacts of these increases are noticeable in the decline of the capacity of the Fika Patso and Metsimatsho reservoirs to supply water to Phuthaditjhaba. This dwindling of capacity is clearly illustrated by the shrinking of the surface area of these reservoirs, as shown in Fig. 6.3.

Fig. 6.3
figure 3

Band 3 of 2005 Landsat image and Band 4 of 2016 Landsat image showing changes in areal extent of Metsimatsho and Fika Patso dams between 2005 and 2016. The effect of drought is clear on the image on the right (Data sourced from United States Geological Survey Earth Explorer website, https://earthexplorer.usgs.gov/)

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As illustrated in Fig. 6.3, the areas of the two lakes in 2016 are less than they were in 2005. Due to this shrinking, in Phuthaditjhaba shortage of water is likely to continue into the foreseeable future and worsen water insecurity in the city. Decline in streamflow is confirmed by data from the NIWIS which shows that within the Namahadi River Catchment (C81F), mean annual stream discharge has been projected to decrease by 39%, from the average of 54.0 m3/s for the 1975–2006 period to 32.8 m3/s for the 2016–2045 period, as a result of climate change (http://www.dwa.gov.za/niwis2/ClimateChange). This might be explained in terms of Elevation Dependent Warming (EDW), referring to the amplification of warming with elevation (Rangwala and Miller 2012; Pepin et al. 2015). EDW is a phenomenon that has gained currency in climate change science in recent years. Warming enhances evapotranspiration and reduces streamflow discharge. However, in the discussion section of this chapter we argue that climate change is only exacerbating the outcome of human frailties arising from historical legacy, a situation that has contributed to marginalization, alongside poor planning by current local government and poverty, a cocktail of factors contributing to ecological degradation within the local environment. In the next section of this chapter we explain the current dire situation in terms of culpabilities of those responsible for water insecurity in Phuthaditjhaba and the implications of these culpabilities for the vulnerable.

6.5 Discussion

6.5.1 Culpabilities and Vulnerabilities

The 2011 census results indicate that though 90% of Phuthaditjhaba’s urban population has access to potable water, only 55% of the residents have access to reliable water supply (StatsSA, 2011). Based on reports on water shortages in Phuthaditjhaba and other secondary sources, we argue that, without government support the livelihoods of the poor majority in Phuthaditjhaba will remain bleak due to dwindling water resources, making it difficult to realize SDG 6. There are similarities between the challenges posed by water insecurity in Lilongwe and Phuthaditjhaba. In both people rely on unprotected sources of water. In both, residents rely on water supply augmentation, in the form of water delivery services and community reservoir tanks. Apart from population size, the only major difference is that in Lilongwe poor residents rely on water kiosks, while in Phuthaditjhaba they rely on water vendors and supply from government funded water delivery tankers. The capacity of the city to meet the requirements of SDG 6 is under threat from the influence of climate change, especially persistent drought. However, as noted below, there are a number of historical and governance issues that also undermine water security in Phuthaditjhaba.

Historical context

Phuthaditjhaba is located in an area that was reserved for the Basotho people during the apartheid era. The Basotho are the indigenous people who inhabit the eastern part of the Free State Province of South Africa. While apartheid as a national policy has ended, its undoing is not a matter of turning back the clock, hence its legacy will continue to be felt for a long time to come, until a national solution to marginalization is found. The promulgation of the Group Areas Act of 1950 marginalized the Basotho by confining them to QwaQwa, where their livelihoods depend on steeply inclined land characterized by thin stony soils which are hardly suitable for settlement, let alone crop husbandry. QwaQwa, like all other homelands, was established during the apartheid period in order to limit the livelihoods of indigenous people and make them completely dependent on neighbouring farms, factories and mines, to whom their labour was rendered cheaply. In the case of Phuthaditjhaba, the major meaningful means of livelihood for the local populace turned out to be livestock holding, which has proved to be disastrous to the local environment. A cocktail of high stocking rates, ruggedness and steep inclination of the local terrain, sedimentation and proliferation of invasive alien plant species are a recipe for the land degradation that has negatively affected water yields from the catchments. Due to geographic confinement and limited livelihood opportunities, the local communities have had little choice but to increase their herds, which continued to grow with the bourgeoning human population. Erosion and sedimentation have been reported along the shores of both the Fika Patso and Metsimatsho dams (DWAF 2007), while widespread invasion by alien species has been widely reported in the area, including the proliferation of Acacia mearnsii (black wattle) along the shores of these reservoirs (Mucina and Rutherford 2006). Acacia mearnsii, a species of Australian origins, has a high affinity for water and a tendency of promoting water depletion at invaded sites. Though some species were imported to provide woodlots for firewood or building material, as they grow faster than indigenous trees, most alien species were introduced by the British colonists who saw their propagation as a betterment of the environment and a way of recreating conditions that were similar to those found in their home country (Aitken et al. 2009). Hence, some problems related to water insecurity in Phuthaditjhaba are inherited from the past. However, it is worth noting that climate change is extending the altitudinal ranges and expanding the geographic distribution of these species. Some environmental challenges that result from overgrazing are interlinked and tend to reinforce each other. For example, overgrazing leads to erosion and the eroded sites become susceptible to invasion by alien species, which in turn cause environmental desiccation and make it prone to fire hazards, thus making the environment even more susceptible to erosion. The cumulative effect of both historical and current anthropogenic environmental pressures is therefore contributing to the water crisis in Phuthaditjhaba. Unfortunately, lack of alternative means of livelihood is a historical legacy that will not be addressed easily.

Poor governance, bureaucracy, and maladministration

While government is aware of the likelihood of worser future shortages in Phuthaditjhaba it has taken a long time for authorities to plan for alternative sources of water. Between 2015 and 2018, R48 million of the R1.5 billion that was allocated for the Maluti-a-Phofung Local Municipality as a whole had been spend on water supply augmentation and only 12% of the intended progress had been achieved (Department of Water and Sanitation Affairs 2016). The Department of Water and Sanitation has unveiled plans to provide R650 million through the Regional Bulk Infrastructure Grant (RBIG) for a water supply scheme that will improve water supply to the city (Department of Water and Sanitation 2018). New water infrastructural systems need to be built while older ones have to be replaced because they are ageing and insufficient to cater for the growing population. A 2020 reportage from the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) indicates that the South African government acknowledges QwaQwa’s reliance on ageing and unmaintained infrastructure, including pipelines that had not been maintained since the 1990s (SABC 2020). At local municipal level, poor governance and maladministration have led to bankruptcy and created a string of culpabilities that have weakened government’s role in promoting water security, thus creating conditions that have weakened social security and rendered safety networks ineffective, thereby making the poor more vulnerable. Without sufficient resources the local municipality’s capacity to render social support to the poor is limited. The fact that MaP municipality itself is currently under administration is testimony for poor governance. The vulnerability of the poor has been heightened by inadequate access to water at a time when the world is grappling with the COVID-19 pandemic. The COVID-19 crisis requires a continuous and stable supply of clean water to maintain high levels of hygiene and sanitation, a feat that poor households cannot afford. The poor lack the financial means to buy water from vendors. In Phuthaditjhaba, many poor households rely on unprotected water sources. Newspaper reports of violence erupting following the drowning of a child while searching for water (for instance, Eye Witness News 2020; Sowetan 2020), triggered riotous demonstrations against poor service delivery. This tragedy illustrated the extent to which the poor are vulnerable, though in a way these reports also serve as a reminder to demonstrate that water may be available in certain locations within the local environment, but it is the ingenuity to manage it that is lacking. However, shortage of potable water has recently reached a crisis in the city, especially since the 2015 drought. Government (municipal) funded water delivery services, involving the delivery of water supply tanks to communities in Phuthaditjhaba, have proved to be insufficient, forcing residents to depend on water vendors to whom they have been subjected for exploitation. While the more affluent members of the Phuthaditjhaba society can afford to rely on water purchased from water vendors or safe bottled water from supermarkets, the poor have limited access to such ‘luxuries’. Local water resource planners could start considering the development of alternative water sources, including increasing the pumping of groundwater. Bureaucratic hurdles are most evident in delayed execution on water projects. For instance, the newly proposed RBIG funded infrastructural project is only being introduced, long after the water crisis has started.

6.5.2 Navigating the Current Water Crisis

As mentioned above, there is a need to develop a comprehensive evaluation framework for assessing a wider range of water supply and demand management issues and policies, in order to attain water security in Phuthaditjhaba and address SDG 6. This framework must take into account the prevailing and historical, economic, social and environmental factors into consideration (Rathnayaka et al. 2016: 1). Hence, there are goals that ought to be met simultaneously, in order to address these factors. Accordingly, while we do not advocate a prescriptive approach in achieving this SDG, we highlight some goals that must be met first in order to promote sustainability and water security in Phuthaditjhaba, including ecological, social and economic goals.

Ecological goals

In the short-term, alternative sources of water supply for Phuthaditjhaba need to be identified. Apart from pumping water from the Sterkfontein Dam, groundwater exploration should be considered in order to identify locations where safe groundwater resources are available. Where safe groundwater resources are available, boreholes and protected wells can be sunk, and the water can be pumped using hand operated technologies which can easily be maintained and managed locally.

The shale gas and oil explorations that are likely to be undertaken in the Eastern Free State Region (SLR 2020) will not contribute positively to water security in Phuthaditjhaba. Hydraulic fracking will lead to groundwater contamination and worsen water-related risks because of its negative effect on water quality. These explorations are meant to enhance energy security in South Africa. The explorations will be conducted in the greater part of the eastern Free State Region, including areas around the Sterkfontein Dam. Since it is planned that the dam will become the major source of water in Phuthaditjhaba, hydraulic fracking risks polluting an important source of water supply in the region. Hence, the currently ongoing shale gas and oil exploration project serves as testimony clearly showing that water security and energy security goals are at loggerheads, since they are totally incompatible. This could be an example of inconsistencies in government policy.

A much longer-term ecological goal should focus on the alleviation of environmental pressure in Phuthaditjhaba and its surroundings by redressing the limits imposed by confinement and marginalization, which can be achieved by promoting better access to land. Shortage of land imposes limits to the incorporation of UEI in urban planning. Space is not available for the enhancement of this type of infrastructure. Overcrowding and shortage of land also limit the diversification of livelihood strategies, including urban agriculture. The current ongoing government sponsored land reform programme could provide impetus and serve as a mechanism for addressing this goal. In short, through land reform, some land can be redistributed within the vicinity of Phuthaditjhaba in order to decongest the city. Alternative land that is suitable for grazing can be established to serve as an ecological safety valve and provide the means for transferring herders from the ecologically sensitive rugged and steeply inclined conservation and water catchment zones to flatter ecologically less sensitive lower lying areas. This goal can only be achieved through carefully planned land reform. Herds can easily be monitored and controlled in the newly established grazing zones, and overgrazing prevented through carefully planned rotational grazing schemes. Reduced environmental degradation in the catchments will curb surface runoff, erosion and sedimentation and promote infiltration, percolation and groundwater recharge, which will in turn sustain the effluence needed to maintain future water supply from the Fika Patso and Metsimatsho dams.

Social equity

As noted above, finding solutions to problems of marginalization and overcrowding could provide alternative livelihood options for the residents of Phuthaditjhaba. As explained below, the promotion of social equity and social justice is the gateway to economic opportunities and poverty reduction. Thus, the improvement of the material conditions of the poor in line with SDG 1, by according them alternative sources of livelihood, will indirectly lead to equitable access to clean water resources.

Economic opportunities and poverty reduction

As earlier stated, Phuthaditjhaba is characterized by high levels of unemployment and poverty. One possible way of tackling these problems is to promote water security in a manner that contributes to job creation and enhances household incomes. If properly planned, both the introduction of new infrastructure and the replacement of old infrastructure can serve as a source of employment. Huge losses of water are incurred due to bursting pipes and leakages. Residents could be hired to monitor, repair, maintain and replace the decaying infrastructure or to install and maintain new infrastructure, including boreholes. Opportunities of water harvesting technologies should be explored to identify ways of collecting water during rainstorms. Locally developed technologies for stormwater harvesting can be a source of employment and livelihood improvement. Similarly, reliance on hand pumping technologies for groundwater exploitation can also be a sure way of creating employment. Residents can be trained to maintain and repair the infrastructure and earn some income for their households. Economic solutions must ensure the reduction of reliance of local communities on alien plant species. Mukwada et al. (2018) established, for instance, that poorer households in communities in Phuthaditjhaba have the tendency to propagate alien species (for example, Acacia mearnsii), which serves as a source of fuelwood for lighting, heating and cooking and for other domestic purposes. Hence, the creation of employment opportunities will provide alternative means of income generation to such households and reduce the need to propagate species that promote environmental degradation and water insecurity.

6.6 Conclusion

The climate of the city of Phuthaditjhaba and its surrounding environment is changing. Both the temperature and the frequency of drought are increasing and impacting water security in the city. From the foregoing, it is evident that urban water security lies at the intersection of several interrelated goals, including those that are linked to the maintenance of the ecological integrity, social equity and economic viability in the local environment. The aim of SDG 1 is to reduce poverty, a global menace, and that of SDG 6 is to promote access to water and sanitation, while SDG 13 aims to strengthen resilience and adaptive capacity to cope with climate-related hazards and natural disasters. Based on the conditions that prevail in Phuthaditjhaba, meeting the three SDG goals simultaneously requires a careful analysis of the historical context of the local environment, as well as the ecological, social and economic imperatives, alongside national goals which pit water security against energy security amongst other conflicting endeavours. Hence, blaming climate change alone, while ignoring the culpabilities of water resource managers and planners will not solve the water crisis in Phuthaditjhaba. As shown in the results section of this chapter, climate change is only worsening a situation which is already untenable, characterized by conflicting demands, poor planning and governance at the local level and challenges inherited from South Africa’s historical legacy.