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Follow the Water: Soviet Legacy as Cross-Border Societal Interdependence

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Incomplete State-Building in Central Asia

Part of the book series: Critical Security Studies in the Global South ((CSSGS))

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Abstract

While “Soviet Legacy” in institutional terms has been a conventional variable in explaining statehood in the post-Soviet space, this chapter focuses on its social, rather than institutional dimension, specifically cross-border socio-economic interdependence, which persists, regardless of the evolved sovereignties, nationalisms, and borders. Specifically, the chapter addresses the roots of re-traditionalizing societal relations at the grassroots, such as community-based water management. It does not claim that community structures reemerged as the Soviet lid was finally opened and people could consciously choose a more “natural” path, as most literature presumes. Rather, it demonstrates which processes, patterns, and needs forced people to revive the pre-Soviet memories of community-based social order and survival strategies.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See for instance, McDowell, Christopher, ‘“Death to Sarts”: History, Injustice and a Complex Insult in Central Asia’, Anthropology Today, 28 (2012), 22–24.

  2. 2.

    For a comprehensive analysis of the different versions of historiography and ethnography of Central Asia, see Georg Geiss (2004).

  3. 3.

    The area between the grandest Central Asian rivers Amu Darya and Syr Darya, partially within the modern Fergana Valley

  4. 4.

    “The community-based irrigation system [in the Fergana Valley] consisted of big channels with 144 suv (water rights). This implied that 144 landowners had the right to use the water. The time for which every landowner could use the water was calculated by dividing the number of minutes in 24 h (1440) into the number of landowners (144). As an outcome of such calculation, theoretically, each land-owner was allocated 10 min of water flow into their land every day. However, in practical terms, it was very difficult to divide people into users per hours because of the large number of such users. Therefore, the villagers or community-members were divided into several groups, with each group being allocated water for one day (24 h). Each group waited for its turn in the line. Such lining-up was referred to as ‘peikal’” (Logofet’s description quoted in Dadabaev 2012, 160).

  5. 5.

    The expansion of the Russian Empire to Central Asia started from the late sixteenth century, when the strongest state in the region, the Kokand Khanate fell into a crisis. These territories were later inherited by the Soviet Union, after the revolution of 1918. For a comprehensive analysis of the crisis of the Three Khanates in Central Asia prior to the Russian expansion, see Sergey Abashin (2011).

  6. 6.

    Experts on religious law, some of whom were also invited from the ancient Babylon/Iraq.

  7. 7.

    It was this competition during the Soviet era that would be considered as inter-tribal conflicts.

  8. 8.

    As described elsewhere in the thesis: the system of taxation paid either in money or in kind (depending on a family’s economic opportunities) and connected to a moral duty to contribute to the resolution of the community’s needs.

  9. 9.

    This is why “nationality” in the Soviet terms means “ethnicity,” rather than “citizenship” as in the Western sense of the term.

  10. 10.

    The term “razmezhevanie” is the closest by the meaning to the term “parceling out” rather than “delimitation” as such.

  11. 11.

    Lenin’s program.

  12. 12.

    Additionally, in April 1922, the State Colonization Research Institute (Goskolonit) was established. Its goal was to develop a philosophical basis for the Soviet colonization, as opposed to the Western colonization. The Goskolonit came up with two concepts “colonization” (kolonizatsia) and “colonial exploitation” (kolonizatorstvo). The latter term was applied to the Soviet policy and was based on the redefinition of the relationships between the colonizer and the colonized (“the local indigenous populations,” defined as the “most valuable resource of the Soviet state”). The Soviet colonization had been rationalized through the concept of pereselenie (which in practice was internal displacement of people), justified by the “better matching of the needs of the peoples” (On colonization and pereselenie see: Iamzin, Iarilov, G.Gins, Willard Sunderland).

  13. 13.

    Gosudarstvennyj Arhiv Rossijskoj Federatsii, State Archive of the Russian Federation, Moscow.

  14. 14.

    Slezkine (1994) suggests the term “compensatory nation-building.” These concepts seem to be at the center of the historians’ debate about the nature of the Soviet empire. They reflect the views on the main question of this debate, which is whether there was a clash between the Soviet empire and the incipient nationalities. The debate is divided into two main camps. The first camp one propagates the empirical/colonial (in the Western classical sense of the term) nature of the Soviet state (See: Suny, Zaslavsky, Barkey, von Hagen). The second camp looks at the Soviet state as a double-level governance, with the category of nationality meant to unite the fragmented tribal populations and with the category of the homo sovieticus being a supra-national frame of reference to de-nationalize the peoples at the later stages of the socialist evolution (See: Hirsch, Motyl, Armstrong).

  15. 15.

    The idea of the “tactical nation states”.

  16. 16.

    For the petitions of Kazakhs who ended up in the territory of the Uzbek ASSR.

  17. 17.

    For the petitions of Uzbeks who ended up in the territory of the Kazakh SSR.

  18. 18.

    According to the Decree of Politburo TsK VKP(b), from 20 February 1930 (as part of the collectivization Decrees of November 1929–December 1930).

  19. 19.

    Velikij Perelom”: a Soviet ideological concept, introducing industrialization and collectivization to break past patterns of social relations.

  20. 20.

    Both referred to as “collectives” in the following text.

  21. 21.

    The idea of which was based on allowing the peasants to enrich themselves and the substitution of the unbearable tax (prodrazverstka) by a much lower tax (prodnalog), which was defined before the sowing period (so that the peasants could include the tax into their calculations to increase profits).

  22. 22.

    GARF, Moscow, f. 6987: On liquidation of Basmachi movements.

  23. 23.

    E.g., Khal Khodja in the Fergana.

  24. 24.

    Irgash in the Fergana Valley

  25. 25.

    Jomud Junaid Khan in Khorezm and part of Turkmen territories and Lokai Ibragim Beg in Gissar, Vakhsh, Dushanbe.

  26. 26.

    Madamin Beg in Fergana.

  27. 27.

    Zeki Velidi Togan.

  28. 28.

    Enver Pasha.

  29. 29.

    Died in 1922.

  30. 30.

    Reportedly, the Afghani and the Young Turk supports of Basmachi asked for help from the British Embassy, which denied to help them because they feared that the Muslims of India and of Turkestan could unite and weaken British influence in India.

  31. 31.

    Mustafa Kemal Atatürk modernization movement.

  32. 32.

    The relations between Russia and Turkey go back to the balance of powers during the First World War, which rationalized the support of one or another Turkish government by the Russian Empire and Bolsheviks subsequently.

  33. 33.

    Some Russian sources highlight the role of the external capital in the formation of the Basmachi movement. See for example: Zevelev et al. 1981.

  34. 34.

    The centralization of water management implied also the change of the courses of the rivers (GARF. f.6892. Bulletins No. 15, 16, 17, 21). The so-called agricultural and household zoning (raiyonirovanie/division into districts) in the Kara-Kyrgyz autonomous zone was comprised of the “zoning of the Commission under Gos. Plan with additions and corrections,” additional material was based on the materials of zoning of the Commission, the statistical yearbook 1917–1923, volumes 1 and 2, the tables of ‘perepis’” of 1917-1920s and the tables of the preliminary results of 1917s along the Dzhetysuj area (GARF 1921–1927, f.6984, op.1, No. 204., No.247).

  35. 35.

    The Kara-Kum Canal, for example, which transfers 12,9 km3 of water from Amu Darya along its 1400 km length every year and irrigates an area of c.1 million (Hannan & O’Hara 1998).

  36. 36.

    “Fergana Valley’s rich land and central location have attracted people for millennia. It is much a center for the region’s agriculture as it is for its industry and cultural history. Topographically, it is an enormous depression spanning 22,000 square kilometers between the mountain ranges of the Tien Shan in the north and the Gissar-Alai in the south. Approximately 300 km long and up to 70 km wide, it lies in eastern Uzbekistan, northern Tajikistan and the southern Kyrgyzstan” (ADB 2010).

  37. 37.

    The Law on Agricultural Land Management and its amendments was mainly related to the legal basis of agricultural land transactions and the parties involved in those transactions.

  38. 38.

    On the differences between them, see Richard Pomfret (2000) “Agrarian Reform in Uzbekistan: Why the Chinese Model Failed to Deliver”.

  39. 39.

    For instance, it was only in 2016 that Tajikistan signed the Law on Dekhan Farms (May 2016), which strengthens the equitable land use rights (US Embassy Dushanbe 2016).

  40. 40.

    Mainly focusing on the Aral Sea problem. Other regional Agreements on water include: Agreement between the Governments of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, and the Republic of Uzbekistan on the use of water and energy resources of the Syr Darya basin 1998; Agreement between Belarus, Russia, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan on the Main Principles of Interaction in the Field of Rational Use and Protection of the Transboundary Water Bodies 1998; Agreement between the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Republic of Uzbekistan; CIS Agreement on rational management and protection of transboundary waterbodies, which entered into force for Belarus, Tajikistan, and the Russian Federation on 6 June 2002.

  41. 41.

    Created through the Almaty Agreement (1992).

  42. 42.

    Ministries in charge: The Water Resources Committee of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Protection (Kazakhstan), the Ministry of Reclamation and Water Management (Tajikistan), the Ministry of Water Management and Agriculture (Uzbekistan), the Ministry of Water Management and Agriculture (Kyrgyzstan), and the Ministry of Reclamation and Water Management (Turkmenistan).

  43. 43.

    Because the second tier is already within the national jurisdictions of the states; conducted by respective local authorities.

  44. 44.

    Law of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Water and Water Use, art. 3, 1993; Water Code of the Republic of Tajikistan 2020, art. 8; Constitution of the Republic of Tajikistan, art. 13, amended 2016; Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic 2021, art. 16.

  45. 45.

    As the flow of water varies from year to year, even if it is known that on average, the water flow in Amu Darya is 75 cubic kilometers and 36 – in Syr Darya.

  46. 46.

    Shared by three states; built during the Soviet period.

  47. 47.

    Baseline surveys: randomly selected number of water users (60‒90) within each WUA were surveyed on the existing situation of agricultural production, water use, and their contribution into the operation and maintenance of the irrigation systems (Nizamedinkhodjaeva 2007).

  48. 48.

    See ACTED interactive maps http://www.acted.org/en/world-map-acted-2014.

  49. 49.

    The function of maintenance of social infrastructure (which used to be in the competence of the collective farms), such as the rural schools, clinics, roads, and water drinking systems was delegated to the village councils as well.

  50. 50.

    Average annual flow is 0,4 km3.

  51. 51.

    Constructed in 1971, began operation in 1975.

  52. 52.

    The Isfara is the last tributary contributing to flow in the BFC; the implication being that some of the flow of the Isfara River will re-enter Tajikistan through the BFC channel (Pak et al. 2014, 232–234).

  53. 53.

    In total, there were 6 Protocols before independence: 1946, 1958, April 1980, June 1980, 1982, 1991.

  54. 54.

    In the Kirov (now Besharyk) province of the Uzbek SSR, four pump stations—Uzbekistan (completed in 1972, lift 35 m, irrigated area 250 ha) Rapkon 2 (1974), Rapkon 2 (1980), and Bahmal (1984); additional pump station in Besharyk (in 1978). In the Tajik Khanibodom district, three pump stations were constructed: Mahram (1975), Shurkul (1980), and Poymennaya (1983) (Pak et al. 2014).

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Akchurina, V. (2022). Follow the Water: Soviet Legacy as Cross-Border Societal Interdependence. In: Incomplete State-Building in Central Asia. Critical Security Studies in the Global South. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14182-9_4

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